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Viewing cable 07TOKYO3736, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/14/07

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
07TOKYO3736 2007-08-14 08:00 2011-08-25 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO9405
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #3736/01 2260800
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 140800Z AUG 07
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 6455
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RUALSFJ/COMUSJAPAN YOKOTA AB JA//J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 4978
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 2555
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 6167
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 1583
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 3317
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 8376
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 4440
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 5409
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 08 TOKYO 003736 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/14/07 
 
 
Index: 
 
(1) US proposes disclosing sensitive information in unprecedented 
move, attaching importance to bilateral relationship of alliance; 
Ambassador Schieffer expresses strong expectations of extension of 
Antiterrorism Special Measures Law 
 
(2) Exchange of questions and answers with US Ambassador to Japan 
Schieffer: Classified info provided to opposition party in Australia 
as well; F-35 could be candidate for Japan's next-generation 
mainstay fighter 
 
(3) Prime minister approves replacement of Vice Defense Minister 
Moriya 
 
(4) Studies of DPJ: Upper House -- the so-called Seat of Common 
Sense -- to become battle field; Ozawa to eliminate logrolling 
between ruling and opposition camps 
 
(5) Interview with LDP Deputy Secretary-General Nobuteru Ishihara: 
Decisions based on likes and dislikes will not get LDP through 
crisis 
 
(6) Government arranging meeting on Aug. 23 between Prime Minister 
Abe and family members of the late Justice Pal 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) US proposes disclosing sensitive information in unprecedented 
move, attaching importance to bilateral relationship of alliance; 
Ambassador Schieffer expresses strong expectations of extension of 
Antiterrorism Special Measures Law 
 
NIKKEI (Page 3) (Full) 
August 14, 2007 
 
Editorial board member Tsuyoshi Sunohara 
 
In an interview to the Nikkei Shimbun yesterday, US Ambassador to 
Japan Schieffer stressed that disclosing sensitive information to 
the opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) in 
connection with an extension of the Antiterrorism Special Measures 
Law is not unusual. However, for the US government to use a 
diplomatic channel to convey classified information collected by the 
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) directly to the opposition camp, 
without going through the Japanese government, is unprecedented in 
the more-than-30-year history of the bilateral alliance. Behind this 
approach of the US lies the honeymoon-like relationship established 
during the Bush-Koizumi era and the tight budgetary situation of the 
Bush administration, which continues to make the "war on terrorism" 
its major policy slogan. 
 
Ambassador Schieffer during the meeting once again stressed the 
importance of the Antiterrorism Special Measures Law, the grounds 
for Japan dispatching Maritime Self-Defense Force's (MSDF) vessels 
to the Indian Ocean near Afghanistan. One can say that his appeal 
for Japan's support for an extension of the law transcended either 
the ruling or the opposition camp, if Japan considers the alliance 
with the US as its national policy. 
 
For the Bush administration, now suffering from low approval ratings 
due to the drawn out aftermath of the Iraq War, the defeat of the 
 
TOKYO 00003736  002 OF 008 
 
 
Taliban regime in Afghanistan in the operation it launched following 
the 2001 terrorist attacks on the US has been one of its few 
achievements. Japan, having firmly supported the US in the campaigns 
against Afghanistan and Iraq, is also one of the US' few brothers in 
arms. 
 
If Japan pulls out of the refueling operations for vessels of 
various countries in the Indian Ocean, the Bush administration would 
lose face in the international community. There is also a 
possibility of it taking a hard hit in domestic politics, because 
such a development could be taken as another case of the table 
having been turned for the Republican president, whose party is 
suffering a setback in the presidential election campaign. 
 
Behind Ambassador Schieffer's positive stance toward disclosing 
sensitive information to Japan's opposition party also lies the 
belief that the will of the people shown in the Upper House election 
this time rejected the Koizumi policy of always giving priority to 
the US. Regarding the future image of the Japan-US alliance, which 
is said to have entered the best period in postwar decades during 
the Koizumi administration, the ambassador previously had noted, "I 
want to strengthen the alliance so that it can be managed at the 
organization-to-organization level or state-to-state level, instead 
of depending on (the relations of) specific individuals." As a 
concrete measure to that end, Schieffer cited intelligence sharing. 
 
The success or failure of decisions made as he noted will be watched 
closely not only by both governments but also neighboring countries 
for they will be seen as a test auguring whether Japan and the US 
can establish an alliance that does not rely on specific 
individuals. 
 
(2) Exchange of questions and answers with US Ambassador to Japan 
Schieffer: Classified info provided to opposition party in Australia 
as well; F-35 could be candidate for Japan's next-generation 
mainstay fighter 
 
NIKKEI (Page 3) (Full) 
August 14, 2007 
 
-- What did you want to convey to the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ 
or Minshuto) regarding the issue of an extension of the 
Antiterrorism Special Measures Law? 
 
"I told Mr. Ozawa that the US would disclose as much information as 
possible. Preparations are being made for a meeting to disclose and 
explain classified information (on the Afghan situation) to Japanese 
lawmakers, including not only Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) members 
but also DPJ members. 
 
"I will meet with key government officials, including President Bush 
and Secretary of State Rice in Washington in the first week of 
September. If possible, I would like to hold that meeting through 
the second week into the third week in September after those 
meetings in Washington." 
 
-- Do you intend to continue contacts with the DPJ leadership? 
 
"I am ready to meet with them whenever they want. I have already met 
with former heads Katsuya Okada and Seiji Maehara. It is not 
unprecedented for the US to disclose classified information to 
opposition parties. We have done a similar thing in Australia as 
 
TOKYO 00003736  003 OF 008 
 
 
well. It is necessary for concerned parties to have sufficient 
information and make decisions based on that. We want to help that 
process." 
 
-- What would be the US response in the event of a failure of 
efforts to extend the law due to opposition from the DPJ? 
 
"Should that occur, Japan would send a very backward-looking message 
to the international community. I do hope such a thing will not 
occur." 
 
-- How do you analyze the crushing defeat of the LDP in the July 
Upper House election? 
 
"I take it as something which the people of Japan have decided on. 
One thing I can say is that foreign policy did not take center stage 
of the election campaign. The pension fiasco and scandals involving 
cabinet ministers were major campaign issues." 
 
-- Japan is now considering state-of-the-art F-22 Raptor fighters to 
serve as the Air-Self Defense Force's next-generation mainstay 
fighter. What is your view on that? 
 
"The US Congress prohibits the exports of F-22 Raptor fighters not 
only to Japan but also to Britain, Australia and members of the 
North Atlantic Treaty Organizations (NATO). Japan is no way the only 
country to which the exports of F-22 fighters are prohibited. We 
have other high-quality fighters, such as the F-35 and the F-18. I 
would like Japan to reach a decision after giving it full 
consideration." 
 
(3) Prime minister approves replacement of Vice Defense Minister 
Moriya 
 
SANKEI (Page 3) (Slightly abridged) 
August 14, 2007 
 
Defense Minister Yuriko Koike's decision to replace Vice Defense 
Minister Takemasa Moriya with Tetsuya Nishikawa, director general of 
the defense minister's secretariat, after the reshuffle of the 
cabinet planned for Aug. 27 was made without consulting the Prime 
Minister's Office (Kantei), upsetting Cabinet Secretary Yasuhisa 
Shiozaki. For a while, the issue festered, but Prime Minister Shinzo 
Abe made the final decision approving Koike's decision, after a 
meeting between the two. The prime minister took seriously a series 
of incidents involving the Defense Ministry, such as the leaking of 
classified information on the Aegis system. 
 
Direct negotiations with prime minister 
 
Shortly after noon yesterday, Koike visited the Prime Minister's 
Official Residence (Kantei) and exchanged verbal jabs with Shiozaki 
for more than one hour. 
 
According to informed sources about the Koike-Shiozaki meeting, 
Koike, even going so far as to indicate her intention to resign, 
asked for his understanding about the replacement of Moriya. She 
also asked Shiozaki to hold a meeting on Kantei personnel action, 
joined by Shiozaki and the deputy chief cabinet secretaries prior to 
a cabinet meeting tomorrow. 
 
Koike: Prime Minister Abe approved the plan to appoint Mr. Nishikawa 
 
TOKYO 00003736  004 OF 008 
 
 
as vice minister. I have determination to do so and will convey it 
to the prime minister. 
 
Shiozaki: Although the media reported on the personnel change, we 
were not informed of it in advance. The personnel decision-making 
system did not properly function. 
 
After expressing his displeasure, Shiozaki rejected Koike's 
proposal. 
 
Several minutes after Koike left the Kantei, Moriya visited Prime 
Minister Abe. The Abe-Moriya meeting lasted for nearly one hour. 
 
In the evening, Koike visited the Kantei again and met with the 
prime minister for about 20 minutes. She stressed the importance of 
replacing Moriya, saying; "The need of strengthening the nation's 
information-safeguard system is one reason for my call for replacing 
Mr. Moriya," underscoring the seriousness of the series of cases of 
information leaks from the Defense Ministry. Some persons take the 
view that Washington, out of concern about a recurrence of such 
leakage incidents, tacitly asked the government to replace Moriya. 
The prime minister approved of the appointment of Nishikawa, a 
former National Police Agency official, to succeed Moriya. 
 
Distrust in Moriya 
 
Although Koike cited information safeguards as the main reason for 
the replacement decision, she reportedly has been distrustful of 
Moriya, since she served as state minister in charge of Okinawa, 
because of his handling of US military base issues. 
 
Koike, as state minister in charge of Okinawa, succeeded in getting 
the government to drop a decision to abolish a project worth 100 
billion yen to develop the northern part of Okinawa over the decade. 
Moriya, though, was skeptical of Koike's move. It has been reported 
that Moriya was so eager to introduce a system to provide local 
communities with subsidies in accordance with the degree of their 
cooperation toward US force realignment plans that the Okinawa 
prefectural government regarded the presence of Moriya as the main 
cause for the stagnation of the base issue. 
 
It has also been reported that Koike, in a bid to promote the base 
issue upon obtaining understanding from local communities concerned, 
had unofficially conveyed to Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima and 
others her willingness to replace the vice minister, making Moriya 
angry. The replacement plan came out of the blue for Moriya. He 
angrily said on Aug. 7: "It must be impossible for the minister, who 
came into office just one month ago, to draw up (a personnel action 
plan)." A senior ministry official also said: "Ms. Koike has turned 
the entire ministry against her." 
 
Some observers point out a "delicate relationship between Koike and 
Shiozaki" as a factor that complicated the issue the vice minister's 
post. Last year, when Koike was a special advisor in charge of 
national security to the prime minister, Koike and Shiozaki remained 
at odds over the concept of creating a Japanese-version national 
security council (NSC). 
 
The current top priority issue for the Defense Ministry is to extend 
the Antiterrorism Special Measures Law, which is to expire Nov. 1. 
President Ichiro Ozawa of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), which 
has now control of the House of Councillors, remains opposed to the 
 
TOKYO 00003736  005 OF 008 
 
 
government's extension plan. The row over the top defense 
executive's post is likely to have some impact on future Diet 
deliberations. 
 
(4) Studies of DPJ: Upper House -- the so-called Seat of Common 
Sense -- to become battle field; Ozawa to eliminate logrolling 
between ruling and opposition camps 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
August 14, 2007 
 
Minshuto (DPJ or Democratic Party of Japan), which won a landslide 
victory in the July House of Councillors election, is in a hurry to 
make its move to grab the reins of government. President Ichiro 
Ozawa intends to stress confrontation as the party's approach to the 
ruling coalition in the Upper House, where his party now has the 
largest force. He plans to unsettle the administration of Prime 
Minister Shinzo Abe by submitting many bills to the chamber. 
However, his party's ability to hold the reins of government will be 
put to the test in the future. Can the DPJ, which used to be 
ridiculed as being a motley collection of politicians from different 
parties, band together in both will soon be tested. 
 
In a general meeting of all lawmakers on Aug. 7, the first day of 
the extraordinary Diet session, Ozawa used the word "responsibility" 
nine times in a five-minute speech. Regarding the contents of such 
responsibility, he emphasized: "We will respond in a visible way to 
what we have asserted. Reaching decisions by collusion between the 
ruling and opposition camps was a method used in the good old days 
of politics." 
 
It is often pointed out that the Upper House has continued the 1995 
political arrangement of cozy relations between the ruling and 
opposition parties. There were many cases, in which the opposition 
camp agreed to hold consultations on schedules, as well as to take 
votes on bills based on the principle that the so-called Seat of 
Common Sense does not take actions that would bring about political 
change, although it might confront the ruling camp in the Lower 
House. 
 
The parliamentary league of the DPJ and Shin-Ryokufuukai in the 
Upper House increased its members from the pre-election strength of 
83 to 112 (as of Aug. 13), exceeding the number of LDP lawmakers. It 
is possible for the opposition to kill bills with its majority in 
the chamber. 
 
On July 31, Ozawa first took action to form a roster of the party's 
new key executives, asking Upper House Chairman Azuma Koshiishi to 
stay on in his current post. LDP Upper House Chairman Mikio Aoki, 
with whom Koshiishi has close ties, has already announced his 
intention to step down from his post. The group of lawmakers hailing 
from the former Democratic Socialist Party, which had tried to 
recommend Masayuki Naoshima as chairman, stopped their action, 
thinking that it would unwise to challenge Koshiishi. Ozawa then 
entrusted Koshiishi with the selections of Upper House executives. 
 
In fact, there was a move to recommend Keiko Chiba, a member of the 
group of lawmakers coming from the former Socialist Party, to serve 
as president of the Upper House, but Satsuki Eda, a member of the 
group led by Deputy President Naoto Kan, was picked as candidate for 
the Upper House presidential race. Koshiishi picked a member of the 
former SDP-affiliate group as secretary general, a member of the 
 
TOKYO 00003736  006 OF 008 
 
 
group-led by Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama as chairman of the 
Diet Affairs Committee, a member of the group led by former 
President Seiji Maehara as policy chief. Takeo Nishioka, an 
Ozawa-led group member, was named chairman of the Upper House 
Steering Committee. 
 
"We will assume all committee chairman posts, including Budget 
Committee chairman," said former Upper House Secretary General 
Toshio Ogawa in a meeting on Aug. 10 of the full Upper House members 
of the party. Ogawa received a lot of applause. 
 
The Budget Committee chairman holds the key to pursuing the 
government and ruling coalition. However, there was a view in the 
DPJ that Koshiishi might give the Budget Committee chairmanship to 
the LDP since his party took the Steering Committee chairman post. 
The party intends to decide on the allocation of committee chairman 
posts and other matters through discussions before the fall 
extraordinary session convenes. If decisions are made behind the 
closed door, party members will inevitably express displeasure. 
 
Eda stated on Aug. 12: "The ruling camp thought that 70 or 80 % of 
the Lower House deliberations was enough for the Upper House. We 
will take sufficient time for deliberations from now on." 
 
(5) Interview with LDP Deputy Secretary-General Nobuteru Ishihara: 
Decisions based on likes and dislikes will not get LDP through 
crisis 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
August 14, 2007 
 
-- A shuffling of the cabinet and Liberal Democratic Party 
executives is scheduled for August 27. What is important about it? 
 
It would be the degree to which Prime Minister Abe can steer away 
from using as a standard in his selection process "whether or not we 
are on friendly terms" or "whether or not I like him or her." In 
selecting the current cabinet, he gathered lawmakers with whom he 
got on well, and he probably also felt like rewarding those who 
supported him (in the party presidential election). But now he faces 
an emergency situation. He has made the decision to walk a thorny 
path, so he must make cold, objective personnel choices. 
 
-- What do you see as the main reason for the LDP's loss in the 
Upper House election? 
 
I don't think we lost because of the pension problem. Such issues as 
the "politics and money" scandals, insincere attitudes and responses 
of cabinet members, as symbolized by former Agricultural Minister 
Norihiko Akagi's bandaged face, and a series of unforgivable 
unprincipled statements put a distance between us and the Japanese 
people to the point where we could not even discuss policy. The 
electorate probably thought: "What is wrong with this 
administration? They lack any sense of crisis-management 
capability." 
 
-- Didn't (the LDP) notice this happening during the election 
campaign? 
 
(During the campaign), we felt such a reaction from audiences when 
we were giving speeches. However, invisible cracks suddenly broke 
open, allowing water to spill out. That was the situation. 
 
TOKYO 00003736  007 OF 008 
 
 
 
-- In the Upper House, the ruling and opposition parties have 
switched places. How will (the LDP) get through the fall 
extraordinary Diet session? 
 
This time, the Upper House will be the main stage. As a member of 
the Lower House, I am sad. In the Lower House, the ruling party has 
over 300 seats. The same people who gave the LDP those seats 
reversed the majority and minority parties in the Upper House. 
Neither voters nor politicians know what effect this will have on 
Japan's two-chamber system. Until now, both the ruling and 
opposition parties have placed emphasis on decisions made in the 
Lower House, but now the opposition party, which has the majority in 
the Upper House, has a big responsibility. 
 
-- Democratic Party of Japan President Ichiro Ozawa says he is 
opposed to the extension of the Anti-Terrorism Special Measures 
Law. 
 
Ozawa called US Ambassador to Japan Schieffer over (to DPJ 
headquarters). This is the same as when he was the deputy chair of 
the LDP's Takeshita faction, for he similarly summoned Kiichi 
Miyazawa (then a candidate for prime minister), Michio Watanabe, and 
Hiroshi Mitsuzuka. Diplomacy to Ozawa is social. I won't go so far 
as to say he is completely without manners, but he lacks courtesy. 
It sounds cool when Ozawa and others talk about being the US' equal. 
However there are bases in Yokota and Okinawa, and we are still 
using the constitution that was written during the Occupation. We 
are definitely not equals. 
 
-- In discussions about the Anti-Terrorism Special Measures Law, 
what path should the ruling party take? 
 
There is the option of letting politics reflect the recent judgment 
of the people (meaning the opposition party will resist an extension 
and the law will expire). However in that case, Japan will lose the 
trust of the international community. Yet if the prime minister uses 
the Lower House majority to forcefully extend the law (the Lower 
House can pass a law again if the Upper House rejects it), there 
will definitely be those who say: "What about the will of the 
people, which was expressed during the Upper House election?" If the 
prime minister decides to follow through with Japan's will in the 
international community, I will support him all the way. 
 
-- The re-revision of the Political Funds Control Law is a major 
focal point. How will the LDP handle this issue? 
 
It is important to respond to the opinion of the people that the 
revisions made during the regular Diet session were insufficient. 
The reason that there is a lack of consensus within the LDP is 
because there are practical problems. 
 
It would be desirable if the ruling and opposition parties would 
keep practical operations in mind when having discussions. However 
(the path of re-revision) is up to Ozawa. If he passes amendments in 
the Upper House that the LDP cannot agree to and takes a 
confrontational stance, saying, "Just try and reject (the 
amendments) in the Lower House," we will be forced to propose our 
own amendments (to counter the DPJ). 
 
(6) Government arranging meeting on Aug. 23 between Prime Minister 
Abe and family members of the late Justice Pal 
 
TOKYO 00003736  008 OF 008 
 
 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full) 
August 14, 2007 
 
It was learned yesterday that in connection with Prime Minister 
Shinzo Abe's upcoming trip to India, the government is now arranging 
an informal meeting in Kolkata (Calcutta) on Aug. 23 between Abe and 
the family members of the late Radhabinod Pal, who served as a 
justice at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East's 
trials of Japanese accused or war crimes during World War II,. Abe 
is also looking for the possibility of having exchanges with 
descendants of the late Subhas Chandra Bose, known as a champion of 
Indian independence. 
 
Twenty-five Japanese leaders were charged with Class-A war crimes. 
Seven, including wartime prime minister Hideki Tojo, were executed 
by hanging. Justice Pal, criticizing the way the victors tried a 
defeated country, found all the defendants innocent. There is a 
monument honoring him at Yasukuni Shrine. 
 
At a Lower House plenary session last October, Abe stated: "(Japan) 
is not a position to offer an objection to the trials since it 
accepted them." Referring to Class-A war criminals' responsibility 
for the war, he has avoided expressing his own view, just saying: 
"Since there still remain various arguments as to who were 
responsible for the war, it is not appropriate for the government to 
decide." A government official explained the planned meeting with 
the Pal family: "It will symbolize the friendly relations between 
Japan and India." However, the meeting could set off China and other 
countries, depending on its contents. 
 
During the war, Subhas Chandra Bose had exchanges with Hideki Tojo 
that were aimed at support for the independence of India from 
Britain. He is called the champion of India's independence, and his 
ashes were laid to rest in Renkouji Temple in Suginami Ward. 
 
MESERVE