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Viewing cable 09ANKARA78, KEEPING CALM IN THE AEGEAN
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| Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 09ANKARA78 | 2009-01-15 17:19 | 2011-05-18 08:00 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Ankara |
|
Appears in these articles: http://www.tanea.gr |
||||
VZCZCXYZ0002
OO RUEHWEB
DE RUEHAK #0078/01 0151719
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 151719Z JAN 09
FM AMEMBASSY ANKARA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 8481
INFO RUEHZG/NATO EU COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RHMFISS/EUCOM POLAD VAIHINGEN GE IMMEDIATE
RUEKJCS/JCS WASHDC IMMEDIATE
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC IMMEDIATE
C O N F I D E N T I A L ANKARA 000078
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/12/2019
TAGS: PREL MOPS NATO GR TU
SUBJECT: KEEPING CALM IN THE AEGEAN
REF: A. 08 ATHENS 966
¶B. 08 ANKARA 2075
¶C. 08 ATHENS DAO 161642Z DEC 08 IIR 6-837-0184-09
¶D. ATHENS 18
¶E. ATHENS 19
Classified By: Ambassador James F. Jeffrey, Reasons 1.4 (b,d)
¶1. (C) SUMMARY: The list of potential flashpoints between
Turkey and Greece is long, and both sides have tried to drag
the U.S. or NATO into these disputes, particularly on the
status of demilitarization of islands in the eastern Aegean.
To help ensure Greece -Turkey relations do not go off track,
it is imperative that NATO stay out of Greece-Turkey
bilateral disputes, and as in the past, apply vigorously the
Luns Doctrine. This should include avoiding NATO
participation in national exercises involving islands whose
militarization status is in dispute. NATO's participation in
Noble Archer by the overflight of Agios Efstratios, an island
which Turkey argues is demilitarized, has increased
Turkey-Greece tensions. A repeat of Noble Archer or a
similar exercise scenario will exacerbate already elevated
tension between Turkey and Greece, potentially to a dangerous
level. We are cautioning Turkey against taking provocative
steps in the Aegean that challenge the sovereignty of Greek
islets in the Dodecanese.
¶2. (C) We disagree with two key Greek arguments in this
regard:
-- That Turkey could apply "demilitarization" to a
never-ending list of Aegean islands (See Para 8 "1914"), and
-- that a "dispute" that triggers NATO's Luns Doctrine
requires ICJ involvement (particularly since a bilateral
mechanism exists - see para 7).
Turkish retaliation for Noble Archer by overflight of two
populated Dodecanese islets implicitly questions Greek
sovereignty, and we have raised this problem with the Turks
(para 9 and septel). END SUMMARY
State of Affairs in the Aegean Post "Noble Archer"
--------------------------------------------- -----
¶3. (C) Rapprochement between Turkey and Greece has been one
of the policy successes of the last decade, and we have a
keen interest in strengthening it. The list of potential
Turkey-Greece flashpoints (and on-going disputes) is long --
including minorities in both countries, Balkan issues, and
Cyprus -- the one area of direct potential conflict is the
Aegean. Both sides have tried to drag us or NATO into their
disputes over militarization of the islands. In the past few
months we have seen an up-tick in tensions, including NATO
inclusion of Agios Efstratios in a recent exercise,
allegations of Turkish overflights in "retaliation," Russian
exercises in the Aegean which apparently included FIR
notification to Athens (a redline for Turkey), and recent
Greek allegations of an increase in Turkish provocations in
the Aegean (refs C and D).
¶4. (C) Our goal should be, first, to keep both sides from
provoking the other. This may require specifically taking
both sides to task when they do things that are politically
foolish or legally or historically questionable. But, in
addition, we need to ensure that neither we nor NATO
(identified closely here with the U.S.) become involved in
these bilateral disputes. Thus, our admonition that NATO and
the U.S. need to apply vigorously the Luns Doctrine.
¶5. (C) We were not happy that NATO took its decision to
participate in Noble Archer, although we did our best to
dampen the initial Turkish response. The subsequent Greek
media (Ref B) emphasis on the GoG's successful diplomacy and
the lack of an immediate Turkish reaction, and the possible
Turkish reaction to this reaction, however, illustrate how
Aegean issues can spiral down even when both sides say they
want to maintain calm.
¶6. (C) MFA Under Secretary Apakan made starkly clear to
Ambassador on January 8 that Turkey views with real alarm
NATO's moving forward with the Noble Archer exercise,
violating a long tradition of neutrality in these disputes.
A formal letter from the Turkish military representative to
the NATO Military Committee Chairman in November should have
indicated to NATO that this was a disputed issue. This would
have a deleterious effect on the overall rapprochement
between Greece and Turkey, he went on, and thus he just could
not understand NATO's action.
¶7. (C) COMMENT: We do not believe the standard applied to
the definition of a "dispute" between Turkey and Greece that
triggers the Luns Doctrine should be as formal as submission
to the ICJ. This has not been the standard in Greece-Turkey
disputes for the last 20 years, and, as U/S Apakan made clear
to Ambassador, the two countries have a bilateral mechanism
to address such disputes formally recognized by the EU. When
there is an openly stated dispute, NATO thus must apply the
Luns Doctrine to avoid exacerbating tensions. The following
paragraphs provide the legal and political underpinning of
our conclusions. END COMMENT
Aegean Islands Demilitarization Background
------------------------------------------
¶8. (SBU) A look at the basic issues between Greece and Turkey
in the Aegean, especially demilitarized islands, may help in
reviewing actions and options. The demilitarization
provisions of various agreements are open to interpretation,
but to the best of our knowledge, the following are the facts:
1914: Six Party Decision: The "Great Powers" at the time,
following agreements between Greece and Turkey after the 1913
Balkan War, awarded the "islands occupied by Greece" without
naming them to Greece, on the understanding that they would
be demilitarized, specifically, "shall not be fortified or
used for any naval or military purposes." These islands
include six subsequently named in the Lausanne Treaty and the
Straits Agreement (see below), two that went back to Turkey
(Imbros and Tenedos), and three more, including Agios
Efstratios, the subject of last month's tension, as well as
Thassos and Psara.
1923: Endorsement of Six Party Decision in Lausanne: Article
12 of the Lausanne Treaty of 1923, regulating the peace
between Turkey and the Allied parties, including Greece,
endorsed specifically the Six Party Decision. There is
nothing in this language, or in the subsequent actions since
then to confirm a frequent Greek assertion that Article 12
only confirms Greek sovereignty over the islands, not the
condition of demilitarization.
1923: Lausanne Demilitarization Provisions: Article 13 of the
Treaty specifically demilitarized four of the larger
"Decision" islands -- Mytilene, Chios, Samos, and Ikaria --
allowing only limited local military and police forces, and
no fortification or naval base.
1923: Lausanne Straits Agreement: This agreement, appended to
the Lausanne Treaty, demilitarized both the straits and a
number of islands close to the mouth of the Bosporus,
including the Turkish islands of Imbros and Tenedos, and the
Greek islands of Limnos and Samothrace. This
demilitarization was more radical than that in the Lausanne
Treaty or the Decision, specifically prohibiting any military
forces whatsoever, and establishing specific small arms
limits on police and gendarmerie.
1936: The Montreux Straits Agreement of 1936 replaced the
Lausanne Straits Agreement. In the Protocol, the Agreement
declared that Turkey had the right to militarize the straits,
to include Imbros and Tenedos. Nowhere does the Agreement
address the Greek islands. Supporters of the Greek view
point out that, as the Preface to the Agreement notes that as
this agreement replaces the Lausanne Straits Agreement, the
demilitarization of the two Greek islands in Lausanne was
thereby lifted. Here, they cite a statement by the
then-Turkish foreign minister in the Turkish parliament
supporting the Greek right to militarize the islands. The
Turks, while understandably embarrassed by that statement,
point out that if the various states parties had meant to
lift the demilitarization of the Greek islands, they would
have said so, as they did with the demilitarization
provisions of Lausanne in reference to the Turkish islands
(i.e. in the Protocol). Turks further argue that general
statements in a preface carry less weight, that the 1914
original disarmament decision in any case still remains in
effect, and that the logic of international agreements from
1914 through 1947 is to demilitarize Greeks islands close to
Turkey (see below).
1947: The Paris Treaty, between the Allied powers including
Greece (but not Turkey) and Italy, granted sovereignty of the
Dodecanese islands (seized from the Ottoman Empire by Italy
in 1912) to Greece, but on condition that they be
demilitarized.
¶9. (C) One problem which the Turks appear to be exploiting
with overflights is the status of small inhabited islets in
the Dodecanese. These islets, including Agathonisi and
Farmakonisi, were named neither in the 1914 agreements nor in
Lausanne, which turned the Dodecanese over to Italy from the
Ottoman Empire, nor in the Treaty of Paris of 1947. Lausanne
listed the major Dodecanese islands and then added "the
dependent islets." The Paris Treaty continued things by
referring to "adjacent islets." Given that the islands are
inhabited, their status and Greek sovereignty over them seems
quite clear, and implicit Turkish raising of their
sovereignty a highly questionable response.
The Political/Strategic Dimension
---------------------------------
¶10. (SBU) Turks make three linked arguments on
demilitarization. First, the geography of the Aegean is such
that the string of Greek islands right off the coast of
Turkey's largest ports, Istanbul and Izmir, and the entrance
to the Bosporus, creates an unusual situation affecting
Turkish security and world trade between the Black Sea and
the Mediterranean. Second, in recognition of this fact, on
each occasion (1914, 1923, 1936, 1947) that the international
community addressed these islands by mention or omission
(1936), it supported their demilitarization. Third, Turkey
sees this issue through the focus of other Greek actions
which, in Turkish eyes, have the cumulative effect of
creating out of the Aegean a "Greek lake" and calling into
question Turkey's rights of navigation, military operations,
and exploitation of the seabed in "international waters and
airspace" of the Aegean.
¶11. (SBU) These Greek actions include:
-- demanding that military operations within the Athens FIR
request permission, although the ICAO states specifically
that the FIR is for civilian aircraft;
-- the declaration of a 10-mile airspace around Greek
territory including islands, when common international
practice is to have national air and sea space contiguous
(i.e., in the Aegean, six miles);
-- the claim to the right to declare a 12-mile national
waters;
-- a vague claim that various agreements in the 1930,s and
in the Paris Treaty divided the Aegean between Greece and
Turkey; and (from the Turkish point of view)
-- exaggerated claims of continental shelf arising from the
Law of the Sea Treaty.
¶12. (SBU) Each of the Turkish assertions can be and has been
challenged. The Turks (and Greeks) are on more solid ground
on some than on others. But the key point is that these are
true international disputes.
Why Aegean Demilitarization Dispute Matters to Turkey
--------------------------------------------- --------
¶13. (C) Turks today do not fear a stranglehold on the
Turkish coast, sea trade, and key cities by Greek bases, nor
do they fear an invasion like the British landing at
Canakkale from Limnos in 1915. Nevertheless, the disputes
remain important from several standpoints:
-- They represent an issue of "borders," albeit mainly sea,
continental shelf, and airspace. Borders are of fundamental
importance to the Turkish state's sense of self, from
defending them in the 1920s against the Greeks, Italians,
French, Russians, and English, to post-independence border
issues, beginning with the Mosul Vilayet surrender decision,
the 50-year dispute with Syria over Hatay province, and the
(still latent) border "dispute" with Armenia. Turks fear
that Greek assertions of rights not justified in
international agreements could encourage others to advance
their own claims.
-- The Continental Shelf dispute, particularly active in the
1980s, represents to the extent oil or gas is ever discovered
there, a pragmatic reason for Turkey,s asserting its rights
in the Aegean.
-- Finally, as we saw in U.S.-brokered discussions on the
Aegean in the late 1990s, Turkey's yielding eventually on the
island demilitarization question - on the assumption that
this is the most sensitive for Greece and its sovereign
interests - is about the only Aegean "quid" Turkey could
easily deploy in return for the Greek "quo" of yielding on
its various other claims noted above. If the international
community starts taking the "Greek side" on these
demilitarization issues (e.g. Noble Archer), the Turkish quid
soon becomes worthless.
Visit Ankara's Classified Web Site at
http://www.intelink.sgov.gov/wiki/Portal:Turk ey
Jeffrey