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Viewing cable 08TOKYO2428, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/04/08

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
08TOKYO2428 2008-09-04 08:14 2011-08-25 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO4972
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #2428/01 2480814
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 040814Z SEP 08
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7019
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 2065
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 9701
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 3442
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 7826
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 0282
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 5188
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 1184
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 1500
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 002428 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/04/08 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Poll on Fukuda's resignation, political parties, post-Fukuda 
premiership (Asahi) 
 
(2) Reinvestigation into abduction cases in limbo due to prime 
minister's resignation announcement (Mainichi) 
 
(3) Continuation of refueling mission requires convincing 
explanation (Yomiuri) 
 
(4) Ozawa to map out policy platform: Decentralization reform to 
include total scrapping of tied subsidies (Mainichi) 
 
(5) Editorial: U.S. House Speaker's visit to Hiroshima atomic bomb 
memorial a significant step (Asahi) 
 
(6) Kazamidori (Weathervane) column: "Koizumi disarmament" irritates 
U.S. (Nikkei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Poll on Fukuda's resignation, political parties, post-Fukuda 
premiership 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
September 4, 2008 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Figures in parentheses 
denote the results of the last survey conducted Aug. 30-31.) 
 
Q: Prime Minister Fukuda has now announced his resignation. Do you 
think it's good that Mr. Fukuda will resign? 
 
Yes 46 
No 34 
 
Q: Do you think it's irresponsible of Prime Minister Fukuda to have 
announced his resignation at this point? 
 
Yes 66 
No 25 
 
Q: Mr. Fukuda's predecessor, Mr. Abe, resigned suddenly within one 
year after becoming prime minister. This time, Mr. Fukuda will also 
step down suddenly within one year after becoming prime minister. 
What's your impression of the Liberal Democratic Party now? 
 
Worsened 51 
Unchanged 44 
 
Q: What's your overall rating for Prime Minister Fukuda's 
performance over the past year? (One choice only) 
 
Appreciate very much 1 
Appreciate somewhat 29 
Don't appreciate very much 47 
Don't appreciate at all 21 
 
Q: Who would you like to see become the next prime minister. Pick 
only one from among Diet members. (Free choice) 
 
TOKYO 00002428  002 OF 009 
 
 
 
Taro Aso 30 
Ichiro Ozawa 8 
Junichiro Koizumi 4 
Yuriko Koike 3 
Yoichi Masuzoe 1 
Nobuteru Ishihara 1 
Katsuya Okada 1 
Seiko Noda 1 
Other politicians 4 
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 47 
 
Q: Which political party do you support now? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 29 (26) 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 21 (20) 
New Komeito (NK) 3 (3) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 1 (3) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 2 (1) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0) 
Other political parties 0 (0) 
None 37 (40) 
N/A+D/K 7 (7) 
 
Q: Do you think the House of Representatives should be dissolved as 
early as possible for a general election? 
 
Yes 56 (43) 
No 33 (45) 
 
Q: If you were to vote now in a general election for the House of 
Representatives, which political party would you like to vote for in 
your proportional representation bloc? 
 
LDP 28 (27) 
DPJ 32 (31) 
NK 4 (3) 
JCP 3 (4) 
SDP 2 (2) 
PNP 1 (0) 
NPN 0 (0) 
Other political parties 0 (1) 
N/A+D/K 30 (32) 
 
Q: Would you like the current LDP-led coalition government to 
continue, or would you otherwise like it to be replaced with a 
DPJ-led coalition government? 
 
LDP-led coalition 32 
DPJ-led coalition 41 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted from the evening of 
Sept. 2 through the evening of Sept. 3 over the telephone on a 
computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. Respondents were 
chosen from among the nation's voting population on a three-stage 
random-sampling basis. Valid answers were obtained from 1,069 
persons (58 PERCENT ). 
 
(2) Reinvestigation into abduction cases in limbo due to prime 
minister's resignation announcement 
 
 
TOKYO 00002428  003 OF 009 
 
 
MAINICHI (Page 1) (Full) 
September 4, 2008 
 
North Korea (DPRK) agreed to conduct a reinvestigation into 
abduction cases involving Japanese nationals at bilateral 
working-level talks in August. The outlook now is that it would be 
impossible for the nation to end the investigation by the fall at 
the earliest, because a significant delay in the launching of the 
investigation is expected. This was revealed by a senior Foreign 
Ministry official. The main cause of the delay is Prime Minister 
Fukuda's announcement of his decision to step down. However, it is 
unknown whether the DPRK will actually start an investigation, given 
the increasingly likely prospect that the Lower House will be 
dissolved for a snap election soon after the new prime minister 
takes office. There is a growing possibility of the agreement 
reached during the Fukuda administration being annulled. 
 
The agreement reached in August noted that the reinvestigation 
should be conducted immediately and ended by the fall at the 
earliest. The two countries agreed that Japan would ease some 
sanctions as soon as the DPRK launched its investigation. However, 
it is impossible for Japan to make a political judgment regarding 
the removal of sanctions before a new prime minister is elected. The 
view gaining ground is that the North is not likely to start an 
investigation, when there is the possibility of Japan not lifting 
sanctions. 
 
The same senior Foreign Ministry official revealed that Japan has no 
intention of urging North Korea to start a reinvestigation for the 
time being, noting that it is not a matter on which a working-level 
official can make a decision. 
 
North Korea might have already communicated something to the 
Japanese side, although the official would not admit such, simply 
noting, "We have had no communication from North Korea." 
 
Because of the outlook for dissolution of the Lower House and a snap 
election soon after the election of a new prime minister, Pyongyang 
will most likely first try to determine the stance of the new 
administration. There is a possibility of the August agreement 
effectively becoming a dead letter, and the new administration being 
pressed to start all over again. 
 
(3) Continuation of refueling mission requires convincing 
explanation 
 
YOMIURI (Page 13) (Abridged slightly) 
September 4, 2008 
 
By Akihiko Tanaka, professor, University of Tokyo 
 
Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda abruptly announced his resignation, 
irresponsibly walking off the job. 
 
He also suddenly resigned as chief cabinet secretary (on May 7, 
2004). He probably could not allow himself to change his style just 
to cling to power. Support ratings were sluggish, and the New 
Komeito and the Democratic Party of Japan seemed to care less about 
the country's responsibility to the rest of the world. Fukuda might 
have concluded that continuing to serve as prime minister under such 
circumstances would not be good for Japan. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002428  004 OF 009 
 
 
I believe Prime Minister Fukuda was fixated on the maintenance of 
Japan's international role. 
 
There are no prospects for the enactment of a bill amending the New 
Antiterrorism Special Measures Law in the next extraordinary Diet 
session. The suspension of the Maritime Self-Defense Force's 
refueling mission is a serious matter for the international 
community. There was strong opposition in the ruling coalition to 
using a two-thirds overriding vote in the House of Representatives 
to enact the legislation. There was a possibility of the legislation 
being used politically and damaging Japan-U.S. relations as a 
result. 
 
Tokyo's decision to drop out of international support for 
Afghanistan when the country is in a serious situation would make 
Japan of less significance to the United States. Japan would 
disappear from the sight of the next U.S. administration. Japan's 
diplomacy would then be thrown into turmoil. Prime Minister Fukuda 
failed to explain such points thoroughly. In a democracy, nothing 
happens unless the media and the public are involved. 
 
At the same time, the prime minister's achievements on the 
diplomatic front merit high praise. In particular, Japan-China 
relations have significantly improved. 
 
During his visit to Japan in May, Chinese President Hu Jintao 
praised the path Japan has taken since the end of WWII -- something 
that had not been done by his predecessors. Under the Fukuda 
administration, there were clear changes to relations between the 
two countries, as seen in the facts that they reached a basic 
agreement on the joint development of gas fields in the East China 
Sea and that China has conducted a thorough investigation into 
poisoning cases triggered by Chinese-made frozen dumplings. 
 
The Lake Toya summit in July accomplished substantial results as 
well. As part of an effort to establish a framework for combating 
global warming, the prime minister played a central role in efforts 
to include newly emerging countries like China and India in the 
fight to curb greenhouse gas emissions. 
 
These diplomatic achievements were not fully appreciated by the 
people and did not help boost the cabinet's support ratings. Amid 
the volatile international situation, exemplified by the 
Russia-Georgia conflict, the people and politicians remain 
inward-looking and do not understand the importance of diplomacy. 
That might be the reason why the prime minister decided to call it 
quits. 
 
The focus has already shifted to who will replace Fukuda. Moves are 
likely to intensify with an eye on the next Lower House election. 
The prime minister's post should be filled by a person who can 
explain in simple language to the people what Japan has to do in the 
international community. Above all, a vacuum must not be created in 
the refueling mission in the Indian Ocean. In order for Japan to 
fulfill its international responsibilities, the matter must be 
discussed in the next extraordinary Diet session, and the 
continuation of the refueling mission must be set via an overriding 
vote in the Lower House, as necessary, and that decision must be 
taken to the people. 
 
(4) Ozawa to map out policy platform: Decentralization reform to 
include total scrapping of tied subsidies 
 
TOKYO 00002428  005 OF 009 
 
 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full) 
September 4, 2008 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) President Ichiro Ozawa 
on September 3 decided to map out a policy platform based on the 
premise that he would become the next prime minister if a change in 
government occurs, following the next Lower House election. His 
policy platform will center on the reform of the decentralization of 
power featuring the scrapping of tied subsidies. He plans to release 
it on the 21st, when he is expected to be elected as president for a 
third term. The DPJ views that there could be dissolution of the 
Lower House before the end of September. It intends to hastily map 
out a manifesto for the next Lower House election, based on Ozawa's 
policy platform. 
 
Outline to be released on the 21st 
 
Fukuoka Prefecture Governor Wataru Aso, chairman of the Association 
of Prefectural Governors (APG), on the afternoon of the 3rd visited 
the DPJ headquarters with a statement requesting the party to place 
the reform of the decentralization of government administration as 
one of the party's top priorities. Ozawa responded, "Our plan is far 
more advanced than your request." In response to a request by the 
APG, which it made with the possible launching of a DPJ 
administration in mind, Ozawa reiterated his desire to implement 
reform, saying, "I would transfer all authorities to local 
governments except for authority over the functions of the state." 
 
Concerning the reform of the decentralization of power, Ozawa has 
previously stressed that the first thing he wanted to do once he 
takes over the reins of government is to implement the reform of 
decentralization. The party's Decentralization Committee, chaired by 
Koichiro Genba, is now pursuing discussions on the issue. The panel 
is mapping out a set of proposals, including: (1) 20 trillion yen in 
individual subsidies provided by each government agency to local 
governments should be turned into grants over three to five years 
starting in the fiscal 2009; and (2) reorganizing present 
municipalities into 700 to 800 wide-spread local governments and 
basic local governments over five to ten years and eventually 
integrating them into 300 basic local governments. 
 
It has been pointed out that tied subsidies are one cause of 
unabated wasteful projects, because they can only be used for areas 
designated by sponsor-government agencies. Ozawa aims at boosting 
fiscal resources, which local government can spend at their own 
discretion, by turning tied subsidies into grants. Regarding the 
idea of establishing local governments, Ozawa has proposed a 
two-tier structure consisting of the state and 300 basic local 
governments. However, some party members are opposing Ozawa's plan 
with one mid-ranking member rebutting, "The authority of the central 
government would become even stronger under such a structure." For 
this reason, Ozawa will likely set a mid-term goal of creating a 
three-tier structure, by reorganizing municipalities into 700 to 800 
basic local governments, while keeping wide-area local governments, 
which are equivalent to the present prefectures, intact. Deputy 
President Naoto Kan, Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama and several 
others on the 3rd met at the party headquarters and confirmed their 
stance of accelerating the process of mapping out a manifesto for 
the next Lower House election to be formally adopted in early 
October. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002428  006 OF 009 
 
 
(5) Editorial: U.S. House Speaker's visit to Hiroshima atomic bomb 
memorial a significant step 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
September 4, 2008 
 
When the lower house speakers of the Group of Eight (G-8) major 
countries were about to leave the monument at Hiroshima Peace 
Memorial Park where they had just laid down wreathes of flowers, 
U.S. House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi made a small sign 
of the cross. Pelosi is the highest-ranking U.S. political figure to 
visit Hiroshima, which suffered from an atomic bomb dropped by the 
U.S. during World War II. What went through her mind at that time? 
Did she pay tribute to the 140,000 people who had lost their lives 
in a flash? What thought did she have about her own country that had 
bombed the city? 
 
There is a wide difference between Japan and the U.S. in the way the 
atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki are evaluated. The two 
countries have concluded a security treaty and praise each other as 
allies sharing common values. But when it comes to issues related to 
war and history, there still exists an unhealed wound. 
 
The U.S. government's view is that the bombings hastened Japan's 
surrender and resulted in saving many lives. But the Japanese 
people's feeling is that surrender was only a matter of time even 
without the bombings and that the use of the weapons that 
indiscriminately killed civilians and seriously exposed many people 
to radiation was unforgivable from a humanitarian point of view. 
 
The Japanese government, however, has taken an ambiguous attitude, 
out of consideration to the U.S., saying that it is impossible to 
even say that the use of nuclear weapons violated international 
law. 
 
Last summer, then Defense Minister Fumio Kyuma said: "The dropping 
of atomic bombs on Japan could not be helped." This remark halfway 
represented the view of the U.S. since it ignored the pain of the 
atomic bomb victims. 
 
One year after Kyuma made the remark, Japan hosted the seventh 
annual conference of lower house speakers from the G-8 major 
countries in Hiroshima. House Representatives Speaker Yohei Kono was 
the one who had recommended Hiroshima as the site for the 
conference. He was motivated by a desire to discuss nuclear 
disarmament, while looking squarely at the evidence that human 
beings used inhumane weapons against other human beings. 
 
After the G-8 conference, Pelosi issued a short statement noting: "I 
recalled anew through this tour of Hiroshima that war is hugely 
destructive. I came to think that it is an imminent task for all 
countries to promote peace and build a better world." She supposedly 
tried to respond in her own way to Kono's motive to hold the meeting 
in Hiroshima. 
 
There is also dissatisfaction among atomic-bomb suffers, because 
there has never been an apology from the United States for the 
atomic bombings. The U.S. has never changed its nuclear policy to 
move toward abolition of all nuclear weapons. But at t a time when 
many Americans seek to justify the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and 
Nagasaki, Pelosi's visit to Hiroshima is significant. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002428  007 OF 009 
 
 
Taking a liberal stand, Pelosi is eager for nuclear disarmament, but 
she visited Hiroshima as the House of Representatives speaker, even 
though she might be publicly criticized for doing so. We would like 
to express our respect to her for her courage and discernment. 
 
When we evaluate a historical event, useless disputes tend to 
emerge, involving nationalism. It is necessary for both sides to 
understand the other side's pain even slightly, without discussing 
whether the event was right or wrong. We would like to bear in mind 
the sign of the cross made by Pelosi. 
 
(6) Kazamidori (Weathervane) column: "Koizumi disarmament" irritates 
U.S. 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
August 31, 2008 
 
By Hisayoshi Ina, editorial writer 
 
I have my doubts about two common beliefs regarding Japan-U.S. 
relations. 
 
The accepted notions in question are: 1) Japan is more dissatisfied 
with the present state of the bilateral alliance than the United 
States due to its distrust of U.S. policy toward North Korea; and 2) 
the Koizumi administration pleased the United States by sending the 
Self-Defense Forces (SDF) overseas, while enraging China with the 
Yasukuni Shrine issue. 
 
Turning the argument around, if one assumes that the United States 
is more displeased than Japan over the present state of the 
alliance, it would mean that the Koizumi administration angered 
Washington when it made China happy. 
 
The Koizumi administration that stayed in office for five years from 
2001 received a certain level of international appreciation for 
dispatching the SDF to the Indian Ocean. That may have been the 
impression, but the opposite may just be true. 
 
In point of fact, the national defense budgets of major countries, 
other than Japan, have increased their national defense budgets in 
the seven years since 2001. Looking at the defense budgets of major 
countries for 1997 and those for 2007 based on military balance 
figures and the Budget Message of the President, China boosted its 
spending 4.8 times over the last decade; the United States, 2.1 
times; Britain, 1.7 times; Germany, 1.6 times; and France, 1.3 
times. Japan, on the other hand, only increased defense spending by 
1.9 PERCENT . Only Japan's budget did not double, but went up by 
only a fraction. 
 
In 2001, terrorists attacked the United States, and the period 
between 2001 and 2007 was one in which major countries rushed to 
build up their armaments. Arms growth rates in European countries 
stayed relatively low probably because of strong euro. However, 
compared to China, Japan seems to have been engaged in arms 
reduction. I call this the "Koizumi disarmament" 
 
Such a trend may have made China happy. Assuming that it was 
difficult for Japan to correct its trajectory due to its economic 
downturn, it should have cast a pall on relations with the United 
States. The U.S. government has already expressed its displeasure 
about it. This can be seen in the annual report on China's military 
 
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power that the U.S. Department of Defense released on March 3, 
ΒΆ2008. 
 
According to a responsible Pentagon official, the most important 
point in the annual report is a column chart found on page 33. The 
column indicates the national defense budgets of such countries as 
China, Russia and Japan. It also shows that the figure that China 
disclosed topped Japan's defense spending. 
 
The Defense Department estimates that China's real defense budget is 
about twice or three times the figure that the government releases. 
Even the official figure China revealed was larger than Japan's 
defense budget. Under normal circumstances, Japan should have 
increased its level of its dependence on the alliance with the U.S. 
 
U.S. Ambassador to Japan Thomas Schieffer, referring to this point 
in a speech delivered on May 20 at the Foreign Correspondents Club 
of Japan, called on Japan to increase its defense budget. Schieffer 
said that Japan's defense outlays accounted for 0.89 PERCENT  of its 
gross domestic product (GDP), and that the figure was the lowest 
among advanced industrialized countries belonging to the 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). 
 
Ambassador Schieffer criticized Japan for taking a "free ride," by 
relying on the U.S.' defense capability. However, it is difficult 
now for Japan to increase its defense budget due to the money 
scandal involving former Vice Defense Minister Takemasa Moriya, 
among other reasons. The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) headed by 
Ichiro Ozawa, however, has called for a cut in Japan's host nation 
support that covers the expenses of U.S. bases in Japan. Such would 
make the U.S. side angry. 
 
No matter what happens in the world, whether it is the Fukuda 
administration or the Ozawa administration, Japan will probably 
continue its own "disarmament" policy. If the U.S. assertion is 
taken into account, it is absolutely necessary for Japan to continue 
the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling operation in the Indian 
Ocean in order to reduce friction between Tokyo and Washington. 
Under the present political situation, though, it appears difficult 
for Japan to continue that mission. 
 
Japanese conservatives erupted angrily when the U.S. government 
decided to delist North Korea as a state sponsor of terrorism, even 
saying, "The U.S. betrayed Japan." If Japan ceases its refueling 
mission, the U.S. will react similarly. 
 
There is naturally an argument that Japan should defend itself by 
nonmilitary means and contribute to world peace. In the process of 
implementing the structural reforms, the Koizumi administration even 
cut the budget for official development assistance (ODA) was 
reduced. 
 
Japan has dropped to the level of being the number two aid donor, 
overtaken by the United States in 2001, the year the Koizumi 
administration was inaugurated. As a result of ODA cuts by the 
Koizumi government, Japan dropped to fifth place in 2007. It will 
soon sink more to become the sixth-largest aid donor. 
 
Japan is on a downward slippery slope. I am convinced of it. Even 
the Fukuda administration's slogan of realizing peace of mind, 
reflected an inward-looking, shrinking orientation, that sought a 
minimum level of peace of mind. An international environment that 
 
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can provide peace of mind is premised on everything being secure. 
 
ZUMWALT