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Viewing cable 08TOKYO835, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 03/26/08

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
08TOKYO835 2008-03-26 22:54 2011-08-25 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO5505
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #0835/01 0862254
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 262254Z MAR 08
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 2897
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 9262
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 6879
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 0546
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 5347
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 7475
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 2422
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 8464
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 9013
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 000835 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 03/26/08 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Interim report on Aegis destroyer's collision accident brings 
chain of blunders to light (Asahi) 
 
(2) Hegemony adrift (Part 1): North Korea exports arms to Ethiopia; 
Putting high priority on fight against Al Qaeda, U.S. winks at 
contradictions (Mainichi) 
 
(3) China's multilateral diplomacy: "Fighting spirit" exposed 
(Yomiuri) 
 
(4) Interview with Australian Prime Minister Rudd by Yoichi 
Funabashi: Why is he bypassing Japan on his first overseas trip 
since taking office? (Asahi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Interim report on Aegis destroyer's collision accident brings 
chain of blunders to light 
 
ASAHI (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
March 22, 2008 
 
Crewmen aboard the Aegis-equipped destroyer spotted the lights of 
fishing boats more than 30 minutes before the collision, and yet the 
vessel was left on autopilot. An interim report on the Maritime 
Self-Defense Force's (MSDF) Aegis destroyer Atago's collision with 
the trawler Seitoku Maru, released on March 21 by the Ministry of 
Defense (MOD), reveals such details of the accident. According to 
the report, more than one crewman recognized that several trawlers 
were approaching the ship, and yet the atmosphere among them did not 
grow tense. Even the action to avoid the collision was not taken 
until just before it happened. Though the contents of the report are 
somewhat fragmentary with consideration given to a possible impact 
on the ongoing investigation, it has further clarified the 
possibility that the Aegis destroyer was unable to avoid the 
accident due to crewmen's optimistic perception toward the situation 
and a number of errors in judgment. 
 
Group of fishing boats spotted more than 30 minutes before 
collision: Many opportunities that could have prevented collision 
 
There were many opportunities for the Atago to move to accommodate 
the group of fishing boats, including the Seitoku Maru. A crewman on 
duty spotted white lights above the horizon 30 degrees to the right 
around 3:30 a.m., 37 minutes before the collision. He reported it to 
a duty officer. 
 
Another crewman on watch also identified three or four red lights 
9-11 kilometers away to the right side. White lights are mast lights 
and red lights are portside lights. If red lights are seen on the 
right side, the two ships would inevitably be crossing paths, 
provided that they continued their planned routes. However, this 
crewman on duty did not report any information about it to a duty 
officer, judging that there would be no danger. 
 
Another opportunity that could have prevented the accident came nine 
minutes before the collision. A crewman on duty after the 
replacement noticed three red lights by observation about five 
kilometers away at an angle of 30-40 degrees to the right. Shoji 
Masuda, manager of the Planning and International Affairs Department 
 
TOKYO 00000835  002 OF 010 
 
 
of the Japan Sea Marine Accident Prevention Association and former 
senior Japan Coast Guard (JCG) officer, pointed out the problem: 
"When the Atago crewmen spotted red lights five kilometers away from 
the ship, they should have continued monitoring the ships without 
interruption with the possibility of a collision in mind. It was 
also necessary for the duty officer to give orders, including 
letting the watchman confirm (the location of the ships) using a 
radar. But the report does not indicate that any such action was 
taken." 
 
This watchman also confirmed another white light and reported on 
information about it to the duty officer. He was asked to confirm 
the report by the Combat Information Center (CIC) about 3 minutes 
before the collision. He then once again reported on the information 
to the duty officer. This crewman saw a left-moving white light in 
the 30 degrees direction to the right. The report notes that while 
this watchman was confirming the white lights, he looked away from 
the target that was moving toward the left. 
 
Masuda sees that the last chance that could have prevented the 
collision came about a minute before the accident, when the watchman 
noticed two ships moving 500 meters away from the ship in the 20 
degrees direction to the right. The Atago was then presumably 
running at a speed of approximately 320 meters per minute. and the 
fishing boat at a speed of about 460 meters per minute. Masuda 
wondered whether the collision could have been avoided, even if the 
Atago had immediately taken action to avoid the ship. 
 
At that time, the tension finally mounted on the bridge. The duty 
officer said, "This fishing boat is coming close to us." One 
watchman headed toward the lookout on the starboard side of the 
bridge. The fishing boat that appeared to be the Seitoku Maru 
approached up to 100-70 meters to the right. The duty officer 
conducted an emergency stop and ordered crewmen to reverse the ship. 
However, it was too late. 
 
The interim report also highlights problems of the lookout 
arrangement of the Atago. Lookouts are located at both sides of the 
bridge. However, since it was raining that day, crewmen on duty were 
inside the bridge. Former Rear Admiral Watanabe, who once served as 
captain of a destroyer, noted, "Basically, crewmen on duty perform 
their duty outside, wearing rain gear, even if it is rainy. They 
should have conducted their duty outside the bridge, since they were 
navigating home waters, where there are many ships running." 
 
The Atago is equipped with three radars to identity ships running 
nearby -- one on the bridge and two in the CIC. Seven lookouts were 
supposed to be on duty, but only 3-4 crewmen were actually on duty 
before the replacement without permission. As a result, there were 
times when there were no radar controllers attending either of the 
two radars in the CIC. 
 
There were seven crewmen on duty after the replacement. The interim 
report notes that the investigations conducted thus far have 
obtained no information confirming that crewmen realized that the 
Seitoku Maru registered on the radar screens." 
 
Sloppy replacement procedures: No indication of crewmen realizing 
danger 
 
Third Regional Coast Guard Headquarters (3rd RCGH) is carrying out 
an investigation into the accident. One focus of the investigation 
 
TOKYO 00000835  003 OF 010 
 
 
is how the "danger" was reported at the time of the replacement. 
There were 24 crewmen on duty at the time of the collision -- 11 on 
the bridge, seven in the CIC and six in the wheel house. 
 
A crewmen who went up the bridge at 3:56 a.m. testified that he 
received a report during the replacement noting that a crewmen who 
was on duty before him saw several red lights (on the portside of 
the boat) in the 20-50 degrees direction to the right, but judged 
there would be no danger, because the boat was moving behind the 
ship. 
 
This personnel also testified that since the boat was spotted by 
observation, he assumed that the duty officer was also aware of the 
boat and therefore did not report on information about it to the 
duty officer. His testimony confirms that he did not feel any 
danger. 
 
Given the results of hearings from about 70 crewmen, excluding duty 
officers, their testimonies had no indications that they felt a 
danger of a possible collision, even though they realized red and 
white lights of the fishing boat by observation. 
 
Report was made 16 minutes after accident: "Could have been 
shortened" 
 
Were the search and rescue work and the notification system 
appropriate? It is said that MSDF educates warship crewmen to give 
top priority to rescue work. The interim report reveals how the 
Atago captain and crewmen responded to the accident. 
 
The Atago reported the accident to the JCG at 4:23 or 16 minutes 
after the accident. A crewmen who reported the accident to the JCG 
entered the bridge five minutes after he got up and notified 3rd 
RCGH of the accident, after confirming the time of the collision and 
the location of the boat. The interim report notes that if this 
lookout had immediately reported just on the fact of the collision, 
the time taken for the relaying of information could have been 
shortened. 
 
The captain left the bridge around 6:00 p.m. on the 18th and entered 
his office after dinner. He took a nap from around 0:30 a.m. He was 
still taking a nap at the time of the collision. He reportedly said, 
"I woke up around 4:00 a.m. and learned the accident though an 
announcement in the vessel." 
 
MOD Minister Ishiba received a report on the accident about 90 
minutes after the accident. This has led to a revision to the 
information transmission system in the event of an emergency. 
However, the interim report this time does not mention it at all. 
 
(2) Hegemony adrift (Part 1): North Korea exports arms to Ethiopia; 
Putting high priority on fight against Al Qaeda, U.S. winks at 
contradictions 
 
MAINICHI (Top play and Page 2) (Abridged slightly) 
March 25, 2008 
 
By Keiichi Shirato, Addis Ababa 
 
An arms factory named Hormat Engineering Factory sits at some 135 
kilometers west of Ethiopia's capital of Addis Ababa. According to a 
female off-duty soldier attached to a checkpoint near the factory, 
 
TOKYO 00000835  004 OF 010 
 
 
approximately 200 Ethiopian and North Korean live-in engineers and 
employees work there. The factory was build during the Mengistu 
socialist administration (1974-1991) with assistance from North 
Korea. After the Mengistu administration collapsed, a decision was 
made to turn the factory into a household goods factory. Following 
the territorial conflict with Eritrea in 1998-2000 in which Eritrea 
won independence from Ethiopia, yet another decision was made to 
rebuild it as an arms factory. North Korea undertook the rebuilding 
project and provided military supplies. 
 
Situated inland, Ethiopia has no seaport. In landing military 
supplies from North Korea, three ports in Somaliland, which has 
declared independent of Somalia, were used for a total of four times 
between January and July 2007, according to Somaliland authorities. 
 
At one of the three ports of the Saylac district, unloading work was 
conducted in a curfew under strict surveillance by Ethiopian 
soldiers and agents. 
 
A nearby resident said: 
 
"There was something like a liquid storage tank. After the work, air 
smelled like eggs and some residents showed cold-like symptoms for 
two weeks." 
 
Military supplies from North Korea were also unloaded at two 
districts in the suburb of Somaliland's largest city of Barbera and 
were transported to the factory in Ethiopia by rail. 
 
Obtaining information via diplomatic channels that Ethiopia was 
importing arms from North Korea, the United States and Britain 
hurried to confirm it. Eritrean Ambassador to Japan Estifanos 
indicated that chemical weapons were also included in the shipments 
from North Korea. 
 
Britain's Secret Intelligence Service (MI6) has concluded that the 
supplies from North Korea were most likely raw materials for 
conventional weapons using phosphorus that can easily be mistaken 
for chemical weapons. They think the factory in Ethiopia is a 
facility to produce yellow phosphorus smoke bombs, rocket bombs, and 
fire arms. 
 
The Ethiopian government released a statement on April 13, 2007, 
admitting that North Korean cargo ships had transported to Ethiopia 
machine components and raw materials for small arms ammunition for 
the arms factory in the country. 
 
Despite that, the United States did not slap sanctions on Ethiopia. 
 
To the United States, Ethiopia is an important point in East Africa 
in the war on terror. The United States is supporting Ethiopia in a 
bid to prevent anarchic Somalia from becoming a base of the Al 
Qaeda, the international terrorist group. Silent approval for North 
Korea's arms exports reflects the United States' foreign and 
security policies that give top priority to the war on terrorism. 
 
On November 8, 2007, seven months after Ethiopia admitted to 
importing military supplies from North Korea, Eritrean Ambassador to 
Japan Estifanos visited the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA). 
Ambassador Estifanos told a senior MOFA official: 
 
"We are deeply concerned that North Korea has been exporting 
 
TOKYO 00000835  005 OF 010 
 
 
strategically vital weapons to Ethiopia, Sudan and Yemen. The Red 
Sea and the Gulf of Aden are important trade routes for the 
international community, including Japan. The safety of those routes 
is being threatened." 
 
The ambassador also proposed that Japan jointly address the North 
Korean arms export issue. 
 
Eritrea, which is hostile toward Ethiopia, supports the Islamic 
Courts Union, Islamic fundamentalists in Somalia. Hitting on 
America's double standard of winking at arms exports by a state 
sponsor of terrorism (namely North Korea) for the sake of the war on 
terrorism against Islamic fundamentalists, Ambassador Estifanos 
proposed Japan, which has the abduction issue, to join forces 
against North Korea and Ethiopia. 
 
On December 18, 2007, Eritrea voted for a UN General Assembly 
resolution (jointly presented by Japan, the United States and 
European nations) demanding immediate return of abductees from North 
Korea. Many African countries, such as Ethiopia, abstained from the 
vote or opposed the resolution for fear of drawing fire over their 
own human rights situations. 
 
Ethiopia's admission of military supply imports from North Korea and 
America's silent approval for them created a sensation among people 
connected with foreign affairs. George Mason University Associate 
Professor Terrence Lyons, an expert on East African affairs, said: 
"Given the bad state of U.S.-DPRK relations, it was a surprise." An 
African diplomatic source also noted: "In recent years, I have never 
heard of a country that had officially admitted to military trade 
with North Korea." 
 
Meanwhile, the United States is stepping up its anti-Eritrean 
stance. In a press conference on August 17, 2007, U.S. Assistant 
Secretary of State for African Affairs Fraser warned: "If Eritrea 
 
SIPDIS 
continues to behave as in the past, we will have to consider 
(labeling the country a state sponsoring terrorism)." She also 
touched on the possibility of closing down the Eritrean Consulate 
General in the United States by citing the country's support for 
Islamic fundamentalists in Somalia. 
 
National Security Council Senior Director for African Affairs Bobby 
Pittman also expressed concerns over Eritrea to a senior MOFA 
official when he visited Washington last year. 
 
Associate Professor Lyons noted: "The United States will probably 
take certain steps toward countries trying to strengthen security 
relations with Eritrea." 
 
As a U.S. ally, Japan cannot positively respond to Eritrea's 
proposal. Ambassador Estifanos complained, "There has been no reply 
from Japan." Arms exports to Ethiopia have been helping Kim Jong Il 
maintain his regime by becoming a source of foreign currency. 
 
(3) China's multilateral diplomacy: "Fighting spirit" exposed 
 
YOMIURI (Page 9) (Slightly abridged) 
March 25, 2008 
 
Generally, China is skillfully engaged in diplomatic horse-trading 
with industrialized and developing countries while carefully 
avoiding itself from sticking out from others. But when it comes to 
 
TOKYO 00000835  006 OF 010 
 
 
cases of facing up to Japan, China bares its rivalry with Japan 
without paying any attention as to how it looks. 
 
The World Health Organization (WHO) had an election for its 
director-general in November 2006. The five candidates were narrowed 
down to three, who hailed from Japan, China, and Mexico. The 
Japanese government assumed that its candidate would win the seat. 
But Japan's candidate, Shigeru Omi, regional director of the Western 
Pacific of WHO, was rejected ahead of the runoff. Margaret Chan, who 
came from Hong Kong and was backed by China, overwhelmingly won the 
election. 
 
"The reason why the Japanese candidate failed to be elected was 
because some countries in Africa and the Middle East, which had 
given Japan a verbal promise to vote for its candidate, in the end 
voted for the China-backed candidate," a Japanese diplomat said, 
biting his lips. The diplomat went on to say: "Japan will probably 
have to avoid scrambling with China for an international post in the 
future. If there is such a situation, Japan would have to conduct a 
litmus test of the loyalty to Japan of developing countries that are 
seeking assistance from both Japan and China. But even the test 
result that may seem to be in Japan's favor does not guarantee our 
victory." 
 
It is still fresh in our minds that China was vehemently opposed to 
Japan's bid for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council (UNSC) 
from spring through summer of 2005. Japan's bid for a permanent UNSC 
seat would have been an undesirable event for China, which began 
enjoying the "privileges' of a permanent UNSC member. 
 
At the time Japan drew African countries to its side. By obtaining 
cooperation from the African Union (AU), Japan aimed at unifying the 
various plans for expanding the UNSC. Meanwhile, China approached 
some leading African countries behind the scenes and stirred their 
pride so that in the end, they would reject Japan's idea of unifying 
the various proposals. At an important AU summit held in summer of 
2005, Chinese diplomats were seen walking up and down the hallways. 
 
The AU is a powerful voting region consisting of 53 countries, but 
the AU has turned away from Japan. As a result, Japan, Germany, 
India, and Brazil (G-4) gave up on the idea of putting their 
resolution to a vote (in the UN). Since then, reform of the UNSC has 
lost momentum. Even now, there is no prospect for UNSC reform is in 
sight. China has insisted even now that developing countries should 
be chosen on a priority basis as new members of the UNSC if it is 
expanded. 
 
Japan's influence over African countries is attributable to its 
financial aid, including official development assistance (ODA). In 
contrast, China, by dispatching its troops to UN peacekeeping 
operations (PKOs), has established friendly ties with African 
countries one after the other. 
 
China sent 113 personnel in 2003 to serve in UN peacekeeping and 
peace building units, but the figure sharply increased to 1,038 in 
2005 and to 1,963 in January of this year. The 1,963 personnel come 
to nearly 50 times as many as the 38 personnel Japan has sent for 
PKO. Most personnel sent by China are mobilized in African 
countries, such as Sudan and Liberia. A UN diplomatic source noted 
in this regard: "(China) presumably would have learned the advantage 
of promoting multilateral diplomacy in its favor by demonstrating 
its human contributions to the international community through the 
 
TOKYO 00000835  007 OF 010 
 
 
dispatching of its personnel." 
 
The United States is an anchor for Japan, but in its multilateral 
diplomacy the U.S. has at times struck a direct deal with China, 
going over Japan's head. One good example of this was the election 
of Ban Ki Moon as UN secretary-general in the fall of 2006. 
 
Then U.S. Ambassador to the UN John Bolton, working in close 
cooperation with Chinese Ambassador to the UN Wang Guangya, went 
ahead with a plan to choose Ban as secretary-general. Looking back 
on the past, Bolton noted: "Everybody knew that once the U.S. and 
China reached agreement on a candidate, that candidate would win 
election." With the prevailing perception at the time being that a 
new secretary-general should be chosen from Asia, the United 
Kingdom, France, and Russia refrained from taking part in the 
selection of candidates.  Behind the U.S. and China, Japan failed to 
make its presence strongly felt. 
 
China is gaining power in international institutions related to 
economic affairs, as well. In November 2007, a Chinese candidate was 
chosen as a senior member of the World Trade Organization (WTO). In 
this past February, there was an announcement that Chinese economist 
Lin Yufu was appointed to the post of vice president and chief 
economist at the World Bank. 
 
A UN diplomatic source made this comment: "China has strategically 
unfolded multilateral diplomacy leading directly to its national 
interests. Japan still relies on the alliance with the U.S. Given 
this, it is impossible for Japan to surpass China." 
 
China emphasizes its deployment of troops for international 
contributions 
 
The strong sunlight was reflected in the sand. The temperature was 
40 degrees centigrade. Chinese engineering troops sent by the 
People's Liberation Army were building a barrack for the UN-African 
Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) in a desert-like zone in the 
outskirts of Sudan's Southern Darfur's capital of Nyala. 
 
The dispatched Chinese troops are a symbol of China's international 
contributions to demonstrate its efforts to resolve disputes ahead 
of the Beijing Olympic Games in August. The troops arrived in Darfur 
in November 2007. The number of Chinese troops is 140 at present, 
but Beijing plans to send more troops up to 315. 
 
In this past February, U.S. producer Steven Spielberg declared that 
he refused to accept the post of advisor on culture and art for the 
Beijing Olympics, citing China's response to the Darfur issue. 
Actress and Ambassador to UNICEF Mia Farrow and U.S. Congressional 
members have appealed to the international audience to boycott the 
Beijing Olympics, calling them "Bloodshed Olympics." 
 
An anti-government armed group in Darfur has warned that it will 
attack Chinese peacekeepers and oil industry workers and called on 
them to withdraw from the country. 
 
(4) Interview with Australian Prime Minister Rudd by Yoichi 
Funabashi: Why is he bypassing Japan on his first overseas trip 
since taking office? 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
March 26, 2008 
 
TOKYO 00000835  008 OF 010 
 
 
 
Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd will this week set out on a 
two-week tour of the United States, Europe, and China. 
 
The 21st century will be a "tripolar" age centered on the United 
States, Europe, and China... In anticipation of this, Rudd appears 
to want to herald the new age through his first full-scale overseas 
trip since taking office. Although Japan had been central to 
Australia's Asia policy until recently, China now appears to be 
taking its place. 
 
Japanese policymakers and officials in the Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs (MOFA) are alarmed by Rudd's trip that bypasses Japan. 
 
Rudd was somewhat perplexed, however, that Japan was reacting in 
that way, saying, "I know neither hiragana nor katakana, but I do 
know Chinese characters," he said and played up his ties with Japan 
through history, art, and culture. 
 
But he has been linked more deeply by "fate" to China. Before 
entering politics, he was a diplomat well known for his proficiency 
in Chinese. China has take Japan's place as Australia's largest 
trade partner. 
 
Rudd's view of China stems from his stern realism. It is close to 
the concept of a China being a responsible stakeholder as advocated 
by former U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick (currently 
president of the World Bank). The concept is that as long as China 
accepts the status quo of international political order and the rule 
of the law, the U.S. will pursue an engagement policy toward China. 
 
Rudd thinks the U.S.-Australia alliance and the cooperative system 
among Japan, the U.S., and Australia is key to the international 
political order. Rudd was opposed to the Iraq war as showing 
America's disregard for the United Nations, not to mention its 
unilateralism. But it is acknowledged by everybody, including 
himself, that he is one of the most pro-American members of the 
Australian Labor Party. His policy toward the U.S. is almost the 
same as that of his predecessor Howard, except that "Howard was 
never critical of the U.S.," one Australian diplomat noted. Rudd 
promised in his election campaign to withdraw one-third of the 
Australian troops now deployed in Iraq but keep the troops in 
Afghanistan. 
 
When asked about what to do about the cooperative arrangement among 
Japan, the U.S., and Australia, Rudd stated: "I will take over my 
predecessor's policy." However, in response to a question asking 
about former Prime Minister Abe's concept of establishing a four-way 
cooperative system among Japan, the U.S., Australia, and India, Rudd 
assumed a cautious stance, saying: "India is not keen about the 
idea. That holds true of the U.S., too. Even in Japan, there is 
disagreement about the concept." Apparently what he wanted to say 
would be that given the current situation, he could not support that 
concept. 
 
The whaling issue is now affecting Japan-Australia relations. Some 
in Japan take the view that because of that, Rudd is bypassing 
Japan. In reaction to "Japan-bashing" in Australia, a dislike for 
that country has erupted in Japan. 
 
When I asked Rudd about the possibility of pursuing the whaling 
issue with the International Court of Justice, he told me that 
 
TOKYO 00000835  009 OF 010 
 
 
resolving the issue diplomatically would be more desirable. He noted 
with confidence: "Because bilateral ties are solid, I'm not too 
worried about our having a disagreement." But I think both Japan and 
Australia should be cautious. Once both sides become overwhelmed by 
their emotions, the result could upset their diplomatic footing. 
 
What I have keenly realized every time I had a conversation with 
Rudd is his ample experience and the broad personal networks he 
formed when he was a shadow foreign minister for the four years his 
party was in the opposition camp. 
 
A high-level U.S. government official who knows Japan and Australia 
well at one point told me: "The two countries are democracies and 
our allies, but Japan and Australia are different. In the case of 
Australia, if the (U.S.) president visits it, he can have a 
substantive discussion with the head of the opposition party. But in 
Japan, doing so is impossible." 
 
The U.S. official was thinking of Rudd when he referred to the head 
of Australia's opposition party. Immediately after Rudd won the 
election, President Bush contacted him to say: "I would welcome an 
early visit by you to the U.S." Rudd also has cultivated a good 
relationship with Chinese President Hu Jintao, so that a frank 
conversation would be held between the two. 
 
The reason for Rudd bypassing Japan on his first overseas trip as 
prime minister in a way may lie with Japan itself. Japan is rapidly 
losing its national strength, including in the areas of economic 
power, foreign aid, and creativity. Japanese politics is no 
exception. Indeed, Japan remains unable to even choose who will lead 
the Bank of Japan. More importantly, Japan is void of a multifaceted 
diplomacy, as embodied by Rudd when he was shadow foreign minister. 
 
Rudd aware of difficulties in bridging gaps between Japan and 
Australia over whaling but he can't back down because of necessity 
of playing up different stance from his predecessor 
 
Akihito Sugii, Canberra, Seiichiro Utano 
 
In the interview, Rudd, asked about the whaling issue over which a 
showdown between Japan and Australia has continued, said: "I believe 
the Japanese and Australian governments will be able to find a 
diplomatic solution because both are sincere." But the two countries 
are much far apart with Australia calling for a full suspension of 
whaling. The Rudd administration does not necessarily have any 
specific chart to bring the issue to a resolution. Rudd, as well, 
admitted: "I realize that it is difficult to do so." 
 
The International Whaling Commission (IWC) is supposed to offer an 
opportunity for talks, but it has ceased to function because it has 
been divided into two groups: pro-whaling countries, including 
Japan, and anti-whaling countries, including Australia. When 
commercial whaling will be resumed remains an open question even 
now. 
 
In order to bring the IWC back on a normal track, Japan, in response 
to IWC Chairman Hogarth's request, decided to suspend hunting 
humpback whales over the next one or two years. Japan did so, taking 
it into consideration that humpback whales are very popular as the 
object of whale watching in Australia and other countries. In this 
regard, a senior Fisheries Agency (FA) official grumbled: "This was 
a significant concession for Japan. But Australia apparently thinks 
 
TOKYO 00000835  010 OF 010 
 
 
that (suspension) was only natural." 
 
The Rudd administration has made clear its anti-whaling stance 
principally because it needs to demonstrate the difference in 
policies from the previous Howard administration, which was 
criticized as being weak-kneed for its prioritizing economic and 
security ties with Japan and not assuming a tough stance regarding 
the whaling issue. Rudd noted, "I know a radical view exists in 
Japan," but he can't give an impression that he caves in to Japan. 
Rudd in this sense appears in a fix. 
 
The senior FA official noted: "Given Australia's assertion that 'it 
is impermissible to hunt even a single whale,' there is no room for 
Japan to make concessions with that country." Some in the Ministry 
of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries suggest establishing a new 
international institution to replace the IWC. 
 
Meanwhile, the whale meat market has been shrinking for the past two 
decades, so the product is not frequently put on the public's daily 
table. "Even if Japan tries to aggressively suppress the 
anti-whaling nations, it will not be possible to find a point of 
agreement," the senior official said. 
 
SCHIEFFER