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### Viewing cable 06PARIS741, TOGO: EX-MINISTER BOKO DISCUSSES RECENT EVENTS

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
06PARIS741 | 2006-02-03 15:03 | 2010-12-09 21:09 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Paris

`

    VZCZCXRO5506
    RR RUEHPA
    DE RUEHFR #0741/01 0341536
    ZNY CCCCC ZZH
    R 031536Z FEB 06
    FM AMEMBASSY PARIS
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 3915
    INFO RUEHZK/ECOWAS COLLECTIVE
    RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 1163
    RUEHWD/AMEMBASSY WINDHOEK 0279
    RUEHSK/AMEMBASSY MINSK 0091
    RUEHROV/AMEMBASSY VATICAN 0012

` `

    C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 PARIS 000741

    SIPDIS

    SIPDIS

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/03/2016
    TAGS: PREL PHUM MARR PINR TO FR
    SUBJECT: TOGO: EX-MINISTER BOKO DISCUSSES RECENT EVENTS
    AND HIS PLANS TO ENTER POLITICAL FRAY

    REF: A. 05 PARIS 4103
    ¶B. LOME 55
    ¶C. PARIS 553
    ¶D. 05 PARIS 952
    ¶E. 05 PARIS 1229

    PARIS 00000741 001.2 OF 004

    Classified By: Political Minister-Counselor Josiah Rosenblatt, reasons
    1.4 (b/d).

    ¶1. (C) SUMMARY: Togo's former Interior Minister Francois
    Boko on January 31 discussed Togo-Cote d'Ivoire arms
    trafficking (planes piloted by Belarusian mercenaries were
    involved in the November 2004 bombings in Cote d'Ivoire and
    had transited Togo, but France did not pursue information
    Boko says he provided); political developments in Togo
    (President Faure uninterested in reform, continues to allow
    and benefit from illicit activities of his associates); and
    Boko's intentions to play a public role in Togo-related
    politics. Boko and the head of the Paris law firm that
    employs him also offered brief comments on China's activities
    in Africa. END SUMMARY.

    ¶2. (C) At his invitation, we met on January 31 with
    Francois Boko, who had served as Togo's Interior Minister
    until April 2005, when he was removed from office, took
    refuge in the German Embassy, and then left for exile in
    France. Boko had broken ranks with the GoT by calling for
    the postponement of elections in Togo in view of the
    instability building during the pre-election period (Ref A).

    TOGO-COTE d'IVOIRE ARMS TRAFFICKING
    -----------------------------------
    ¶3. (C) Boko commented extensively on the links between Togo
    and the November 6, 2004, bombing in Cote d'Ivoire, when GOCI
    forces attacked a French military base, killing nine French
    soldiers and an Amcit civilian. He said that the two
    Sukhoi-25 aircraft used in the bombing had been provided to
    the GOCI by former French gendarme Robert Montoya (Refs B and
    C). Montoya had obtained these and other aircraft and
    military equipment from Belarus and had also engaged
    Belarusian pilots and technicians. The planes had arrived
    unassembled in Togo, where they were assembled and then flown
    to Cote d'Ivoire. Boko said that the GoT leadership and
    military were aware of the presence of the planes and
    pilots/technicians in Togo. Boko said that French forces
    also had to be aware of their presence because the Belarusian
    planes were kept at the same Lome air facility the French
    were using to operate their own air missions in support of
    French forces in Cote d'Ivoire.

    ¶4. (C) After the November 6 bombings, Boko said that he had
    had the Belarusian pilots/technicians arrested when they
    returned to Togo from Cote d'Ivoire. He said that there were
    nine of them. Boko said he furnished details about their
    identities and activities to the French, through France's
    Embassy in Lome and also through direct contact with General
    Poncet, who then commanded France's Operation Licorne in Cote
    d'Ivoire. Boko thought there would be high French interest
    in the information he had conveyed but was surprised when the
    French did not express much interest. After holding the nine
    Belarusians for about two weeks, Boko was told by the French
    (including General Poncet, who communicated directly with
    Boko) to release them. The only explanation he received
    (again including from General Poncet) was that France "was
    not looking to complicate relations with Belarus over this
    matter."

    ¶5. (C) Boko said he found this lack of French interest
    surprising inasmuch as the bombing had resulted in the deaths
    of French soldiers. He predicted that a scandal was brewing
    that might erupt once French judicial investigation (Ref C,
    paras 6-7) of the case unearthed more facts. Boko said that
    recent French media reports on the "discovery" of a second
    set of planes in Lome, along with their connection to
    Montoya, were in fact an old story that the press should have
    reported a year ago. This issue was "news" only because of
    Judge Brigitte Raynaud's investigation, itself prompted by
    legal claims on the part of the families of the soldiers
    killed in the raid. The planes had been sitting unused at
    the Lome air facility since the time of the bombings in Cote
    d'Ivoire.

    ¶6. (C) Boko said that Robert Montoya was among the group of
    French and other non-Togolese that had long had access to the
    Eyadema regime. This group, which included Charles Debbasch
    (Ref D), was involved in a great deal of nefarious activity
    in Togo, Boko asserted, and had always enjoyed the protection
    of the regime. Boko said that after the French press this

    PARIS 00000741 002.2 OF 004

    past week had begun reporting on Montoya, his arms
    trafficking, and his connection to Cote d'Ivoire, Montoya's
    wife went to a notary in Togo who handled Montoya's
    businesses. This notary, according to Boko, dissolved all of
    Montoya's businesses and then created new ones, but listed
    different owners. This, Boko said, was done to protect
    Montoya's assets should legal action be taken against him or
    his companies. Boko said that the GoT had issued Debbasch a
    Togolese diplomatic passport as a form of protection. Even
    though Debbasch had been convicted of financial offenses in
    France and was therefore subject to arrest (Ref E), Boko
    claims that Debbasch traveled to France to celebrate the
    December 2005 holidays without, apparently, being hindered by
    the GoF.

    7, (U) See concluding paragraphs of this message for recent
    media reports on the investigation into the November 6, 2004,
    bombing.

    DEVELOPMENTS IN TOGO
    --------------------
    ¶8. (C) Boko said that Faure was making no effort to
    institute reform and seemed content to live within the
    structures Eyadema had left for him. Boko related that the
    small inner circle surrounding Faure (which included
    foreigners such as Montoya and Debbasch) continued to carry
    out their illicit activities, which benefited themselves and
    Faure as well. This reliance on criminal or quasi-criminal
    activities allowed Faure to lead a comfortable, if not
    luxurious, life, and provided no incentive for him to
    institute the kinds of reforms that might make Togo more
    acceptable to international lenders or private sector
    investors. All of which was very bad for Togo, in Boko's
    view.

    ¶9. (C) Boko noted Faure's inability to gain international
    "recognition." No one of significance wanted to meet with
    him and he could be considered a pariah internationally. One
    of his only formal trips abroad had been to Iran, and who
    needed Iran's blessing, Boko asked rhetorically. Boko said
    that Faure had nine wives, one of whom was a cousin of
    opposition leader Gilchrist Olympio (see below), with another
    being the daughter of Ghana's President Kufuor. Boko said
    these marriages were useful for Faure politically.

    BOKO EXASPERATED WITH THE FRENCH
    --------------------------------
    ¶10. (C) Throughout the meeting, Boko expressed dismay with
    French attitudes towards Togo. The French apparently did not
    want to pursue the November 2004 bombing and the links with
    Togo and Belarus, but this reticence, he again predicted,
    could become more problematic if Judge Raynaud's
    investigation gained traction with the media. (NOTE: French
    investigative judges have a great deal of independence and
    can pursue investigations that in some cases the rest of the
    GoF might not want investigated. END NOTE.) Boko said the
    French also did not seem concerned about Faure and his
    failure to reform. Exasperated, Boko said France appeared
    ready to do what it has done so many times before -- back
    "the man of the moment" so long as "the man" can ensure some
    degree of stability. Boko noted that the French had invested
    so much in Eyadema that they perhaps could not contemplate
    starting from scratch. He acknowledged that events in Cote
    d'Ivoire, after Houphouet's death, may have served as a
    lesson to the French in terms of seeking stability rather
    than letting chaos ensue when a dynasty ends.

    BOKO'S POLITICAL AMBITIONS
    --------------------------
    ¶11. (C) Boko confided that he was soon going to re-enter
    the Togolese political scene. He was scheduled to be the
    main speaker at a February 4 event in Paris to which all
    Togolese, the press, and friends of Togo were invited. He
    explained that he was not speaking at this event to proclaim
    himself as the "opposition's new leader," but instead hoped
    that the meeting would allow for open discussion of events in
    Togo and serve as a vehicle for uniting the Togolese diaspora.

    ¶12. (C) Boko said he planned to speak on three general
    themes: (1) the need for Togo's opposition leaders and
    members of the diaspora to put aside factional differences
    and meet together to discuss Togo's future and adopt a common
    roadmap for progress; (2) the need to reassure and win over
    Togo's military by explaining that "reform" was not directed
    against the military; and (3) the need to unite in demanding
    that Togo's constitution and laws be respected, particularly
    concerning presidential succession.

    PARIS 00000741 003.2 OF 004

    ¶13. (C) Boko at an earlier meeting revealed that the GoF,
    upon allowing him to live in France, suggested that he not
    get involved in politics. Pressed about this, Boko countered
    that he was not a formal "political refugee" and that he was
    therefore not subject to GoF control over his activities. He
    did say, however, that he had informed the GoF that he would
    not speak publicly about "sensitive" issues, such as the
    Montoya affair or Togo's role in international drug
    smuggling. He told the French that he would focus on Togo's
    future and how to instill political change in a positive
    manner. Boko indicated that GoF security elements provide
    intermittent surveillance of his home and workplace to
    protect him and his family.

    RIVALRY WITH OLYMPIO?
    ---------------------
    ¶14. (C) Boko said he did not have much contact with
    Gilchrist Olympio, who seemed to want to avoid Boko and who
    resented the possibility of Boko's becoming a new opposition
    figure. In Boko's opinion, Olympio was past his prime and
    should understand that a new generation was on the scene. It
    was futile for Olympio to try to refight political battles
    dating back to the 1960s, when Eyadema ousted Olympio's
    father from power and may have been involved in his death.
    Boko was very annoyed that after the February 4 meeting was
    announced in December, Olympio a few weeks later announced a
    meeting of his own, to take place at the same time and on the
    same date as Boko's February 4 meeting. To Boko, this was a
    ham-fisted attempt to disrupt Boko's meeting. Boko said the
    Togolese community harshly criticized Olympio's announcement.
    Realizing his error, Olympio had not said anything further
    about holding his meeting and Boko was not sure it would take
    place. Boko expected 400-500 to attend Boko's meeting.

    ¶15. (C) Boko also criticized Olympio for his willingness to
    meet with and possibly curry favor with Faure. He noted that
    Olympio seemed to go out of his way to travel to places where
    he knew he would have a chance to meet with Faure. This,
    Boko claimed, discredited Olympio in the eyes of the Togolese
    diaspora. As a parting shot, Boko said that Olympio suffered
    credibility problems because Faure was married to one of
    Olympio's relatives.

    ¶16. (C) COMMENT: It was not clear from Boko's remarks the
    extent to which he is prepared to anoint himself a leader (or
    THE leader) of the Togolese opposition. He denied that he
    intended to do so, speaking of his simple desire to unite the
    Togolese people. Still, his own ambition did not lie deeply
    below the surface of his comments, and we will try to assess
    his motives as well as the degree to which the Togolese
    community views him as a new leader. END COMMENT.

    ¶17. (SBU) BIO NOTE: Boko said he was happy working at the
    law offices of Alain Feneon, where he is one of five lawyers
    engaged in facilitating the work of non-African companies in
    Africa. He said, however, that he was applying for one of
    the four vacant vice-presidency positions at the African
    Development Bank. At the same time, his French-citizen wife
    was applying for a position at the EU in Brussels, which
    would require commuting daily by TGV. He said he did not
    know how feasible obtaining either job would be, as they
    would both place strains on the Boko household, which would
    be complicated by the birth of his second child within the
    next few weeks. Boko said the couple also had a
    nine-year-old son.

    VISIT TO LAW OFFICE, COMMENTS ON CHINA
    --------------------------------------
    18, (C) Boko offered a tour of his law office, where we met
    with the firm's head, Alain Feneon (PROTECT THROUGHOUT). The
    firm is heavily engaged in providing consulting services and
    legal advice to companies doing business in Africa and to a
    few African groups seeking opportunities in Europe. The firm
    has operated since 1978 and Feneon has been closely involved
    in the OHADA project to harmonize the commercial and business
    laws of several African countries. He described the
    difficulties of reconciling civil and common law approaches
    but stressed the great progress OHADA has made.

    ¶19. (C) Feneon and Boko described the appeal of Africa to
    international businesses, particularly those interested in
    infrastructure development and resource extraction. Boko
    said he was working on several projects involving UNDP
    activity in Africa and one case involving Benin and the
    Millennium Challenge Corporation. Boko noted that Faure had
    recently rescinded an oil contract with the Hunt Oil Co.; he
    suspected that Faure would make a new deal with the Chinese.

    PARIS 00000741 004.2 OF 004

    ¶20. (C) Feneon said he was aware of "at least 500 Chinese
    companies," most of which were state owned, seeking
    opportunities in Africa. He said the Chinese were
    "interested in everything." Several clients of Feneon's firm
    are Chinese and he provided a brochure on the firm printed in
    Chinese. Feneon described one case involving China and
    Namibia. He said that Namibia had been unable to repay a
    Chinese loan. The Chinese, he said, quickly told Namibia,
    "don't worry about it. Just give us 5,000 passports and
    residency documents." Feneon claimed that 5,000 Chinese
    families were resettled in Namibia as a result and were now
    engaged in any number of small and large business activities
    in Namibia. Feneon commented that this kind of arrangement
    helped solve two problems for the Chinese: easing population
    pressures and establishing communities in Africa that could
    be of use to China later.

    PRESS REPORTS ON TOGO-COTE d'IVOIRE-MONTOYA
    -------------------------------------------
    ¶21. (SBU) Paris daily Le Monde carried two articles on
    January 31 concerning the investigations into the November 6,
    2004, bombing incident in Cote d'Ivoire and the Togo/Montoya
    connection. This followed previous Le Monde coverage
    reported Ref C. One article said that Judge Raynaud's visit
    to Togo in mid-January had been useful and that she obtained
    numerous documents implicating Montoya, whom she reportedly
    wanted to prosecute for "complicity" in the bombing. French
    General Michel Masson of the French military's Directorate
    for Military Intelligence reportedly confirmed Montoya's
    involvement in supplying the two aircraft that did the
    bombing. The article also outlines Montoya's involvement
    with the Belarusian pilots/technicians (the article says
    there were eight of them, whereas Boko said there were nine).
    The Belarusians were reportedly released from Togolese
    custody into the care of a Belarusian woman who turned out to
    be Montoya's secretary. Le Monde reports that Montoya is
    also under investigation by Togolese authorities. Montoya is
    quoted in the article as admitting his involvement in the
    affair but denying its illegality.

    ¶22. (U) The second Le Monde article contains statements by
    the Ivoirian members of the crews of the two aircraft
    involved in the bombing (both aircraft were piloted by a
    Belarusian with an Ivoirian co-pilot). The Ivoirians are
    quoted as saying they did not intend to attack the French
    base but rather nearby hostile forces. Because of the
    proximity to the base, any bombing of the French was
    accidental.

    Please visit Paris' Classified Website at:
    http://www.state.sgov.gov/p/eur/paris/index.c fm

    Stapleton

`