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### Viewing cable 04AMMAN6951, QIZ GARMENT FACTORIES IN JORDAN: STITCHING A NEW

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
04AMMAN6951 | 2004-08-18 05:01 | 2011-08-24 01:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Embassy Amman

`

    This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

` `

    UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 AMMAN 006951

    SIPDIS

    SENSITIVE

    STATE FOR NEA/LEA
    STATE PASS TO USTR - C. NOVELLI, E. SAUMS

    E.O. 12958: N/A
    TAGS: SOCI ETRD PREL KTIA ECON ELAB IS JO
    SUBJECT: QIZ GARMENT FACTORIES IN JORDAN: STITCHING A NEW
    SOCIAL FABRIC

    REF: AMMAN 4250

    ¶1. (SBU) SUMMARY:  Qualifying Industrial Zones (QIZs) in
    Jordan have created thousands of semi-skilled industrial
    jobs, attracted foreign investment, and increased exports.
    Less evident are the ensuing impacts that the factories have
    had on individuals, families, and villages - particularly in
    the conservative rural areas of the country.  Persistent
    concerns about factory jobs include mixing of men and women,
    misperceptions about foreign laborers, and cooperation with
    Israelis in QIZ operations.  Balanced against these negative
    perceptions are the social and economic benefits of
    manufacturing operations.  Particularly on the level of
    individual workers, QIZ jobs are instrumental in giving a new
    generation of Jordanian women more influence over personal
    finances, limited independence and mobility, exposure to new
    cultures, and gratification from providing their families
    with income.  Challenges for the future include instilling a
    mentality of industrialism in the Jordanian workforce and
    battling Jordanian public misconceptions about the nature of
    factory work.  END SUMMARY.

    ----------------------------------------
    BACKGROUND, DEMOGRAPHICS, AND OPERATIONS
    ----------------------------------------

    ¶2. (SBU) Established as a result of Jordan,s 1994 peace
    treaty with Israel, Qualifying Industrial Zones (QIZs) are
    host to more than 50 garment factories and provide jobs for
    some 22,000 Jordanian workers per year.  Approximately half
    of these are women from rural areas who have very few
    alternatives for employment.  According to several women, as
    many as 90 percent of the young men and women in their
    villages are currently working in a QIZ factory.  Each
    factory provides transportation for the workers from their
    homes, which are typically a 30-45 minute bus-ride from the
    factory but can be as far as 1.5 hours away.  Normal shifts
    are six days a week, eight hours a day, though at least two
    hours of overtime daily are usually expected.  Laborers earn
    little more than the minimum wage of 85 JD per month; (the
    average monthly wage in Jordan across all sectors is
    approximately 200 JD).  Conditions in these factories are
    generally good; labor rights are closely monitored by
    American buyers, the Ministry of Labor, and labor unions (Ref
    A).

    ¶3. (SBU) The majority of female Jordanian QIZ laborers are
    between the ages of 19 and 25 and unmarried.  New workers
    join cutting and finishing lines, and more experienced
    Jordanians join foreign workers on sewing lines and in
    quality control departments.  Most Jordanian men work in the
    packing and shipping departments, while a small number of
    foreign men among the 15,000 foreign QIZ laborers (largely
    South and East Asians) work alongside the women in sewing.
    Most QIZ workers graduated from high school but did not score
    high enough on exams to go to public universities, and a
    handful are current university students working during summer
    vacation.  The vast majority of women who Emboffs met during
    factory visits indicated that even if they wanted to continue
    employment after marriage, their husbands would oblige them
    to work at home unless the family was desperate for
    additional money.

    ¶4. (SBU) Research for this report included tours of 12
    factories in different regions of Jordan, brief exchanges
    with individuals on the production lines, and hour-long
    interviews with small groups of investors, managers, and 25
    Jordanian laborers.  Most of these laborers were selected
    randomly and interviewed away from their employers with the
    help of embassy FSN translators.

    --------------------------------------------- ---------------
    FEARS, RUMORS, AND MISCONCEPTIONS: REACTIONS TO FACTORY WORK
    --------------------------------------------- ---------------

    ¶5. (SBU) The creation of non-traditional workplaces such as
    QIZ factories have generated negative reactions in some
    conservative quarters of Jordan.  Foremost is the concern
    that women are working with unknown men and unsupervised by
    family members.  While women and men usually work in separate
    departments and have limited interaction with each other,
    public concern about inappropriate gender relations is the
    primary factor preventing families from letting their female
    family members work.

    ¶6. (SBU) In Jordanian culture, even unsubstantiated rumors of
    flirtation or promiscuity can prove damaging.  This concern
    is abated for many female workers whose male uncles, cousins,
    or brothers work in the same factory and can be aware of
    other workers, activities.  Still, female laborers express
    dismay that many men refuse to marry a girl who has ever
    worked in a factory, assuming she would have had unsupervised
    relationships with other men and judging her family to be
    incapable of providing for her.  Men working in the factories
    said they would not want their wives or sisters to work
    there, defending themselves as able to provide for their own
    family.

    ¶7. (SBU) Working with foreigners from South and East Asia is
    initially a major concern for employees, though after several
    weeks it ends up being one highlight of the job.  Jordanians
    were most concerned about the language barrier and cultural
    differences, including some of the clothing foreign girls
    wear to work.  One woman who had been working in a factory
    for several years said she has seen new Jordanian employees
    arrive for the first day and, after seeing so many Asian
    workers, not come back because they were worried about SARS.
    Jordan University Professor of Sociology Musa Shteiwi
    confirmed hearing several rumors that the foreigners in QIZs
    are prostitutes.  He stressed that in most cases this label
    was being applied to girls who were just talking to or
    walking alone with men - activities which may be considered
    harmless in their countries but raise suspicions in Jordan.

    ¶8. (SBU) Over time, observers note, fears of working with the
    foreigners subside, and with a little new vocabulary and a
    lot of gesturing, many become friends.  "I get postcards -
    and even a couple phone calls - from my friends who have
    returned to China," exclaimed one woman, explaining that she
    had invited foreign friends to spend weekends at home with
    her family.  Other women agreed that working with foreigners
    has made them more open-minded and accepting of different
    cultures.

    ¶9. (SBU) Predictably, another snag about working in QIZs is
    their association with Israeli businesses.  To qualify for
    quota- and duty-free access to the U.S., garments must
    contain at least eight percent content from Israel.  Because
    Israeli goods and labor are much more expensive than products
    from Asia, Jordanian QIZs only use small items such as
    zippers, buttons, and thread from Israel.  But even a minor
    contribution from such a controversial partner has generated
    a backlash.  Some groups scorn QIZ laborers for making
     dirty money.,  Most workers said that people in their home
    towns or cities thought the factories were all owned and
    operated by Israelis and did not believe that investors were
    largely Chinese, Pakistani, or Indian.

    ¶10. (SBU) The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has contributed
    more to the negative perceptions of QIZs than any other
    factor, according to Amer Hadidi, the Director of Industrial
    Development at the GOJ Ministry of Industry of Trade (protect
    source).  Hadidi noted "a very clear and direct relationship
    between resistance to working for QIZs and increased problems
    in the West Bank," which have both increased significantly
    over the last four years.  Hadidi emphasized that mosques are
    seen as the most legitimate institution in conservative areas
    of Amman, and some fuel dissent over QIZs; some vocal prayer
    leaders and Islamic political activists exaggerate the
    benefits Israel receives from QIZs.

    ¶11. (SBU) Hadidi also explained that labor unions can also be
    highly politicized and speak out against cooperating with
    Israelis.  Bruce Mathews, a USAID-funded advisor to the
    Minister of Labor, expressed frustration that the media does
    not want to be associated with the positive aspects of QIZs.
    He noted that there have been some articles in Arabic papers
    outlining the economic benefits of factory employment but
    none showing the positive social effects.  To combat these
    negative public perceptions, the Ministry of Labor is
    launching a media campaign over TV and radio highlighting the
    value of work and encouraging women to consider
    non-traditional jobs.

    -----------------------------------
    QIZS PROVIDE INCREASED INDEPENDENCE
    -----------------------------------

    ¶12. (SBU) Despite the somewhat negative reactions to factory
    work among rural and urban conservatives alike, workers
    themselves are relieved to get out of the house and
    positively contribute to their families, lifestyles.  The
    women unanimously agreed that working in a factory is "better
    than staying at home," where they would usually be "bored,
    watching TV, and wasting time."  Increased responsibility is
    evidenced by the fact that, in many cases, the women
    themselves initiate the desire to work, having to convince
    their families to let them go.  Only after tours of the QIZs
    and assurances from managers do parents relent, according to
    Human Resource Managers in several different factories.

    ¶13. (SBU) For many girls, working has enabled them to travel
    unaccompanied outside their cities for the first time.  This
    is most dramatically the case in three factories that house
    some of the Jordanian women who live more than an hour away
    in dorms within the QIZ.  One dorm resident said, "of course
    I felt lonely in the beginning, but now the other girls in my
    dorm are like family."  Others agreed, laughing that when
    they do go home on weekends, their families are happier to
    see them than if they came home every day.

    ¶14. (SBU) Additionally, working in the factories has given
    women friends, contacts, and exposure to other regions in
    Jordan.  "I never imagined I would be able to meet people
    from so many places - not only from different countries but
    also from different cities within Jordan," exclaimed one girl
    from a small village near Irbid.  Such friendships may go a
    long way towards encouraging independence as women have more
    interaction with individuals outside of the more traditional
    family and village networks.  For now, however, women working
    in the factories explained that they do not visit friends,
    houses for an evening unless their families know each other.

    --------------------
    ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT
    --------------------

    ¶15. (SBU) The control each woman has over how her paycheck is
    spent varies widely depending on her family,s situation and
    resources.  For those who have brothers with jobs, the
    monthly payment is only a small supplement to the family,s
    income; these women are able to pay for their own clothes,
    entertainment, and even education.  In fewer cases, women are
    the only income-earning member of their family, responsible
    for the welfare of their parents and younger siblings while
    also expected to do most of the housework after coming home.
    On average, women give two-thirds of each check to their
    father and spend one-third on themselves.

    ¶16. (SBU) Much of the money spent on themselves is used to
    buy gifts for family members, including, for example, a
    bicycle for younger brothers or jewelry for grandmothers.
    The ability to spend their own money and buy gifts is a
    strong incentive to work overtime and exceed production
    quotas, for which each company gives bonus awards.  Etaf
    Halasseh, a manager of the Village Program at the Ministry of
    Labor which provides subsidies for Jordanian women to live in
    the dorms at Al-Tajamouat QIZ, was amazed to see the changes
    in attitudes and appearances of women who had worked at the
    factories.  Without having to depend on their parents for an
    allowance, these women were "cleaner, and had bought makeup
    and nicer head-scarves."  Halasseh also noted that the women
    in the Village Program were healthier, as they were fed three
    times a day at the factories, something their families were
    often unable to provide.

    ¶17. (SBU) Though skeptical at first, families who decide to
    allow females to work in the factories are largely supportive
    of their work and extend greater trust in their relations
    with strangers, according to most Jordanian factory workers.
    Although the wages women earn are generally supplemental to
    other sources of income for a family, working and bringing
    home a paycheck has begun to change the young women,s role
    at home.  With some exceptions, employed women say they are
    no longer entirely responsible for cooking, cleaning, or
    taking care of younger children.  These women still assist
    with chores, but their household help is no longer expected
    or taken for granted by other family members.

    ¶18. (SBU) Most companies distribute payments in cash once a
    month, but at least one has established a bank account with
    an ATM card for each employee and makes direct deposits of
    the paychecks.  Women in this factory liked being bank
    customers and learning personal accounting skills, saying it
    made them feel "professional."

    --------------------------------------------- --------------
    COMMENT: IMPACTS FOR INDIVIDUALS, FAMILIES, AND COMMUNITIES
    --------------------------------------------- --------------

    ¶19. (SBU) With a high percentage of young men and women in
    several villages working in QIZ factories over the last three
    to four years, garment factories are slowly changing the
    social and economic relationships of employees within their
    families and villages.  That so many women on their own
    initiative begin working in QIZs is remarkable in traditional
    Jordan; these women are willing to go against negative public
    stereotypes about working with foreigners and to risk losing
    marriage proposals because of their factory experience.  For
    most women, the small amount of money they earn on the
    production line does not allow them to influence drastically
    family purchases or their own personal savings.  It does,
    however, give them pride and satisfaction to contribute to
    their families, quality of life, as they attest.

    ¶20. (SBU) Until more balanced and informed opinions about
    gender relations, foreign workers, and Israeli partnerships
    convince the wider population that QIZ factories can improve
    quality of life, these factories will remain a source of some
    skepticism and disharmony.  Even for individuals and families
    that experience the social and economic benefits of these job
    opportunities first hand, there is little incentive or
    capacity to speak out against misinformation often spread by
    anti-Israeli factions.  Likewise, foreign investors and
    owners of the factories are concerned about sustainable
    business prospects rather than long-term effects on the
    Jordanian population.  While they may try hard to offer
    decent jobs, they prefer to steer clear of political
    arguments and media attention.
    HALE

`