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Viewing cable 07USUNNEWYORK161, UNSC MOVING CAUTIOUSLY ON UN PEACEKEEPING IN
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| Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 07USUNNEWYORK161 | 2007-03-01 14:47 | 2011-08-25 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | USUN New York |
VZCZCXRO1847
PP RUEHBZ RUEHDU RUEHGI RUEHJO RUEHMA RUEHMR RUEHPA RUEHRN RUEHROV
DE RUCNDT #0161/01 0601447
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 011447Z MAR 07
FM USMISSION USUN NEW YORK
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 1426
INFO RUCNFUR/DARFUR COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHZO/OAU COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHGG/UN SECURITY COUNCIL COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHDS/AMEMBASSY ADDIS ABABA PRIORITY 1173
RUEHAE/AMEMBASSY ASMARA PRIORITY 0964
RUEHEG/AMEMBASSY CAIRO PRIORITY 0794
RUEHKH/AMEMBASSY KHARTOUM PRIORITY 0587
RUEHNJ/AMEMBASSY NDJAMENA PRIORITY 0232
RUEHTRO/AMEMBASSY TRIPOLI PRIORITY
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC PRIORITY
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 USUN NEW YORK 000161
SIPDIS
SENSITIVE
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: CD ET PGOV PHUM PREF PREL SU UNSC KPKO
SUBJECT: UNSC MOVING CAUTIOUSLY ON UN PEACEKEEPING IN
CHAD/CAR
REF: A. SECSTATE 23989
¶B. NDJAMENA 00171
¶C. NDJAMENA 00176
¶D. USUN NEW YORK
USUN NEW Y 00000161 001.2 OF 003
¶1. (SBU) SUMMARY. At February 27 consultations, a majority of
United Nations Security Council (UNSC) members advocated a
go-slow approach toward UN peacekeeping in Chad and the
Central African Republic (CAR), mindful of Chadian President
Deby's attitude toward deployment, which so far has been
equivocal at best (ref B). No draft resolution on the
mandate of a force was tabled, although a coalition emerged
between the French, Ghanaian, Congolese and South African
delegations on the crafting of an eventual text, something
the USG might consider joining (see para 9). While all
delegates agreed the Darfur crisis was spilling into eastern
Chad and northeastern CAR, no delegation openly endorsed
either of the two options for deployment articulated in the
Secretary-General's February 23 Report (S/2007/97). Possible
SIPDIS
steps raised for keeping Deby engaged in peacekeeping
discussions included an invitation to the GOC to come to New
York to meet with the UNSC and an engagement with Libyan COL
Qadhafi, who has mediated recent bilateral agreements between
the GOC and the Sudanese Government of National Unity. On
Darfur, Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO)
Assistant SYG Annabi reported receipt on February 26 of a
letter from the Sudanese PermRep that expressed hope for the
normalization of Chad-Sudan relations in the wake of the
latest Tripoli Agreement and that alluded to the arrival "at
any moment" of President Bashir's response to the UN and
African Union's January 24 letter on the Heavy Support
Package (HSP) assistance to the AU Mission in the Sudan
(AMIS). END SUMMARY.
EASTERN CHAD: "NOT A CONVENTIONAL PEACEKEEPING ENVIRONMENT"
--------------------------------------------- --------------
¶2. (SBU) DPKO A/SYG Annabi followed up on his January 16
briefing (ref D) and reported the recommendations of the
second Technical Assessment Mission (TAM) to Chad and CAR,
which visited the region from January 21 to February 6. He
noted that the number of internally displaced persons in
eastern Chad had increased to 120,000 as of early February,
due in large part to militia attacks in Dar Sila and
heightened tensions between populations over scarce natural
resources. Annabi reported that the 12 refugee camps in
eastern Chad remained "easy targets" for recruitment by
Sudanese rebels and added that IDP sites had reportedly also
been experiencing similar recruitment.
¶3. (SBU) Annabi emphasized that eastern Chad was "not a
conventional peacekeeping environment" and would create
significant logisitical and operational challenges for any UN
peacekeeping force that was to be deployed there. Although
noting the possible perception of the UN force by Chadian
rebels as partial to the GOC given the requisite coordination
it would maintain with the Chadian Armed Forces (ANT), Annabi
dismissed any need for permission or "guarantees" from these
rebels assuring the safety of peacekeepers, and made
reference to a tacit arrangement the French military in
Abeche have come to with the rebels as a viable precedent.
He said that in the French case, the rebels obviously
realized that French forces would not initiate hostilities
with them but would respond with deadly force if provoked.
Annabi insisted that in order to be credible, the force must
focus on protecting civilians and deterring cross-border
attacks; he was firm that the force should not be mandated to
interdict or undertake "hot pursuit" operations across the
border into Sudan, nor should it take on border control
responsibilities. Annabi highlighted the standing sovereign
responsibilities of both the GOC and the GCAR to protect
their own populations against violence along their borders.
¶4. (SBU) Annabi spoke at length about his February 5 meeting
with President Deby, in which Annabi outlined the TAM
findings, discussed a concept of operations for a UN force,
and stressed any such force's mandate to protect civilians
and serve as a deterrent for cross-border attacks. Deby,
however, remained unconvinced, as he had in his December 2006
meeting with Annabi. Deby had reiterated his preference for
a civilian-only force (gendarmes and police) without UN
military peacekeepers and remarked that the only reason the
USUN NEW Y 00000161 002.2 OF 003
UN was seeking an operation in Chad was because it was unable
to deploy one on the Sudan side of the border. Annabi said
that Deby felt slighted by the UNSC, which had never
responded to his repeated appeals for support against "acts
of Sudanese aggression" (ref C). In response to Deby's
request that the TAM's recommendations be submitted to him in
writing for approval, Annabi had sent an Aide Memoire to the
Acting FM on February 6 and to the Chadian PermRep upon the
TAM's return to New York. The Chadian PR informed Annabi on
February 26 that he had received an "oral message" from FM
Allam-mi, which stated the GOC needed more time to study the
TAM report, reiterated Deby's February 5 position and warned
against precipitous UNSC action without first conferring with
the GOC. Annabi was receptive, as were representatives of
the Department of Political Affairs, to the idea of inviting
a GOC official to New York to discuss these issues with the
UNSC directly.
¶5. (SBU) Despite Deby's ambivalent stance, Annabi said that
preparations were underway for a UN force, as well as for the
advance mission authorized by the January 16 UNSC
Presidential Statement (S/PRST/2007/2). Pre-mandate
authority for the advance mission was expected by the end of
February, and Annabi confirmed the mission would deploy as
soon as funding was authorized by the ACABQ. Annabi
projected these costs to be $46.9 million for the period from
March 1 to June 30. Annabi described the SYG's
recommendation for a force under "Option B" of his report
(10,900 troops) as having a lower risk vis-a-vis protection
of civilians and as being less susceptible to logistic and
environmental constraints presented by the theater of
operations. With regard to Option A, Annabi pointed out the
traditional difficulties the UN faced in identifying the
necessary air assets. Annabi was firm that the police
concept envisaged for the UN force would depend entirely on
the existence of a military component for support; without
this component, Annabi insisted that the force would have no
dissuasive capacity in the hostile environment along Chad's
eastern border.
¶6. (SBU) Annabi put little faith in the bilateral agreements
between Chad and Sudan, including the latest signed in
Tripoli on February 22, noting that there had been six such
accords in the past 12 months, not one of which had been
implemented. Annabi reported receipt on February 26 of a
letter from the Sudanese PermRep that expressed hope for the
normalization of Chad-Sudan relations in the wake of the
latest Tripoli agreement and that alluded to the arrival "at
any moment" of President Bashir's response to the UN and
African Union's January 24 letter on the HSP assistance to
AMIS. Ambassador Sanders mentioned Special Envoy Natsios'
planned travel to Darfur and Tripoli and asked about UN plans
to engage Libyan COL Qadhafi, who could not be discounted as
a player in the Chad crisis (ref B). Annabi acknowledged
that there would be merit to the notion of the UN and SC
Members involving Qadhafi, despite rumors he was not
"sanguine" about UN deployment in Chad, adding that the GOC
was very sensitive to Libyan concerns.
MEMBERS TREAD CAREFULLY ON FORCE OPTIONS
----------------------------------------
¶7. (SBU) While all delegates agreed the Darfur crisis was
spilling into eastern Chad and northeastern CAR, no
delegation openly endorsed either of the two options for
deployment articulated in the SYG's Report. French PR de La
Sabliere echoed French comments reported ref B by saying that
more work remained to be done with President Deby before a
draft resolution could be circulated, and by calling for the
need for "transparency" in the drafting process. De La
Sabliere hoped for a consensus text and announced plans to
work closely with the Ghanaian, Congolese and South African
delegations on a resolution text, inviting any other
interested Members to join the effort (NOTE: Ghanaian rep
told Poloff privately after the consultations that the French
PR had already had a one-on-one discussion with the Ghanaian
PR on this point and that Ghana would be more than happy if
we were interested in collaborating on a text. END NOTE).
De La Sabliere spoke for most Members when he declared that
the UN force must be robust enough to have an impact on the
ground but that the choice of force options was not
necessarily A or B. Ghanaian PR Effah-Apenteng, Congolese PR
USUN NEW Y 00000161 003.2 OF 003
Ikouebe and South African PR Kumalo were all in agreement
with this approach, with Kumalo making clear that neither
Option A nor Option B would be viable if political obstacles
presented by Deby's and rebel groups' perceptions of the UN
force could not be overcome.
¶8. (SBU) Among the other P-5 members, UK PR Jones Parry made
clear linkages between the Darfur and Chad situations,
insisting the UNSC focus on improving the humanitarian
situation in Darfur, seek a report from UN Special Envoy
Eliasson and AU Special Envoy Salim (NOTE: This report is
expected during the week of March 12. END NOTE), and get a
definitive answer from the AU and the UN on modalities for
the hybrid operation. Jones Parry noted that "tougher
measures" would become "inevitable" if the Sudanese
Government continued to stall on the HSP and violate UNSCR
1591 (2005). Russian Deputy PR Dolgov said his delegation
had no problem with either Option A or Option B for Chad/CAR
deployment and was open to discussions on force numbers for
both. He, like the Chinese delegate, agreed strongly that
deployment of any force should be subject to GOC consent and
that dialogue with Deby is essential. In response to an
argument by the Qatari PR that Sudanese consent was required
for UN deployment in Chad and CAR (consent which Annabi
replied was not technically required), Dolgov said a
"positive message" from the Government of National Unity
(GNU) could go a long way in facilitating the deployment.
Dolgov hoped that the GNU's response to the SYG's January 24
letter on the HSP would be positive and that the GNU would
shoulder its responsibility to its Darfur population. The
Chinese rep reported that Beijing was still studying both
options for Chad/CAR deployment. Drawing from ref A points,
Ambassador Sanders said the Department was studying
operations for deployment, noting that the air assets under
Option A seemed to lend themselves to the terrain. She also
confirmed that the USG stood prepared to assist DPKO with
recruitment for force generation for the Chad/CAR operation.
COMMENT
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¶9. (SBU) It was clear from the tenor of discussions that
Members favored a cautious approach toward determining a
mandate for an eventual UN peacekeeping force in Chad/CAR, in
large part because the Council does not want to repeat the
"mistakes" of Darfur deployment by proceeding in the absence
of host country consent. All agreed that more work remained
to be done with Deby, and the idea of inviting him or FM
Allam-mi had considerable traction. Similarly, the idea of
proceeding cautiously on the drafting of a resolution for the
force was popular, and it would make good sense to join the
fledgling alliance that emerged among France and the African
UNSC Members in order to have a hand in crafting the mandate
of the force; USUN would recommend such an approach. END
COMMENT.
WOLFF