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### Viewing cable 08SANSALVADOR321, WHA/CEN DIRECTOR FEELEY VISIT TO EL SALVADOR

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
08SANSALVADOR321 | 2008-03-14 19:58 | 2011-06-17 23:00 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy San Salvador
Appears in these articles: http://www.wikileaks.elfaro.net/es/201106/notas/4412/

`

    VZCZCXYZ0012
    PP RUEHWEB

    DE RUEHSN #0321/01 0741958
    ZNY CCCCC ZZH
    P 141958Z MAR 08
    FM AMEMBASSY SAN SALVADOR
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 9182
    INFO RUEHZA/WHA CENTRAL AMERICAN COLLECTIVE
    RUEHME/AMEMBASSY MEXICO 6688

` `

    C O N F I D E N T I A L SAN SALVADOR 000321

    SIPDIS

    SIPDIS

    DEPT FOR WHA/CEN JOHN FEELEY AND HILLARY THOMPSON
    DEPT FOR WHA/MEX

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/16/2017
    TAGS: PGOV PREL ES KDEM MX
    SUBJECT: WHA/CEN DIRECTOR FEELEY VISIT TO EL SALVADOR

    Classified By: Ambassador Charles L. Glazer, Reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)

    ¶1. (U) SUMMARY: From March 4-7, WHA/CEN Director John Feeley
    visited El Salvador as part of a regional visit focused on
    the Merida Initiative. During the visit, Feeley attended the
    Ambassador's speech to the American Chamber of Commerce in El
    Salvador, discussed the Merida Initiative with Deputy Foreign
    Minister Calix, and discussed Salvadoran electoral politics
    with prominent figures across the political spectrum. End
    Summary.

    ¶2. (U) WHA/CEN Director John Feeley visited El Salvador March
    4-7 as part of a regional visit to discuss progress on the
    Merida initiative in Washington.  Feeley kicked off his visit
    by attending Ambassador Glazer's speech to the American
    Chamber of Commerce of El Salvador which focused on the need
    for the Salvadoran private sector to become more involved in
    working towards a solution to El Salvador's public security
    problems.

    ¶3. (C) Feeley and PolCouns met with Deputy Foreign Minister
    Eduardo Calix on March 5.  Calix was accompanied by Nelson
    Amaya, Deputy Director General for Foreign Policy.  Calix, in
    his capacity as President Pro Tempore of SICA, welcomed
    Feeley's visit in order to clarify confusion that had emerged
    among several Central American countries about Plan Merida.
    Calix said the Central American countries had the impression
    that the regional security plan they had been developing in
    response to President Bush's request in March 2007 was
    somehow a different exercise than Plan Merida, which appeared
    to have a Central American component grafted on to a
    Mexico-centric proposal.  Feeley explained that in practice,
    the regional security plan and Plan Merida were - and had to
    be - the same thing, since there was no other mechanism on
    the horizon to respond to the Central American needs.
    Ironically, he said, Mexico feels like their initiative has
    been hijacked by the Central American countries, and vice
    versa.

    ¶4. (C) Later on March 5, Feeley and Poloff met with Roberto
    Rubio-Fabian, director of the Fundacion Nacional para el
    Desarollo (FUNDE), a left-of-center research and development
    think-tank.  Rubio, an FMLN spokesman during the 1980's
    describes his current relationship with the FMLN as one "from
    a distance." He said that he was worried about ARENA since
    there were really no good candidates left in the running.
    What remained was to choose "the best of a bad group."  Rubio
    claimed that Rodrigo Avila, the former Director of the
    National Civilian Police and presumptive front-runner for the
    ARENA nomination, was not a good candidate and would be an
    even worse President.  An Avila candidacy "would be fatal" to
    ARENA.  The Salvadoran electorate is looking for change,
    Rubio added, and if an ARENA candidate merely offers "more of
    the same," he cannot win.

    ¶5. (C) Rubio said Luis Mario Rodriguez would be a better
    candidate and referred to him as the "Obama" of the ARENA
    candidates saying that he offered the most tangible
    opportunity for change within the party.  Unlike the other
    candidates, Rodriguez would not be divisive.  He added that
    Rodriguez was gaining the support of the large business
    interests which wield very significant power in Salvadoran
    politics.  That said, he added that Saca was, in his opinion,
    the most powerful Salvadoran president in recent times, and
    that Avila was Saca's candidate.

    ¶6. (C) The FMLN, according to Rubio, has begun the long
    process of change, for the better, in both its discourse and
    its beliefs.  He said that what remained to be seen about the
    Funes candidacy was whether Funes would shape the Frente or
    if the Frente would shape Funes.  How Funes would ultimately
    manage to connect with the FMLN is still very uncertain as is
    what the process will cost Funes in terms of his autonomy.
    Though Funes is a strong candidate, he still has significant
    hurdles to overcome including funding for his candidacy (the
    Venezuela factor) and how to gain the support of the upper
    class.  Rubio concluded the meeting by saying that ARENA
    could still wi if it managed to "get itself together" and
    avoi the temptation to resort to electoral fraud. He aded
    that corruption in President Saca's inner cirle could also
    damage the party.

    ¶7. (C) Feeleyand EconCouns met March 5 with Alexander
    Segovia the economic advisor to FMLN presidential candidae
    Mauricio Funes.  Segovia is an Oxford-educated economist who
    has worked for USAID, IDB, UNDP andseveral other IOs and
    NGOs. Segovia is a member of an organization called "Friends
    of Mauricio" which aspires to be a "third way" in Salvadoran
    politics.  The group includes former ARENA party members,
    students, entrepreneurs, people who had never voted before
    and anyone interested in supporting Funes.  The group intends
    to build, what Segovia describes as significant support from
    Salvadorans at home and abroad into a social movement to act
    as a counterweight to both ARENA and, if needed, the old
    guard of the FMLN.

    ¶8. (C) The death of Schafik Handal in 2006 was a turning
    point for the FMLN, according to Segovia.  He said that it
    brought the party closer together and that there is now a
    good, collegial relationship within the party.  The FMLN has
    given Funes plenty of autonomy.  Neither Segovia nor Funes is
    a member of the FMLN, but to satisfy Salvadoran
    Constitutional election requirements, the latter will have to
    join before the election.  When asked which of the ARENA
    pre-candidates the FMLN feared most, Segovia replied "none of
    them."  He thought that Avila had received the "dedazo" from
    Saca, but would not completely rule out Mario Luis Rodriguez
    because "he too is one of Saca's guys."  He thought that Vice
    President de Escobar had no chance whatsoever to gain the nod
    from ARENA on March 15.  Segovia said that according to their
    polls Avila had the better name recognition, but none of the
    ARENA pre-candidates polled particularly well.  The one
    candidate that he would have feared was Roberto Murray Meza,
    because in Segovia's opinion Murray Meza was the one person
    who could have united all of the capital power of ARENA.
    Segovia said he realizes that ARENA will fight a very hard
    campaign, no matter who becomes their candidate.

    ¶9. (C) Segovia said that in the recent past Gerson Martinez
    authored the FMLN's economic policy.  He described Martinez
    as a moderate and that the two of them got along well.  This
    time, it is Segovia who is the chief drafter of the economic
    policy, but he will be working closely with Martinez.  They
    expect to have the economic plan completed by the end of
    April.  Dollarization, he said, is here to stay.  One of
    their other basic principles will be to keep CAFTA and strong
    relations with the USG, because of the strong trade,
    bilateral and familial relations between the two countries.
    He expects to expand FTAs to other countries as well and
    noted that the private sector plays a crucial role in the
    economy.

    ¶10. (C) Segovia said they have met and will continue to meet
    with the private sector (he mentioned Roberto Kriete by name)
    and assured that there would be no nationalization and no
    expropriations under a Funes government.  Segovia said what
    they wanted was for everyone to be treated equally and to
    address the income disparity in the country.  He believes
    that the government has been used by a privileged few to
    protect their interests and keep the majority of wealth
    concentrated in a handful of powerful interests.  One of the
    things they will seek to accomplish early on in a Funes
    presidency is fiscal reform.  Segovia said he was aware of
    (and may have worked on) some of the fiscal reform programs
    that USAID had supported in Guatemala, and he would look to
    do something similar in El Salvador.

    ¶11. (C) Finally, Feeley and PolCouns met with Salvador
    Samayoa, peace accords negotiator and member of the National
    Development Commission.  Samayoa reported on ongoing efforts
    between FDR, CD and PDC to form a coalition to back a single
    presidential candidate (Arturo Zablah) and a combined list
    for the national Assembly.  Samayoa said that in the ongoing
    ARENA contest, Rodrigo Avila had President Saca's support,
    but that Luis Mario Rodriguez could eventually come out on
    top if disgruntled business interests in ARENA managed to
    derail Avila's candidacy, something Samayoa saw as unlikely.
    GLAZER

`