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Viewing cable 09BERLIN407, Scenesetter for CODEL Bingaman
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| Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 09BERLIN407 | 2009-04-06 07:23 | 2011-08-24 01:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Embassy Berlin |
VZCZCXRO0172
PP RUEHAG RUEHAST RUEHDF RUEHHM RUEHLN RUEHLZ RUEHMA RUEHPB RUEHPOD
RUEHTM RUEHTRO
DE RUEHRL #0407/01 0960723
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 060723Z APR 09
FM AMEMBASSY BERLIN
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 3775
RUEHBS/USEU BRUSSELS PRIORITY
RUCNFRG/FRG COLLECTIVE
RUEHZN/ENVIRONMENT SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY COLLECTIVE
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 05 BERLIN 000407
SENSITIVE
SIPDIS
BRUSSELS FOR DOLLINGER
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OVIP ECON SENV ENRG TRGY PREL GM KGHG
SUBJECT: Scenesetter for CODEL Bingaman
¶1. (U) SUMMARY: Senator Bingaman, Mission Germany warmly welcomes
your visit and looks forward to supporting a mix of productive
meetings. You will find your German interlocutors to be
understanding of the broad challenges the US is facing
simultaneously; they await robust US engagement on climate and
energy issues and will be eager to share lessons learned and best
practices for developing US climate and energy policy.
¶2. (SBU) Germany is the largest greenhouse gas emitter in Europe
and has taken on ambitious abatement targets domestically and
through the EU. Aggressive domestic policies on energy efficiency
and renewable energy sources have placed Germany on a path to meet
its goals, but this undertaking faces serious threats from Germany's
commitment to phase-out nuclear power and heavy resistance from
German industry. Once a bastion of environmental concern in Europe,
Germany is reeling from the economic crisis and upcoming elections
may limit the resolve of Chancellor Merkel to push for deeper
domestic emissions cuts.
¶3. (SBU) Germany's energy policy is similarly entangled. The
future of nuclear power is an uncertain and contentious issue.
Germany is rich with deposits of brown coal, but despite support
from the Economics and Environment Ministries, large-scale
demonstration projects in clean coal and carbon capture and
sequestration (CCS) technologies have been prevented by high costs
and environmental activism. Germany also relies on imported natural
gas from Russia, but recent threatened shut offs, resulting from the
inability to pay of pipeline countries between Russia and Germany,
have renewed public concerns about Germany's energy security. END
SUMMARY.
German Government in an Election Year
-------------------------------------
¶4. (SBU) Since 2005, the German Federal government has been held by
a "Grand Coalition" of the traditionally opposed Christian Democrat
(CDU/CSU) and Social Democrat (SPD) Parties. As part of the
coalition agreement, control of the various ministries is divided
among the two parties, and each minister has a great deal of
autonomy in determining its policy regardless of what the Chancellor
might prefer. Chancellor Merkel and Economics Minister zu
Guttenberg are CDU/CSU members and Foreign Minister Steinmeier and
Environment Minister Gabriel are Social Democrats. Parliamentary
elections, which will determine control of the Federal government,
are scheduled for September of this year, preceded by elections for
the European Parliament and several key Laender (states) this
summer. The CDU/CSU and SPD would each prefer more like-minded
coalition partners from some combination of the three major
opposition parties: the Free Democrats (FDP), the Greens, and the
Left. But they must also deal with the reality that a Grand
Coalition may once again be the only workable outcome. Chancellor
Merkel and Foreign Minister Steinmeier will be the leading
candidates for their respective parties in the election, resulting
in a situation where separate elements of the same government are
campaigning against one another while simultaneously trying to
govern as a coalition. Given this, care must be taken to
differentiate what is official policy of the Federal Government, and
what is political posturing.
German Emissions and Trends
---------------------------
¶5. (U) The most recent official data available indicates that
German CO2 emissions in 2006 were 18 percent below 1990 levels, and
in 2007 were 22 percent below 1990 levels. The unseasonably warm
2006-2007 winter and subsequent decline in energy demand for heating
likely accounted for some of the 4 percent decrease. Preliminary
reports from Germany's Federal Environment Protection Agency
indicate that the country's overall emissions declined 1.2 percent
in 2008 even as energy consumption increased by 1 percent. This
places German emissions in 2008, at 23.3 percent below 1990 levels.
This week, the Environment Ministry announced that Germany had
officially met its reduction target of 21 percent below 1990 levels
for the 2008-2012 phase of the Kyoto Protocol.
¶6. (U) Under the Kyoto Protocol, the EU-15 has committed to a
collective emissions reduction target of 8 percent below 1990 levels
by 2020. If the EU-15 is to meet this goal, Germany's ambitious
emissions cuts will be instrumental in offsetting emissions from
countries like Austria, Greece, Italy, and Spain, which have seen
emissions increases since the 1990 base year and are not expected to
meet their individual Kyoto targets. Other EU-15 and EU-25
countries like Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, and Slovenia,
are projected to make deeper emissions cuts (in percentage terms)
than Germany by 2010, but the scale of Germany's economy and
emissions make its projected cuts the largest in absolute terms by a
wide margin.
BERLIN 00000407 002 OF 005
International and Domestic Emissions
Commitments
------------------------------------
¶7. (U) Germany is a party to the EU 20/20/20 emissions reduction
plan, in which the European Union has committed to reducing its
collective emissions to 20 percent below 1990 levels, increasing the
share of renewable energies in its energy generation portfolio to 20
percent, and a 20 percent reduction in energy demand by the year
¶2020. The plan also contains a provision that would increase the
EU's emissions reduction target to 30 percent below 1990 levels if
other major economies undertake similarly ambitious goals.
¶8. (U) After the EU 20/20/20 plan's passage, Germany indicated that
to help the EU meet its aggregate reduction goals, it would agree to
a binding 30 percent reduction goal by 2020. Germany's commitment
also contains a provision that will increase its target to 40
percent below 1990 levels if the EU moves to its 30 percent
reduction goal. While their official EU target is a 30 percent
reduction, the German Government domestically refers to the 40
percent reduction goal.
Domestic Policy and Meseberg
----------------------------
¶9. (U) The main instrument of German Climate Policy is the
"Integrated Energy and Climate Program," which was agreed to by the
German government in 2007, and is referred to as the "Meseberg
Package." The Meseberg Package consists of twenty-nine key
elements, including: a mandate for increased combined heat and power
(CHP) generation, mandates for an increased renewable share in heat
and electricity generation, incentives for solar and wind energy
producers, and mandates for stricter building codes and increased
energy efficiency. Analysts predict that implementation of the
Meseberg package will result in an emissions reduction to 34 percent
below 1990 levels by 2020. Germany is still addressing methods to
make up the 6 percent gap between the results of Meseberg
implementation and the 40 percent reduction required to meet its
domestic and possible EU goal.
The "Climate Chancellor"
------------------------
¶10. (U) At the beginning of her term, Chancellor Merkel, a former
Environment Minister herself, was hailed in the media as the
"Climate Chancellor" for her efforts to elevate awareness of
environmental concerns, especially climate change. In 2007, Germany
and Merkel held the rotating presidencies of both the G8 and EU,
where she made combating climate change a top priority. A
particularly notable success came at the Heiligendamm G8 summit,
where Chancellor Merkel was able to secure a commitment from the G8
members, including the Bush Administration, to seriously consider
taking action to halve global emissions by 2050.
¶11. (SBU) The economic crisis, however, has brought a noticeable
change in Merkel's commitment and attitude on these subjects. The
worldwide downturn has hit Germany, the world's largest exporter,
hard, particularly in the manufacturing sector, and a large portion
of Merkel's conservative electoral base consists of employees and
supporters of industry, especially in Bavaria and the German south.
Though she still holds a lead in the polls heading toward
September's Parliamentary elections, Merkel is under intense
political pressure from her electoral base to protect German jobs.
Germany is in its worst recession since World War II, and in the
past year orders for industrial and investment goods have fallen by
37.9 percent and 41.8 percent, respectively. Though the German
government officially predicts a 2.25 percent GDP contraction for
2009, prominent economists are now predicting a GDP decline between
5 percent and 7 percent. The unemployment rate for March was 8.1
percent, but government-funded short working hour programs
("Kurzarbeit") keep many workers employed who would otherwise be
laid off, and so this figure is artificially low. Uncertainty over
the future of GM-owned Opel and the recent announcement of 3,000 job
cuts by Thyssen-Krupp, Germany's largest steel producer, are not
increasing confidence. Faced with Germany's dire economic
situation, Chancellor Merkel will likely be constrained in her
ability to take further action on GHG mitigation.
¶12. (SBU) Indicative of this pressure and the resulting change in
Merkel's position is a statement made by Merkel in the wake of the
Brussels EU summit that she would not approve an EU climate package
or rules that would "endanger German jobs or investment."
Chancellor Merkel is under particular pressure from German heavy
industry concerned about carbon leakage and the resulting job
losses, especially in the auto, steel, chemical, aluminum, and
cement industries. Last December, Chancellor Merkel and the
BERLIN 00000407 003 OF 005
Economics Ministry lobbied the EU Commission to exempt German heavy
industry from the planned auction of carbon permits in the EU
Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS). The Commission agreed in principle,
but will not make a final decision until 2010. Chancellor Merkel
also expressed deep opposition to EU legislation seeking to tax
emissions from large cars, which would hurt the luxury sedans
produced by German automakers. The Association for Energy-Intensive
Industries (VIK), has made a particularly heavy effort to lobby
German policymakers, and in concert with 14 similar federations from
other member states, the EU. VIK has recently presented analysis of
the lessons learned from the EU ETS that argues against auctioning
and allocation based on historic production. They maintain that
"dynamic benchmarking" using actual production reduces opportunity
costs, eliminates windfall profits, and guarantees a total cap.
The Environment Ministry
------------------------
¶13. (U) As part of the Grand Coalition agreement, the Social
Democrats control the Environment Ministry. Environment Minister
Sigmar Gabriel is a strong supporter of global efforts to combat
climate change and an outspoken critic of plans by Merkel and
CDU/CSU to reconsider Germany's nuclear power policies. Instead,
Gabriel and the Ministry support continued emissions reduction
through drastic increases in energy efficiency and renewable energy
output, especially from solar and wind sources. Matthias Machnig,
also of the SPD, is the Ministry's State Secretary and Germany's
chief negotiator in international climate fora. Machnig, on behalf
of the Ministry, has been a strong advocate of emissions trading
regimes and has continually supported OECD- and worldwide linked
markets to reduce the cost of emissions abatement.
Economics Ministry and Energy Policy
------------------------------------
¶14. (SBU) The Economics Ministry is headed by CSU Minister Karl
Theodor zu Guttenberg, a young and charismatic politician recently
crowned as a rising star by the German media. The Economics
Ministry is responsible for energy policy, but despite a series of
high level meetings chaired by Chancellor Merkel, Germany has been
unable to formulate a national energy policy, largely due to deep
divisions between environment and industry interests. The
Chancellor and the Economics Ministry support extending nuclear
power plant operations against the nuclear moratorium policy; they
argue that Germany is unlikely to achieve its emissions reductions
goals without nuclear power. Germany's only major domestic fuel
source is coal, and the Economics Ministry supports the development
and use of coal and carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) for
energy security reasons. The Social Democrat-controlled Environment
Ministry, a strong opponent of nuclear power, also supports clean
coal and CCS technologies. Despite the rare concurrence of the
Economics and Environment Ministries on coal issues, local
grassroots environmental activism has stopped most coal projects.
Germany also depends on Russian natural gas imports, and wary of
relying too heavily on Russian supplies, the Ministry advocates
diversification of suppliers and supply routes. The Economics
Ministry also supports increased renewable energy use and energy
efficiency standards, but conflicts with the Environment Ministry
when costs from the feed-in tariff program and environmental taxes
are passed on to consumers.
EU ETS
------
¶15. (U) Germany is a part of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS),
which covers its glass, chemical, paper, steel, and cement
manufacturing industries, as well as conventional power generation
and most medium- and large- scale industrial ventures. Notably
absent from ETS participation are emissions from the transportation
sector, and from households and buildings. Approximately half of
Germany's total emissions are covered by the ETS. Governments are
now allowed to auction up to 10 percent of their allotted permits,
but under pressure from industry in December, Chancellor Merkel and
the Economics Ministry lobbied to exempt German industry from
purchasing the permits at auction. The German Emissions Trading
Authority (DEHSt) released data April 1, 2009 showing that German
emissions under the Trading Scheme fell 3.0 percent, to 487 million
metric tons, in 2008. Under the National Action Plan (NAP) for the
second phase of the EU ETS, Germany's 1,659 covered installations
were allotted a total of 389 million allowances, leaving a deficit
of 89 million allowances to be covered by borrowing or open market
purchase.
Renewable Energy
----------------
¶16. (U) In 2008, 9.6 percent of Germany's total power consumption
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was generated by renewable sources. Renewable sources provided 15.3
percent of Germany's electricity and 7.3 percent of Germany's heat
generation. Environment Ministry data from 2007 indicates that wind
power provides the largest share of renewable electricity generation
(45 percent), followed by hydroelectric (24 percent) and biomass (22
percent). Photovoltaic solar power installations provide 4 percent
of Germany's renewable electricity. The vast majority of renewable
heat generation comes from solid or liquid biomass (93 percent),
with solar thermal and near-surface geothermal accounting for 4.1
percent and 2.4 percent of renewable heat generation, respectively.
Domestic and International Commitments to
Renewable Energy
----------------
¶17. (SBU) To support the EU's aggregate commitment to 20 percent of
final power consumption from renewable sources by 2020, Germany has
committed to generating 18 percent of its total power consumption
from renewable sources. Domestically, through the Meseberg package,
Germany has committed to increase the share of renewables
electricity generation to 25-30 percent by 2020 and to increase the
share of renewable energy for home heating use to 14 percent by
¶2020. Germany was also the prime mover in founding the
International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) this January. The
purpose of IRENA is to promote renewable energy sources and
facilitate technology transfer to developing countries.
Renewable Energy Sources Act and Feed-in Tariff
--------------------------------------------- --
¶18. (U) The main market driver for renewable energy development in
Germany is the amended Renewable Energy Sources Act ("Erneuerbare
Energien Gesetz" - EEG). The act was passed April 1, 2000, and
provides fixed feed-in tariffs for renewable energy sources until
¶2020. It is a guaranteed tariff, differentiated across technologies
and scales in order to encourage research and development in
promising, but relatively high cost renewable energy sources like
photovoltaics, instead of investment in only the cheapest renewable
sources like wind energy. To create an incentive for early actors
and prevent late adopters from reaping windfall profits, the
guaranteed tariff rate falls each year by a pre-determined,
technology-specific depreciation rate, but is locked in once grid
access is established. In 2004, the act was amended to provide
preferential grid access to power generated from renewable sources,
so in the event of excess supply, utilities must purchase energy
from renewable sources first and decrease output at conventional
production sites.
The Nuclear Question
--------------------
¶19. (SBU) Commitments to reduce the supply of nuclear power, which
currently provides about 20 percent of Germany's power generation,
present an additional complicating factor in the German quest for
emissions reduction. The previous SPD/Green Party Schroeder-led
coalition government passed legislation, known as the "nuclear
moratorium," to phase-out all of Germany's nuclear power plants by
¶2020. Chancellor Merkel and her conservative party (CDU/CSU), the
senior member of the current coalition government, agreed to
maintain the nuclear moratorium as part of the coalition agreement,
but have expressed the desire to completely reverse the policy. The
junior coalition party, the SPD, is vehemently opposed to any plans
to extend nuclear power in Germany and have openly criticized
Merkel's attempts to extend the life of nuclear power plants.
¶20. (SBU) Fears about reactor safety, terrorism, and waste disposal
combine with a strong environmental tradition and memories of the
Chernobyl disaster to make nuclear power an enduring and sensitive
issue for the German public. The long-standing general aversion to
nuclear power among Germans has, however, waned in recent years.
The results of a biannual survey by the Environment Ministry show
that in December 2006, 65 percent of Germans wanted the nuclear
phase-out to proceed on schedule or faster, while 27 percent opposed
the phase-out entirely or favored extending the life of existing
nuclear facilities. In December 2008, the same survey reported a
slightly pro-nuclear shift: 57 percent of Germans favored
accelerating or maintaining the phase-out and 32 percent favored
extending plant life or abandoning the moratorium policy in its
entirety. Rising oil and consumer energy prices, along with energy
security concerns - most recently the January 2009 Russian-Ukrainian
Gas crisis - have triggered a public reconsideration of nuclear
power. An informal poll conducted on the Environment Ministry's
website last month indicated that 57 percent of Germans opposed the
nuclear phase-out entirely, while only 28 percent supported the
policy. The staunchly anti-nuclear, Social Democrat-controlled
Ministry removed the poll within a week.
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KOENIG