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Viewing cable 07TOKYO15, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/04/07

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
07TOKYO15 2007-01-04 08:22 2011-08-25 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO8613
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #0015/01 0040822
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 040822Z JAN 07
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 9545
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/COMUSJAPAN YOKOTA AB JA//J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/COMPATWING ONE KAMI SEYA JA
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 1914
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 9434
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 2877
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 8919
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 0455
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 5392
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 1482
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 2940
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 000015 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/04/07 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Abe-Ozawa battle lies ahead of election year; Minshuto eyes 
opposition bloc's victories in 15 single-seat constituencies out of 
29 in Upper House election 
 
(2) Drastic prediction for Japanese politics in 2007: Minshuto 
cannot obtain power even if it wins Upper House election 
 
(3) Upper House LDP lawmakers who won seats by riding on crest of 
"Koizumi boom" may find it difficult to win election this year 5 
 
(4) Scope column: Will Koga, Tanigaki, and Aso factions rally to 
create "grand Kochikai" group a half century after the foundation of 
that party faction by Prime Minister Ikeda 6 
 
(5) Probing the economic agenda for 2007 -- Interview with Minister 
of State for Economic, Fiscal Policy Hiroko Ota: Accelerated reform 
is the key to 10-year economic boom 7 
 
(6) Editorial -- "Defense Ministry": No shift in basic policy 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Abe-Ozawa battle lies ahead of election year; Minshuto eyes 
opposition bloc's victories in 15 single-seat constituencies out of 
29 in Upper House election 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 3) (Abridged) 
January 4, 2007 
 
This year, the year of boar, there will be the Upper House election 
and the unified local elections - the combination that occurs once 
in every 12 years. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is intent on winning 
the July Upper House lection in order to realize a long-standing 
administration, while Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) President 
Ichiro Ozawa wants to force the ruling coalition into a minority to 
pave the way for taking over the reins of government. The number of 
candidates backed by both the ruling and opposition blocs is 
expected to decline in the unified local elections in April, a 
prelude to a full-fledged LDP-Minshuto battle in the summer. 
Attention is also focused on whether voter turnout will stop 
dropping. 
 
The Upper House lection will take place on July 22 unless the 
regular Diet session scheduled to open on Jan. 25 is extended. Both 
the ruling and opposition blocs will aim for a 122-seat majority 
including those not for grabs. 
 
In order for the opposition camp to force the ruling coalition into 
a minority, it needs additional 18 seats, including the Fukushima 
and Okinawa by-elections in April. A key lies in single-seat 
constituencies, which now number 29. Ozawa eyes the opposition 
bloc's victories in 15 single-seat constituencies where Minshuto is 
expected to clash head on with the LDP. 
 
"We are planning a forestry revitalization program in addition to 
the agriculture revitalization plan," Minshuto Acting President 
Naoto Kan said in a press conference late last year. Minshuto 
intends to come up with a manifesto (campaign pledges) incorporating 
primary industry measures, such as a farm income security system, 
with an eye on single-seat constituencies in rural areas. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000015  002 OF 010 
 
 
Minshuto is also trying to rock the LDP by fielding individuals 
associated with traditional LDP support organizations, such as a 
former president of the Junior Chamber, in the proportional 
representation portion. 
 
The ruling bloc also puts high priority on single-seat races with 
the aim of maintaining a majority. "If the opposition bloc gets the 
Upper House presidency, not even a single bill will clear the Diet," 
LDP Upper House Caucus Chairman Mikio Aoki warned before other Upper 
House LDP members. 
 
There is a popular belief that the LDP performs poorly in elections 
in the year of boar. The reason is because local assemblymen are too 
exhausted from the bulk of local elections in spring to fight the 
main Upper House election in summer. The LDP leadership will aim for 
enhanced election campaign cooperation with the New Komeito. 
 
Clashes between the ruling and opposition blocs are inevitable in 
local elections ahead of the unified local elections as well as in 
the races in April. Ozawa has prohibited his party from jointly 
backing candidates with the ruling bloc in gubernatorial races and 
mayoral races of government-designated cities in a bid to strengthen 
local organizations ahead of the Upper House election. The Aichi 
gubernatorial race in February is expected to be a duel between the 
LDP and Minshuto for the first time in 32 years. 
 
Promising candidates are clearly in short supply, however. 
Well-known incumbent lawmakers running in local elections are 
attracting attention. For instance, Kenji Kitahashi will run in the 
Kitakyushu mayoral race in February, Satoshi Arai in the Hokkaido 
gubernatorial race in April, and Takuya Tasso in the Iwate 
gubernatorial race. 
 
The LDP keeps Minshuto in mind in races in big cities, such as 
Tokyo. The LDP Tokyo chapter has decided to endorse Gov. Shintaro 
Ishihara seeking his third term. But some LDP members think that 
party headquarters should see how things go for a while, given the 
Tokyo metropolitan government's dubious payments to Ishihara's 
fourth son to cover his travel expenses. 
 
Meanwhile, some Minshuto members are eager to see Kan run in the 
Tokyo gubernatorial race to put an end to the Ishihara 
administration to give a boost to the Upper House election. Banri 
Kaieda, who lost his Diet seat in the previous election, has also 
been mentioned as a prospective candidate. 
 
Government to consider "reunifying" local elections 
 
The government will begin considering reunifying local elections in 
the wake of series of municipal mergers and dissolutions of local 
assemblies. The "unified ratio" indicating the rate of local 
elections being carried out in tandem with unified local elections 
that occur once in every four years has been dropping yearly. The 
government will aim for unified election days by improving relevant 
legislation with the view to raising voter turnout and reducing 
election expenses. 
 
Elections were held in all municipalities in the first unified 
elections in 1947. In the upcoming 16th unified elections, the 
unified ratio is expected to drop to a record 29%. The objects of 
the unified local elections law are local heads whose terms of 
office expire between March 1 and June 10. The unified ratio falls 
because elections always follow municipal mergers and the 
 
TOKYO 00000015  003 OF 010 
 
 
resignations of local heads. 
 
(2) Drastic prediction for Japanese politics in 2007: Minshuto 
cannot obtain power even if it wins Upper House election 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
January 4, 2006 
 
Question: What is the major target of Minshuto (Democratic Party of 
Japan) this year? 
 
Answer: It is of course having the opposition camp trade places with 
the ruling camp in the Upper House through this summer's Upper House 
election. The main opposition's action plan for 2007 stresses that 
securing more Upper House seats than the ruling coalition's is the 
only goal for the party this year. The party intends to regain its 
momentum, which was lost after it suffered a crushing defeat in the 
2005 House of Representatives election. 
 
Question: President Ichiro Ozawa appears to be putting heart and 
soul into it, doesn't he? 
 
Answer: Since assuming the presidency in April 2006, Ozawa has 
carefully worked on preparations for the Upper House election in 
making policies and fielding candidates. Of the 29 single-seat 
constituencies, which are believed to decide which side will be 
victorious in the election, the party has picked candidates for 
about 20 constituencies. Minshuto is now therefore ready to fight 
against the ruling bloc. 
 
Question: How many seats does Minshuto need to deprive the ruling 
coalition of a majority in the Upper House? 
 
Answer: In the Upper House, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party 
(LDP) and its junior coalition partner New Komeito have 136 seats, 
including the president's seat, an excess of 15 seats over half of 
the Upper House (121seats). If opposition parties, including 
Minshuto, increase by 16 seats, the seats now held by the ruling and 
opposition camps would be reversed. Assuming that other opposition 
parties will not boost their seats, Ozawa has set a goal that his 
party would obtain more than 50 seats of the 121 seats up for 
reelection. 
 
Question: How about the possibility? 
 
Answer: The seats up for election were grabbed in the 2001 Upper 
House election in which the LDP overwhelmingly won, taking advantage 
of the Koizumi boom. Thinking about declining public support ratings 
for the Abe cabinet due to such issues as the reinstatement of 
postal rebels into the LDP and the government's pre-selecting 
questioners for town meetings, it seems difficult for the LDP to 
keep the present number of seats. In short, Minshuto is now in a 
situation where it will be able to substantially boost its seats in 
the upcoming election. 
 
Question: What is Ozawa's plan in case his party defeats the ruling 
coalition? 
 
Answer: Ozawa does not speak a lot, but he will probably try to kill 
important government-sponsored bills one after another. His strategy 
of doing so is to force Abe to dissolve the Lower House for a snap 
election and then to obtain the reins of government in a Lower House 
election. He will probably shake the Abe cabinet by every means 
 
TOKYO 00000015  004 OF 010 
 
 
available, including a censure motion against the prime minister. 
 
Question: Will a change in government be realized before the end of 
this year at the earliest? 
 
Answer: It is difficult to say so, however. Even if the opposition 
secures more seats than the ruling coalition, chances are that the 
ruling camp will strengthen its effort to collect as many Upper 
House seats as possible. 
 
Question: What does it mean? 
 
Answer: It is said that the LDP's only goal is to maintain the state 
of being a ruling party. So in order to avoid falling into the 
opposition, the LDP will likely desperately try to regain a majority 
in the Upper House by consulting with individual opposition 
lawmakers. 
 
Question: Such an action will probably come under fire by the 
public. 
 
Answer: You said it! There is a possibility that the LDP will not 
let Upper House members on its side join it, but it could form a 
parliamentary grouping with them. There is another possibility that 
the LDP would join hands with some Minshuto members in a bid to 
prevent the opposition from killing the government-drafted bills. 
 
Question: Are there any Minshuto Upper House members who will be 
lured by such a temptation? 
 
Answer: Minshuto is said to be a party made of lawmakers having 
different ideas and hailing from different parties. In terms of 
security policy, the conservative group and a group supporting the 
Constitution are seriously at odds. If the LDP gives key cabinet and 
party posts, there would be some Minshuto members who let the LDP 
tempt them. One LDP lawmaker actually said: "If we are short of a 
majority in the Upper House, we will lure several Minshuto members." 
One Minshuto lawmaker is concerned that some members may go along 
with former trade minister Takeo Hiranuma, who left the LDP after 
opposing a set of bills related to postal privatization. 
 
Question: Is Minshuto supposed to maintain solidarity under Ozawa's 
leadership? 
 
Answer: Yet, there is growing unhappiness with Ozawa in Minshuto. 
For example, basic policies that Ozawa came up last year with a 
policy of maintaining the current consumption tax rate, shifting the 
party's conventional stance of hiking the consumption tax rate to 
cover funding sources for the basic pension. Many in the party have 
lamented that the pension policy was the party's showcase. Minshuto 
cooperated with the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) in the Okinawa 
gubernatorial election last November. Some party lawmakers are 
questioning about linking up with opposition parties. 
 
Question: Discord in Minshuto has never end, doesn't it? 
 
Answer: Minshuto will likely fail to force the Abe administration to 
dissolve the Lower House even though it won the Upper House. A 
source familiar with the main opposition party made this pessimistic 
view that there would less than ten percent of the possibility that 
the party would force Abe to dissolve the Lower House. 
 
Question: What will happen if Minshuto is defeated in the Upper 
 
TOKYO 00000015  005 OF 010 
 
 
House race? 
 
Answer: Ozawa's grip on the party will weaken drastically. The 
possibility is strong that a move to removing Ozawa from his post 
will appear. Acting President Naoto Kan and Secretary General Yukio 
Hatoyama, who have supported Ozawa, will likely encounter increased 
criticism. 
 
If Ozawa, who is regarded as the last person who will be able to 
regain the party's strength, falls from the position, many party 
members might leave the party, giving up on Minshuto's fate. If so, 
a possibility of leading to a move of political realignment will 
unavoidably strengthen. 
 
Question: What should Minshuto do to prevent further internal 
confusion? 
 
Answer: The largest opposition party should strengthen the momentum 
of Ozawa as much as possible before the Upper House election by 
winning such unified local elections as the April Tokyo 
gubernatorial race, as well as by thoroughly pursuing the Abe 
government in the upcoming ordinary Diet session. 
 
(3) Upper House LDP lawmakers who won seats by riding on crest of 
"Koizumi boom" may find it difficult to win election this year 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 3) (Full) 
January 4, 2007 
 
Sixty-six Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) seats will be up for grabs 
in the Upper House election this summer. Those 66 LDP members won 
seats in the 2001 election by riding on the coattails of then Prime 
Minister Junichiro Koizumi. 
 
In the event the LDP's junior partner, New Komeito, maintains its 
current number of seats, the LDP will need 50-52 seats in order for 
the ruling coalition to keep a majority of Upper House seats, 
including those not contested this time. The LDP is expected to 
possibly lose some seats, but that should not pose any serious 
problem for the party, although the situation depends to some extent 
on the outcomes of Upper House Fukushima and Okinawa by-elections in 
April. 
 
The "Koizumi boom" in 2001 was unusual, to say the least. In the 
election that year, the LDP amazingly won 25 out of 27 single-seat 
constituencies. It would be too much to expect the LDP to accomplish 
a similar feat in the upcoming election. 
 
In the 2004 Upper House election, the LDP won only 49 seats due to 
the absence of momentum at that time from the Koizumi 
administration. Out of the 27 single-seat constituencies, the party 
won 14 and lost 13 races. That precedent points to difficulty for 
the LDP-New Komeito coalition to maintain a majority under the Abe 
administration, which has been losing popularity at a rapid pace. 
 
(4) Scope column: Will Koga, Tanigaki, and Aso factions rally to 
create "grand Kochikai" group a half century after the foundation of 
that party faction by Prime Minister Ikeda 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
January 4, 2007 
 
Kei Sato 
 
TOKYO 00000015  006 OF 010 
 
 
 
The idea has emerged to launch a grand "Kochikai" group in the 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) with the rallying together of the 
Koga, Tanigaki, and Aso factions, all of which are descended from 
the former Miyazawa faction (which was called "Kochikai"). Mainstay 
and junior lawmakers of the three factions are trying to promote 
that move to bring them all together, leveraged by a study group 
they will launch possibly by the end of the month. But whether that 
idea will be realized remains an open question, because of the 
ulterior motives of veteran lawmakers vying to secure leadership in 
the super faction, if it should be formed. This year will mark the 
50th anniversary of the foundation of the Kochikai -- once a 
prestigious faction -- by the late Prime Minister Hayato Ikeda. Will 
the idea of reviving the prestigious faction be realized at the time 
of the milestone year for that faction, or will it simply vanish? 
 
The study group was planned by 30 or so mid-level and junior 
lawmakers elected six times or below to the Diet, including former 
Environment Minister Shunichi Suzuki. The forum will meet once a 
month and exchange views with those who have the experience of 
working as interns, as well as junior bureaucrats. The forum also 
plans to host in May a commemorative symposium marking the 50th 
anniversary of the foundation of Kochikai. 
 
Mid-level and junior lawmakers have been meeting frequently since 
early last year to look for ways for the grand Kochikai, after being 
formed, to put up a unified presidential candidate in the ruling 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential race last September. But 
both former Finance Minister Sadakazu Tanigaki, who heads the 
Tanigaki faction, and Foreign Minister Taro Aso, who heads the Aso 
faction, ran in the presidential race. On the other hand, the Koga 
faction voted for Shinzo Abe in the presidential race. So, the idea 
of creating a grand Kochikai faded away accordingly. 
 
However, if the three factions come together, the membership would 
grow to about 80 lawmakers. This figure would be a solid base for 
the candidate the grand Kochikai would field in the next 
presidential election. As to why a study group has now been 
established, the reason is because "there is no other choice but to 
form a grand Kochikai in order to establish a presence in a 
political situation of selecting a successor to Abe," according to a 
junior lawmaker from the Koga faction. 
 
Unlike mainstay or junior lawmakers, veteran lawmakers want 
desperately to secure leadership over such a faction. 
 
Aso, who late last year launched his own faction, wants to set in 
motion full-fledged talks among the three factions to form a grand 
Kochikai. Aso has been moving closer to LDP General Council Chairman 
Yuya Niwa, a member of the Koga faction who is positive about the 
idea of the three factions forming a super faction. 
 
The Aso faction is the smallest grouping in the LDP with a 
membership of 15. Perhaps for this reason, he is eager to form a 
grand Kochikai, for if it is organized, it would become the foothold 
he needs to succeed Abe. 
 
However, Tanigaki, who still clings to the idea of succeeding Abe, 
is negative about the rallying of the three factions under the 
leadership of Aso. 
 
In addition, former LDP Secretary General Makoto Koga, who heads the 
Koga faction, is also eager to be the faction's leader. At the end 
 
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of last year, Koga hosted a party commemorating former Prime 
Minister Ikeda at Ikeda's former residence and publicized that he 
was the "legitimate" successor to Ikeda. Meeting with Tanigaki at 
times, Koga is trying to check the moves of Aso and Niwa. 
 
(5) Probing the economic agenda for 2007 -- Interview with Minister 
of State for Economic, Fiscal Policy Hiroko Ota: Accelerated reform 
is the key to 10-year economic boom 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 5) (Full) 
January 4, 2007 
 
-- A sense that the economy is slowing down has emerged. 
 
"The ripple effect from the recovering economy on companies and 
household accounts has been at a standstill since last summer, so 
consumption also has not been making progress. Still, the job market 
for new graduates is in good shape, and there is a strong sense that 
jobs are going unfilled. Although there is need to improve treatment 
of non-regular employees and to beef up occupational training for 
young people, I don't think the economy itself is just marking 
time." 
 
Heighten productivity 
 
-- What is needed to achieve a continued economic boom for more than 
a decade on par with the US and Britain? 
 
"Britain's long-term economic boom was linked to its making the 
economic structure completely open. Japan, as well, is racing to 
sign economic partnership agreements EPAs) but the key to a 10-year 
economic boom lies in moving ahead with regulatory and labor-market 
reforms and raising the potential growth rate of the economy." 
 
-- In order to achieve such, what is on the agenda this year? 
 
"This year's keywords are 'heightened productivity.' The problems 
with the Japanese economy currently can be traced to the fact that 
its potential is not being used. With the population declining, can 
we maintain our livelihoods? Coming from that viewpoint, the Economy 
and Fiscal Council will make a complete review of policy measures 
and draft and implement by April a comprehensive program that will 
include measures to heighten productivity in every sector. 
 
 "Starting in fiscal 2012, the baby-boomer generation will turn 65, 
making it very difficult to carry out such measures as reform of the 
social security-related system (that would be accompanied by pain). 
Fixing our eyes on that, we must resolutely carry out reforms over 
the next five years and build a model for attaining growth, while 
keeping our fiscal situation sound. We don't have much time." 
 
-- Can you use increased tax revenues as leverage? 
 
"It seems possible to achieve the government's goal -- even reach it 
early -- of having the basic balance in the black by fiscal 2011, 
without raising taxes. 
 
"It is conceivable that we will reach the government's goal earlier 
in the future than expected. But if we think that by raising taxes 
we can reach it faster, tax revenues would plummet, and we would 
then be talking about compiling a supplemental budget and loosening 
our policy of reducing expenditures. 
 
 
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"In addition, if we just cut expenditures until fiscal 2011, it 
would not be backed by system reform. We should first think about 
giving highest priority to achieving the five-year plan for cutting 
expenditures (11.4 trillion yen to 14.3 trillion yen), as set last 
year. It was not our intention that the argument that raising the 
consumption tax was not necessary (with unit fiscal-year tax 
revenues rising) emerged. In order to balance fiscal reconstruction 
and the handling of fluctuations in the economy, it is conventional 
wisdom internationally that the only way to do so is to abolish 
thinking in terms of single fiscal-year units and manage from a 
medium-term perspective." 
 
-- There are indications that the prime minister is not displaying 
leadership in your advisory council. 
 
"It is not true that compared to the Koizumi administration, the 
instructions coming from Prime Minister Shinzo Abe have dropped in 
number. The prime minister instructed us to constrain increased 
outlays in the supplemental budget for fiscal 2006 with the 
exception of measures to deal with natural disasters and the like. 
Even in the Koizumi administration, in every area, it was only at 
the last stage after five or six discussions that the prime minister 
would issue his order. With the administration having been in office 
for three months, discussions on seven important topics have finally 
been wrapped up. We are not yet at the stage of an instruction being 
given. I think that as we move toward compiling the basic big-boned 
policy guidelines in June, the prime minister's leadership will be 
displayed." 
 
Cooperation with the government's tax research council 
 
 Will there be specific discussion this year of tax system reform? 
 
"Prior to specific discussion starting in the fall of such issues as 
the consumption tax, the council will coordinate with the 
government's Tax Research Council and study what the big picture of 
the tax system should be. I would like to include that in the policy 
guidelines. We will pile up our discussions from our inherent 
perspectives on such topics as what the tax system should be like, 
with the council looking at the macro-economy and the tax council 
looking at tax policy. I would like to cooperate closely with the 
new tax council chairman, Yutaka Kosai." 
 
-- It has been rumored that the Bank of Japan might possibly raise 
interest rates soon. Will the government seek an extension of the 
resolution on changes in monetary policy? 
 
"I can only say we will think about it when the time comes." 
 
(6) Editorial -- "Defense Ministry": No shift in basic policy 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
January 4, 2007 
 
The Defense Agency (JDA) will be elevated as of Jan. 9 to a 
ministry. This is a significant turning point in the history of JDA 
since it and the Self-Defense Forces were founded in 1954. 
 
Reflecting on prewar period when military authorities twisted 
politics in their favor, Japan since the end of World War II has 
placed strict restrictions on the SDF and made a clear distinction 
between the SDF and so-called regular armed forces. Perhaps as a 
demonstration of a constrained approach to military affairs at home 
 
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and abroad, Japan did not give a military status to the 
administrative office in charge of defense affairs. 
 
Current JDA Director-General Fumio Kyuma, who will become the first 
defense minister, has commented: "We won't shift the basics of the 
defense policy, such as the defense-oriented posture and the ban on 
overseas troop deployment." We hope no shift will occur in the 
foundation of pacifism the postwar Japan has defended so far, as he 
has stated. 
 
What we are concerned about is the relationship between this upgrade 
and the ongoing moves for constitutional revision. 
 
The Abe cabinet has pledged to amend the Constitution. The ruling 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), to which Prime Minister Abe belongs, 
has drafted a new constitution, which stipulates Japan shall have a 
"self-defense army" (jieigun). The Abe cabinet appears to be trying 
to remove a number of restrictions binding the SDF and the defense 
policy so that the SDF will come closer to being "ordinary" armed 
forces. 
 
But we doubt whether doing so will actually lead to serving Japan's 
best interests. 
 
Think about why the SDF has been accepted by the Japanese public as 
well as other countries of the world. First, the SDF has not 
departed from the defense-oriented principle. Second, the SDF has 
constantly achieved results on such occasions as mobilization to 
deal with natural disasters. Moreover, the SDF has continued its 
activities overseas under the principle of not using armed force. 
 
Based on the Constitution's Article 9, Japan shall have troops 
different in nature from the so-called ordinary military for 
national self-defense purposes, as well as for international 
contributions. This characteristic of the SDF must be retained in 
the future, as well. 
 
Once JDA is promoted to a ministry, JDA says, SDF personnel will 
have more pride in doing their jobs. If that is the case, we want to 
see pride asserted in the SDF operating in the same way it has since 
the forces were created after the war. 
 
We also have another matter of concern related to civilian control 
over the SDF. Even after the JDA is upgraded to a ministry, we think 
civilian control over the SDF should be tightly protected. 
 
A quarter century ago, one JDA director-general produced giggles in 
his Diet reply to questions from opposition parties when he said, 
"This is a serious question. I will have the Defense Policy Bureau 
chief answer the question." 
 
The SDF's equipment and functions have become more complicated at 
present than in those days. Japan and the US have deepened defense 
cooperation, and the international environment has become more 
intricate. So, politicians must train their senses and brains hard. 
Otherwise, they will not be able to surpass uniformed SDF officers 
in expertise. As a result, they may be swayed by their views. 
 
Uniformed officers are becoming influential and assertive through 
the US force realignment and SDF dispatches to Iraq. Their expertise 
is needless to say essential. But the role of politicians is to 
examine it and make a judgment on it from a broad perspective. 
 
 
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Our concern at this point is that the number of politicians who come 
out with bold remarks despite their lack of knowledge and insight is 
on the rise. We want politicians to be well aware that their 
responsibility to the Japanese people will be even heavier now. 
 
DONOVAN