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Viewing cable 07NICOSIA521, SOUTH'S TURKISH CYPRIOTS CITE DISCRIMINATION, NEEDS
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| Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 07NICOSIA521 | 2007-06-18 14:03 | 2011-08-24 01:00 | UNCLASSIFIED | Embassy Nicosia |
VZCZCXRO8367
OO RUEHAG RUEHAST RUEHDA RUEHDBU RUEHDF RUEHFL RUEHIK RUEHKW RUEHLA
RUEHLN RUEHLZ RUEHPOD RUEHROV RUEHSR RUEHVK RUEHYG
DE RUEHNC #0521/01 1691403
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
O 181403Z JUN 07
FM AMEMBASSY NICOSIA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 7928
INFO RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK IMMEDIATE 0878
RUEHBS/USEU BRUSSELS IMMEDIATE
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 NICOSIA 000521
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
DEPARTMENT FOR EUR/SE, IO/UNP
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PHUM PREL PGOV CY TU
SUBJECT: SOUTH'S TURKISH CYPRIOTS CITE DISCRIMINATION, NEEDS
REF: A. 06 NICOSIA 2051
¶B. NICOSIA 151
¶C. NICOSIA 52
¶1. (SBU) SUMMARY: Perhaps 1500 Turkish Cypriots reside in
the government-controlled areas of Cyprus. Like the enclaved
Greek Cypriots of the Karpass peninsula, the T/C community,
centered in second-city Limassol, endures isolation and
depends heavily on Republic of Cyprus handouts for its
existence. And again like the enclaved G/Cs, schooling
issues dominate Turkish Cypriots' demands, namely, the
request for a separate T/C school that would mirror the Greek
Cypriot facility in Dipkarpaz/Rizokarpasso. Hoping to sway
international opinion in the May run-up to a
highly-anticipated RoC Supreme Court ruling on the need for
such a school, the Foreign Ministry touted the successes of a
G/C elementary renovated to serve a multicultural Limassol
neighborhood. T/C parents there no longer sought a
segregated facility for their children, the MFA claimed,
preferring instead to immerse them in the majority Greek
Cypriot community.
¶2. (SBU) Embassy staff accepted the headmaster's invitation
and visited Ayios Antonios Elementary School three weeks
later, finding a modern, well-equipped institution, committed
teachers, and bright, happy children who seemingly mixed
well. A prominent T/C community leader disputed the "all's
fine" message coming from the MFA and headmaster, however.
Turkish Cypriot parents of any means took the RoC's education
stipends and sent their children to private,
English-instruction facilities; only the poorest and most
marginalized T/Cs, vulnerable to Greek Cypriot pressure,
utilized Ayios Antonios. Limassol's T/Cs were second-class
citizens, he lamented, victims of discrimination and neglect.
Subsequent Embassy conversations with UNFICYP experts lent
credence to the community leader's argument, at least as
regards to the school issue. Political stubbornness, they
claimed, not marginal demand, underpinned the RoC's decision
not to establish a separate facility for T/C youth. END
SUMMARY.
-----------------------------
Bigger Numbers, Lower Profile
-----------------------------
¶3. (U) Turkish Cypriots who refused to participate in the
population exchanges following the conflict of 1974 -- and
their descendants -- comprise part of the
government-controlled area's T/C population, which also
includes newcomers who moved south after the liberalization
of crossing procedures in 2003. Demographers estimate they
number between 800 and 1500; the last official count (2003)
revealed a population of 1317, roughly three times that of
the enclaved Greek Cypriots in Karpass. UNFICYP claims 98
percent are Roma. Cyprus's 1960 constitution allowed the
island's minority groups to self-identify with either of the
larger Cypriot communities, and primarily for linguistic
reasons, the Roma checked the T/C box. Similar to Gypsies
worldwide, they were historically migratory, predominantly
poor, and often targets of discrimination and derision.
Besides Limassol, communities of Turkish Cypriots exist in
Paphos and Larnaca.
¶4. (SBU) While the "TRNC" occasionally has protested the
southern T/Cs' lot and attempted to direct international
attention their way, the community's profile pales next to
that of the Karpass Greeks. Numerous factors explain the
differing treatment, the best the text of the "Vienna III"
agreement, which island leaders Archbishop Makarios and Rauf
Denktash inked in 1975. In it, Turkish Cypriots "at present
in the South of the Island will be allowed, if they want to
do so, to proceed North...with the assistance of UNFICYP."
With Denktash long a proponent of an ethnically bi-zonal
Cyprus, neither community leaders nor the UN thought much of
sustaining a T/C presence in the south. Conversely, Vienna
III stipulated that Greek Cypriots "at present in the North
of the Island are free to stay and they will be given every
help to lead a normal life, including facilities for
education and the practice of their religion." Consistent
with their preference for a unitary state, Greek Cypriots
have viewed the enclaved as standard-bearers of Hellenism in
the "occupied" areas.
¶5. (SBU) To the present, United Nations troops and officials
ferry supplies to the 300-odd, mostly aged Greek Cypriots
inhabiting four isolated villages in Karpass, settle petty
disputes, even do residents' banking, this despite the 2003
opening of the Buffer Zone crossings that made visitation for
relatives in the south routine. Further, UN pressure and
NICOSIA 00000521 002 OF 004
liaison was instrumental in the Turkish Cypriot
"government's" decision to allow a G/C school in Rizokarpasso
to open and expand. UN efforts to assist the T/C community
seems stark in comparison. It opened an office in Limassol
in 1996 to liaise with RoC officials, mainly on human rights
and welfare/social services issues, but closed it three years
later, citing underutilization. Currently, officers from the
Civil Affairs office periodically consult T/C leaders in
Limassol and make occasional home visits.
¶6. (SBU) Neither the "TRNC" nor the UN has given up hope of
securing a separate school for Turkish Cypriot youth, roughly
modeled after the Rizokarpasso facility. As pressure points,
UNFICYP officers have cited the RoC's obligation under
international law to provide education in the mother tongue,
as well as the government's numerous written promises to open
the school. They are monitoring anxiously a court case which
the Turkish Cypriot teachers union KTOS filed that demands
the government take action (Note: after another in a series
of RoC-requested adjournments filed June 7, the Supreme Court
will hear the case September 5.)
---------------------------
Government on the Offensive
---------------------------
¶7. (U) Hoping to influence opinions amongst the
international community, the Foreign Ministry May 4 conducted
a well-attended diplomatic corps briefing regarding the
government's efforts to provide a quality education to
Turkish Cypriots residing in the south. Erato Marcoullis,
head of the Cyprus Question division and former ambassador to
the United States, opened the presentation by claiming the
RoC remained fully attuned to T/Cs' educational needs. As a
result of a 2005 Council of Ministers decision allowing the
creation of a separate school for Turkish Cypriots, the MFA
and Education Ministry had pitched this possibility to T/C
parents in Limassol. The latter, however, preferred
immersion to isolation. "If we're going to be living with
Greek Cypriots, we should be studying with them, too," one
parent allegedly had reasoned. Should T/C opinion eventually
change, the government remained open to opening a separate
facility, Marcoullis asserted.
¶8. (U) Ayios Antonios Elementary School Headmaster Loukas
Philippou next took the mike. Until recently, his school,
located in a low-income, ethnically-mixed neighborhood west
of downtown Limassol, suffered the same problems of
inner-city schools in western Europe and the United States:
declining enrollment and test scores, increasing truancy and
disciplinary problems, and crumbling infrastructure.
Racial/ethnic friction was exacerbating the negative climate,
with the school's Greek Cypriot, Turkish Cypriot, Roma, and
Pontian Greek students often clashing. Hoping to save the
school and make it a magnet for Limassol's redevelopment, the
Education Ministry, in coordination with the city, civil
society, and parents' groups, succeeded in including Ayios
Antonios in a four-school pilot program targeting the ills
above. Keys to the effort included hiring additional
teachers (two Turkish-speaking) and permanent social workers,
refurbishing the building, and cracking down on anti-social
behavior. Philippou proudly highlighted a Commonwealth award
for excellence that Ayios Antonios had won in 2006.
¶9. (U) In the Q and A session that followed, the headmaster
revealed that 53 of 151 students were Turkish Cypriot (all
but two Roma). Racial and ethnic tensions were things of the
past, he boasted. Not only were T/C parents in the Ayios
Antonios district thrilled with the school; Turkish Cypriots
in other neighborhoods were transferring their kids from
local facilities. No longer was there demand in Limassol for
a separate education for Turkish Cypriot youth. Concluding,
he invited those assembled to come see Ayios Antonios for
themselves.
-------------------
Shiny, Happy People
-------------------
¶10. (SBU) One diplomat captured the mood in the MFA briefing
room perfectly: "I know propaganda when I see it." In
response, Emboffs May 23 traveled south to visit the school,
meet Turkish Cypriot leaders, and discuss minority relations
with the Limassol mayor. Ayios Antonios Elementary, located
in the historical Turkish quarter, impressed immediately with
its orderliness and freshly-scrubbed appearance. Before a
follow-on briefing and subsequent tour of the school, the
student body treated its Embassy visitors to a bilingual
song-and-dance performance, performing numbers they had
NICOSIA 00000521 003 OF 004
recorded for a limited-distribution CD. All appeared
enthused with the program and comfortable around students of
other backgrounds.
¶11. (SBU) With the Commonwealth award and other
commemorations displayed proudly on office walls, Philippou
elaborated upon measures taken to serve the T/C community.
The additional 100,000 CYP (USD 234,000) in government
funding had allowed the hiring of two Turkish Cypriot
teachers, a bilingual social worker, infrastructure updates,
and purchase of Turkish-language educational materials
(sourced from Turkey or Greece's Western Thrace, not from
northern Cyprus.) The school even covered taxi fares for
those T/C students hailing from outside Ayios Antonios's
district. Turkish Cypriot children were well-integrated into
the student body, and their parents now participated in its
PTA-equivalent. Responding to our inquiry, Philippou
asserted that neither T/C students nor parents had voiced
displeasure with the school-wide curriculum and textbooks,
which many observers consider overly nationalistic (Ref B).
¶12. (SBU) Ayios Antonios's two Turkish Cypriot teachers lived
in the T/C-administered area and transited the Buffer Zone
twice per day. Both appeared fresh out of college and happy
with the two-year assignment. Class sizes were small --
approximately eight students per -- with T/C children
spending 8-10 hours each week receiving community-specific
instruction. (Note: Emboffs made two observations that
called into question Philippou's assertions of seamless
inter-communal integration. On each child's desk were
Education Ministry-supplied notebooks depicting northern
Cyprus landmarks and carrying the politically-charged caption
"I Won't Forget." And on a prominently-displayed children's
drawing of many nations' flags, vandals had scraped off the
Turkish and Pakistani banners, the only two carrying the
Muslim crescent-and-star emblems.)
---------------------------------------------
Elder Throws Cold Water on Co-existence Image
---------------------------------------------
¶13. (SBU) Restaurateur Ayhan Mehmet, self-described as the
only Turkish Cypriot entrepreneur in Limassol, dismissed
claims that the Ayios Antonios experience satisfied T/C
parents' educational demands. Most "authentic" Turkish
Cypriots -- in his estimation, 10 percent of the Limassol
community, the remainder being Roma -- utilized the RoC
scholastic stipend to send their children to the American
Academy or English School. Education Ministry staff had
retooled the "G/C" elementary solely to satisfy UN and
international community demands, not to provide Turkish
Cypriots quality learning. Roma parents had sent their kids
to Ayios Antonios only after the police threatened to cut off
RoC welfare benefits, on which 99 percent of them survive.
Ayhan reserved some blame for the current situation for the
"TRNC" as well; around 1999, "then-President" Rauf Denktash
had refused to appoint teachers to staff a UN-arranged
separate facility.
¶14. (SBU) A few hours of Turkish language instructions
hardly constituted education in the native tongue, nor did it
meet the children's needs, retorted Angelos Kyriakoudes, a
Turkish-speaking Greek Cypriot teacher and ally of the T/C
community. Kyriakoudes, who had had to change schools twice
owing to harassment for his pro-T/C opinions, contrasted
Ayios Antonios with the Greek Cypriot school in Rizokarpasso
"There, G/C kids have their own building, teachers, books
from the south -- everything." Both men doubted the
government's willingness ever to open a school for Turkish
Cypriots, regardless of the Council of Ministers decision and
Foreign Ministry's commitment.
¶15. (SBU) Life for Turkish Cypriots outside the school
disappointed as well, with community members facing daily
hassles. As an example, Ayhan recounted how he had sought
for years to acquire a license for his restaurant, the only
T/C-owned business in the area. Local authorities continued
to spring new demands, however, from increased parking
availability to mandatory facade changes. Lacking funds for
either, he had operated unlicensed for years. The Greek
Cypriot-owned tavern across the street, a near-mirror of his
own, had obtained its licenses seemingly without completing
mandated upgrades. Ayhan lacked proof that his ethnicity
underpinned his problems with the municipality, but in his
opinion discrimination was to blame.
------------------------------
Unbiased Judge Tilts T/Cs' Way
------------------------------
NICOSIA 00000521 004 OF 004
¶16. (SBU) Ayhan Mehmet seemed a "straight-shooter" rightly
concerned about poor conditions in the Turkish Cypriot
community, ventured UNFICYP Civil Affairs officer Sally Anne
Corcoran, responsible for liaison with the southern T/Cs.
His accounts of benefits cutoff threats directed toward Roma
in Limassol tracked with information UNFICYP had gleaned in
its home visits, and she had no reason to doubt his
contention that he and fellow T/Cs faced regular
discrimination. Corcoran's opinions on the Cypriot Foreign
and Education Ministries rang far more negatively. Despite
paying lip service to its commitment to provide a separate
school option, the RoC had fought the measure tooth-and-nail.
She singled out recently-deceased Education Minister Pefkios
Georgiades for criticism, claiming that the much-loved (in
the G/C community, at least), avuncular Georgiades repeatedly
erected roadblocks to the school's opening. He also had
fought the adoption of more-balanced history textbooks for
middle and high school students in the government-controlled
areas. The actions were indicative of a harder line toward
Turkish Cypriots that the current administration held,
Corcoran continued.
¶17. (SBU) Ayios Antonios teachers were committed
professionals and its administration had effected positive
change for its Turkish-speaking students, she added. Its
focus on improving their hygiene was praiseworthy and
necessary, given the squalor many inhabited. But the
school's efforts did not amount to "providing an education in
the mother tongue," she asserted. UNFICYP staff therefore
were eagerly monitoring the KTOS-filed lawsuit against the
RoC, now adjourned until September.
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COMMENT
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¶18. (SBU) Historical and numerical similarities aside,
differences between the south's Turkish Cypriot community and
the enclaved G/Cs may exceed commonalities. Greek Cypriots
consider their Karpass presence vital to their contention
that the Republic of Cyprus constitutes the island's
entirety. They constantly raise international awareness of
the enclaved's lot and fund their continued existence
generously. In contrast, "TRNC" officials rarely mention
their Limassol and Paphos compatriots and provide them scant
financial support. At least three factors explain the
differing treatment. The first is financial; the RoC has far
greater resources available to succor its northern outpost.
Racism against Roma likely also plays a part -- leader
Mehmet's distinction between "real" Turkish Cypriots and
gypsies diverges little from the prevailing view island-wide.
Finally, partition proponent Denktash's primary motivation
in demanding a separate state for Turkish Cypriots -- to
protect T/Cs from a Greek Cypriot majority bent on genocide
or subjugation -- becomes anachronistic should the community
in the south thrive.
¶19. (SBU) Thrive they won't, but survive they will. While
the enclaved Greek Cypriot population has dwindled due to
"emigration" south and the dropping birthrate common to all
Cyprus, our admittedly non-scientific observation of the
Limassol community showed Turkish-speaking numbers at worst
holding steady; they might even grow, should the Roma
birthrate remain higher than average and Kurdish refugees
continue to arrive in Cyprus. In addition, the RoC derives
great utility from a Turkish Cypriot presence in the
government-controlled areas. It allows Greek Cypriot leaders
to refute claims they seek an ethnically-pure state, and
permits them to show off their altruism in providing much of
the community with welfare benefits. Despite the
"commitment" to multiculturalism, however, we expect no
sea-change in regards to demands for a separate school for
Turkish Cypriots. The stated reason for the most-recent
adjournment of the KTOS lawsuit -- to translate additional
documents into Turkish -- seems pure slow-rolling to us.
ZIMMERMAN