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Viewing cable 07ASMARA945, ONE HEART, MANY DIVIDES: ETHNIC AFFILIATION IN ERITREA

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
07ASMARA945 2007-12-13 06:55 2011-08-25 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Asmara
VZCZCXRO0640
PP RUEHROV
DE RUEHAE #0945/01 3470655
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 130655Z DEC 07
FM AMEMBASSY ASMARA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 9323
INFO RUCNIAD/IGAD COLLECTIVE
RUEHLO/AMEMBASSY LONDON 1548
RUEHFR/AMEMBASSY PARIS 1726
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC
RUEKDIA/DIA WASHDC
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
RUEPADJ/CJTF-HOA J2X CAMP LEMONIER DJ
RHMFISS/CDR USCENTCOM MACDILL AFB FL
RUMICEA/JICCENT MACDILL AFB FL
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 ASMARA 000945 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
LONDON AND PARIS FOR AFRICA WATCHERS 
 
E.O. 12958:  N/A 
TAGS: PGOV SOCI ER
SUBJECT:  ONE HEART, MANY DIVIDES:  ETHNIC AFFILIATION IN ERITREA 
 
------------------------ 
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY 
------------------------ 
 
1.  The shared experience of the 30-year struggle for independence 
created a strong sense of national identity for most Eritreans.  The 
Government of the State of Eritrea (GSE) promotes Eritrea as having 
"one heart" or "hade libbi" in Tigrinya - a motto that is seen often 
in the days leading up to Eritrean Independence Day on May 24.  The 
efforts of the GSE to establish a sense of nationality that is 
greater than an ethnic or religious affiliation extends back during 
the time of the struggle for independence.  Isaias Afwerki, now 
Eritrea's President, and the other leaders of the Eritrean People's 
Liberation Front (EPLF) believed that overcoming ethnic and 
religious identities by creating a nationalism that was stronger was 
critical to a unified and successful Eritrea.  This approach also 
limited divisive issues around which Eritreans could organize and 
thereby minimized threats to the EPLF positions. 
 
2.  Despite the efforts by the GSE to describe Eritrea as having 
"one heart," ethnicity, religious affiliation, and regional ties 
continue to have an impact on the political and social fabric of 
Eritrea.  While these divisions often go unobserved by foreigners, 
they are an everyday reality for many Eritreans and often surface 
during disagreements and periods of tension.   End Summary. 
 
--------------------------------------------- ---------- 
THE EIGHT AREAS, ELEVEN ETHNIC GROUPS AND THE SIX ZOBAS 
--------------------------------------------- ---------- 
 
3.  In 1996, the GSE divided Eritrea into six administrative 
districts or zobas: Maekel, Debub, Anseba, Southern Red Sea, 
Northern Red Sea, and Gash Barka.  These six zobas are 
administrative only and overlap eight ethnic and cultural areas, 
which had emerged during the Italian and British colonial periods. 
The eight ethnic and cultural areas of Eritrea, with their "capital" 
cities are: Akeleguzay (Dekemhare), Barka (Agordat), Hamasien 
(Asmara), Sahel (Nakfa), Semhar (Massawa), Senhit (Keren), and 
Seraye (Mendefera).  Seven of the eight ethnic and cultural areas 
are dominated by one religious group, either Christian or Muslim. 
 
4.  Some of these areas have their own languages and many have 
sub-groups with alliances that pre-date Eritrea's struggle for 
independence.  Many of the movements during the struggle began as 
local or regional movements.  Even today, these ties to 
organizations from the struggle, such as the EPLF and the Eritrean 
Liberation Front (ELF) play a role in Eritrea's social fabric. 
Eight ethnic groups are officially recognized by the GSE and largely 
reside in distinct geographic areas, as do three other large ethnic 
groups not officially recognized by the government.  The eight 
official ethnic groups, Tigrinya, Saho, Blen, Tigre, Kunama, 
Rashaida, Nara, and the Afar, have strong ties to their areas and 
maintain their own languages.  The Djeberti, Hadareb-Beja, and the 
Tukrir are ethnic groups that are not officially recognized by the 
GSE, although the Hadareb, a sub-group of the Beja are often 
considered the ninth ethnic group of Eritrea. 
 
--------------------------------------------- --------- 
EIGHTY PERCENT OF ERITREA:  THE TIGRINYA AND THE TIGRE 
--------------------------------------------- --------- 
 
5.  The Tigrinya ethnic group dominates the areas of Akeleguzay, 
Seraye, and Hamasien.  Often referred to as the "Christian 
Highlanders," they are Tigrinya speakers.  Most are Christian -- 
Catholic, Protestant, or Orthodox Christian -- although there are 
highlanders who are Muslim, including the Djeberti sub-group from 
Seraye.  The Muslim Djebertis originated in the Tigray region of 
Ethiopia although they have resided in Eritrea for centuries.  They 
consider themselves to be a separate ethnic group from the Tigrinya; 
however, as their ethnic language is Tigrinya, the GSE denied their 
request to be recognized as an official ethnic group.  The 
Akeleguzay, Seraye, Hamasien, and Djeberti are considered the four 
sub-groups of the Tigrinya and some older Eritreans maintain these 
social distinctions quite strongly, objecting to marriages across 
the sub-groups.  Many Christian Tigrinyans consider the Muslim 
Djeberti to be of a lower status.  Among the younger generation, 
these distinctions have blurred to some extent into just being 
Tigrinya; however, the historic alliances and tensions remain. 
 
6.  The Hamasien region, the area around Asmara, is the historic 
center of power in the region.  Many perceive that Hamasiens, 
because of their residence in Asmara, tend to have access to better 
 
ASMARA 00000945  002 OF 004 
 
 
educational opportunities, giving them an advantage over their 
fellow Eritreans from other regions.  Within the Hamasien, there are 
at least three sub-groups: Karenshim, Dembezan, and Seharti.  The 
majority of the senior government officials are Tigrinya.  For 
example, President Isaias is a Tigrinya, Hamasien from Karneshim. 
The Head of Cultural Affairs for the People's Front for Democracy 
and Justice, Zemehret Yohannes and Abraha Kassa, Head of the Office 
of National Security are Akeleguzay.  The Minister of Tourism, Amna 
Nour Hussein, is a Djeberti.  Minister Abraha Asfaha, the Minister 
of Public Works, and the Minister of Finance, Berhane Abrehe are 
Seraye.  A majority of the Embassy locally employed staff is 
Hamasien. 
 
7.  The Hamasien-Tigrinya ethnic group were the founders of the EPLF 
and found easy recruits in their fellow Tigrinya speakers and 
historic allies, the Seraye and the Akeleguzay.  Yet despite these 
alliances, the Hamasien sub-group tend to be overly represented in 
the current regime, a situation resented by some Akeleguzay who 
believe they provided more fighters during the struggle and suffered 
more than others but have not received their fair share even today. 
 
8.  The Tigre people, together with the Tigrinya, comprise nearly 
eighty percent of Eritrea's population.  Some estimate that thirty 
to forty percent of Eritrea's population is Tigre.  Occupying areas 
in the north and west of Eritrea bordering Sudan, they are mostly 
Muslims.  Living in the historic regions of Semhar, Sahel, and 
northern Barka, many are nomadic shepherds.  The Tigre language, 
like Tigrinya, is considered a Semitic language.  Saleh Meky, the 
Minister of Health, is from the Tigre ethnic group. 
 
------------------------------------------- 
ALONG THE COAST:  THE AFAR AND THE RASHAIDA 
------------------------------------------- 
 
9.  The Afar, also called the Danakils, live in the Danakalia 
region, or Southern Red Sea zoba.  Predominantly Muslim, Afars also 
live in Djibouti and Ethiopia.  Many of them are herders and 
fisherman, while some participate in regional trade and engage in 
the black market.  Ethnic affiliation is strong for the Afar people. 
 Many Afar prioritize their ethnic identity ahead of nationality, 
with some advocating for the establishment of an Afar nation 
comprised of the Afar-dominated areas of Eritrea, Ethiopia, and 
Djibouti.  The Afar historically have maintained only a weak 
relationship with the GSE, in part due to the isolated geography of 
this desolate and dry area of the country creating a limiting factor 
on the GSE's delivery of service to the region.  The Commander of 
the Navy, General Ahmed Mohammed Karikare, is the most well-known 
Afar in Eritrea. 
 
10.  North of Massawa, in the Northern Red Sea zoba is the domain of 
the Rashaida.  Extending up the coast into Eastern Sudan, this 
Muslim tribe is one of the smallest ethnic groups in Eritrea. 
Despite their size, they reportedly wield great influence as the 
organizers and business leaders who manage much of the black market 
activity supporting Eritrea's economy today.   They are one of 
Eritrea's newest ethnic groups, arriving in Eritrea from the Arabian 
peninsula and Sudan two centuries ago.  They are herdsmen and 
smugglers and many Eritreans comment on their affinity for Toyota 
pickups and Land Cruisers.  They are isolated from the other ethnic 
groups, particularly the highlanders, and like the Afar have an 
ethnic affiliation that often supersedes their nationality.  Some 
Eritreans claim that the low representation of Rashaida in 
government positions is due to their nomadic lifestyle. 
 
--------------------------------------------- ---------- 
OUT WEST, IN THE LOWLANDS AND UNHAPPY:  KUNAMA AND NARA 
--------------------------------------------- ---------- 
 
11.  The Kunama live on the Badme plain and in the areas surrounding 
Barentu in western Eritrea.  Formerly known as the Gash Seite region 
and now part of the Gash Barka zoba, the region is part of Eritrea's 
breadbasket and was ravaged during the 1998-2000 war.  The Kunama's 
religious affiliations are a combination of Muslim, Catholic 
(converts during the Italian colonial period), and those practicing 
traditional animist Kunama beliefs.  The Kunama, like the Afar of 
the Southern Red Sea, are fiercely independent and many of them 
believe they should not be part of Eritrea, or any other nation. 
The Democratic Movement for the Liberation of the Eritrean Kunama 
(DMLEK) is an active Kunama opposition party that seeks to separate 
Kunama lands from Eritrea and establish a Kunama state.  Some 
foreigners and Kunama believe the GSE discriminates against the 
Kunama and that they are not provided with the same level of support 
 
ASMARA 00000945  003 OF 004 
 
 
by the GSE as the Tigrinya and Tigre people.  They are a nomadic 
people traditionally and some Kunama live in Ethiopia.  Some 
highlanders speak disparagingly about the Kunama, using derogatory 
terms for them, including "bariya," which means slave. 
 
12.  The Nara, who live in southwestern Eritrea near Tesseney and 
the Sudanese border, are one of the smallest ethnic groups in 
Eritrea and are predominantly Muslim.  They are mainly farmers and 
pastoralists.  Speaking a Nilotic language, they are often subject 
to discrimination and described in similarly negative terms as the 
Kunama.  The facial markings the Nara men receive during rites of 
passage indicate their ethnic identity among the Eritreans.  The GSE 
often recruits Nara to serve as police in Asmara, telling the Nara 
that the Asmarinos are mean and untrustworthy as a means to 
instigate tensions between the groups and prompt the Nara to act 
more forcefully toward the Asmarinos during round-ups and detention. 
 The Nara have limited educational opportunities and are not 
well-represented in the GSE.  Due to the high rate of poverty within 
the ethnic group and the limited opportunities available to them, 
some of those who are recruited by the GSE are reportedly just glad 
to have a meal and a place to sleep and are easy victims of the 
GSE's manipulation. 
 
--------------------------------------------- 
SMALL, PROUD, AND INFLUENTIAL:  SAHO AND BLEN 
--------------------------------------------- 
 
13.  The Bilen or Blen people are from the area surrounding Keren at 
the edge of the highlands.  Mostly Muslim, some of them converted to 
Catholicism during the Italian colonial era for economic reasons. 
There are few Protestant Blen, and even fewer Orthodox Christians. 
They claim their origin in Ethiopia, having left Ethiopia several 
centuries ago due to persecution by Ethiopians and the Orthodox 
Church.  Historically, because of their geographic location at the 
edge of the highlands, many Blen are traders and entrepreneurs. 
Most small businesses in Keren are owned by the Blen.  Reportedly 
because the Blen were well-represented in the Eritrean Liberation 
Front (ELF), few Blen are represented in the GSE today. 
 
14.  Living in the hilly region of southeastern Eritrea, the Saho 
people are mainly Muslims who live near Adi Keih and Senafe.  Saho, 
like Blen, is a Cushitic language.  Some believe that the Sahos are 
the third largest ethnic group in Eritrea.  Primarily pastoral 
nomads and farmers, the Sahos have held most land of the region in 
common ownership, with some portions reserved for sub-group and then 
kinship use.  Perceived by Eritreans as being better educated than 
other lowlanders and lowland Muslims (probably due to the region's 
proximity to Asmara and Massawa and the presence of the Catholic 
education system in Akeleguzay), they are perhaps the best 
represented of the non-Tigrinya ethnic groups in the government. 
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Osman Saleh is Saho.  The Minister 
of Justice, Fowsiya Hashim is considered to be Saho as her father 
was Saho, although her mother is Djeberti. 
 
----------------------------------- 
CROSSING BORDERS:  THE HEDAREB BEJA 
----------------------------------- 
 
15.  The Beja people are Muslim pastoralists who routinely move from 
western Eritrea near Agordat across the border into eastern Sudan 
near Kassala and Gedaref in Sudan.  There are approximately 3 
million Beja, divided into at least five subgroups that move back 
and forth.  The five primary subgroups are: Hadendowa, Amarir, Beni 
Amir, Bishriyyin, and Halenga.  The Beni Amir and the Hadendowa Beja 
are the largest sub-groups in Eritrea and often collectively 
referred to as Hedareb.  The Hedareb-Beja are considered by some to 
be the ninth ethnic group of Eritrea.  The Hedareb-Beja speak Beja 
and many also speak Tigre or Arabic.  Many Eritrean Hedareb-Beja 
intermarry with Beja in Eastern Sudan.   The mother of Abdallah 
Jabir, Head of Organizational Affairs for the People's Front for 
Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), is reportedly from the 
Beni-Amir-Hedareb-Beja. 
 
--------------------------------- 
NIGERIANS IN ERITREA:  THE TUKRIR 
--------------------------------- 
 
16.  The Tukrir are the descendants of a Muslim Nigerian group that 
came across Africa on a pilgrimage to Mecca in the 1940's and on 
their return from the Hajj decided to stay in Eritrea.  Not an 
official ethnic group of Eritrea, the relatively small number of 
Tukrir manage to maintain their own language.  While some Tukrir 
 
ASMARA 00000945  004.2 OF 004 
 
 
emigrated to Asmara, most live near Tessenay in far western 
Eritrea. 
 
--------------------------------------------- - 
NEW ADMINISTRATIVE LINES DRAWN:  THE SIX ZOBAS 
--------------------------------------------- - 
 
17.  The re-designation of the areas from eight to six in 1996 drew 
lines through ethnic groups and religious affiliations, separated 
ethnic groups administratively, and split up the former provinces in 
a deliberate effort to destroy the strong affiliations to the 
provinces, dilute ethnic identities, and ultimately ensure no one 
group could become too strong.  At the time, the GSE explained the 
restructuring as one based on "economic and geo-climatic 
homogeneity" and a policy that "takes as its basis national 
resources, demography infrastructure and the unity of our people." 
While the Southern Red Sea became more homogeneous for the Afar, the 
Northern Red Sea, Anseba, and Gash-Barka zobas became more 
ethnically diverse.  During the division, the GSE also expressed an 
interest in the resettlement and increased mobility of the 
population in order to accelerate an inter-ethnic assimilation 
process.  In reality, the new lines largely only added Tigrinya 
populations into areas which had been predominately occupied by 
other ethnic groups; many of these groups perceived this 
"Tigrinyaization" of historically non-Tigrinya regions of the 
country negatively, as individuals from the Tigrinya groups are 
believed to have better access to resources and senior government 
positions in those regions.  The Kunama, Nara, and Blen were the 
greatest "losers" in the creation of these new zobas, but the Saho, 
Tigre, and Hedareb-Beja were also significantly affected. 
 
------- 
COMMENT 
------- 
 
18.  The GSE walks a fine line in trying to unite all of the 
different groups under the "one heart" of Eritrea while also 
reminding individuals to be proud of their ethnic heritage.  On the 
surface, this effort appears to foster pride in Eritrea's diversity; 
however, many of the minority ethnic groups have a more sinister 
interpretation of GSE policies, believing the goal is to minimize 
ethnic and religious identities which might threaten the regime's 
control of the country.  Lowland Muslims, while loyal to an Eritrean 
nation, often feel left out of the GSE and most of the known small 
opposition groups, such as the DMLEK or the Afar Revolutionary 
Democratic Union Front (ARDUF), stem from the lowland regions of the 
Southern Red Sea, the West, and the Northwest.  Nonetheless, the 
Eritreans largely succeeded in creating a national identity during 
the struggle for independence.  Today, the internal dynamics of the 
GSE are more dependent on individual relationships stemming back to 
this shared battle history rather than on ethnic or religious 
differences, despite the predominance of the Hamasien-Tigrinya in 
the GSE.  The ethnic affiliations and tensions remain just under the 
surface of society, though, and most often come to the fore when 
grievances between groups arise.  End Comment. 
 
MCMULLEN