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Viewing cable 06HOCHIMINHCITY1074, THE UNIFIED BUDDHIST CHURCH OF VIETNAM
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| Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 06HOCHIMINHCITY1074 | 2006-09-21 09:17 | 2011-08-25 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Consulate Ho Chi Minh City |
VZCZCXRO5591
RR RUEHCHI RUEHDT RUEHNH RUEHPB
DE RUEHHM #1074/01 2640917
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 210917Z SEP 06
FM AMCONSUL HO CHI MINH CITY
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 1487
INFO RUEHHI/AMEMBASSY HANOI 1049
RUCNARF/ASEAN REGIONAL FORUM COLLECTIVE
RHEHNSC/WHITE HOUSE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL WASHINGTON DC
RUEHFR/AMEMBASSY PARIS 0005
RUEHHM/AMCONSUL HO CHI MINH CITY 1563
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 HO CHI MINH CITY 001074
SIPDIS
SENSITIVE
SIPDIS
DRL/IRF FOR AMBASSADOR HANFORD
NSC FOR SENIOR DIRECTORS WILDER AND ABRAMS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PHUM SOCI PREL PGOV KIRF PREF VM
SUBJECT: THE UNIFIED BUDDHIST CHURCH OF VIETNAM
REF: DRL/IRF 9/19 EMAIL; B) 05 HCMC 1277; C) HCMC 732; D) HCMC 551; E)
HO CHI MIN 00001074 001.2 OF 003
¶1. (SBU) Ref A reported questions on the status of the Unified
Buddhist Church of Vietnam (UBCV) and on allegations of serious
harassment of UBCV members in provinces in the HCMC Consular
district. This message provides our analysis of the status of
the UBCV and the causes for government repression, which run
contrary to the overall improvement in conditions in religious
freedom in Vietnam. In our view, the repression of the UBCV is
triggered by its insistence on complete organizational freedom
and its political opposition to single-party, Communist rule in
Vietnam. The rights of the UBCV leaders to assemble, organize
and peacefully express their views should be guaranteed, but are
not a question of religious freedom.
What is the UBCV?
-----------------
¶2. (SBU) The UBCV was formed in 1964 to voice the political and
social concerns of the Buddhist community in the Republic of
Vietnam (South Vietnam). Up to 20 different Buddhist sects
merged to form the UBCV. Many within the UBCV were anti-war, a
position that benefited the North, although the direct influence
of the Viet Cong and the "National Liberation Front" on the UBCV
is unclear. The UBCV was an outgrowth of the massive protests
that triggered the coup against President Ngo Dinh Diem's
government. These protests included the dramatic
self-immolation of Thich Quang Duc in HCMC in 1963.
¶3. (SBU) Following the fall of the Republic of Vietnam in 1975,
the Communist Party moved to consolidate all mass and civil
society organizations under its control. The UBCV was a natural
target because of its history of pre-1975 political activism.
In 1981, after UBCV Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang, General
Secretary Thich Quang Do and other leaders refused to submit to
SIPDIS
Communist Party control, the UBCV was banned and the
GVN-recognized Vietnam Buddhist Sangha (VBS) established. Some
prominent monks and nuns affiliated with the UBCV joined the
VBS.
Current Level of Strength of the UBCV
-------------------------------------
¶4. (SBU) Even in its heyday, the UBCV did not command the
adherence of all Buddhist schools in southern Vietnam. UBCV
General Secretary Thich Quang Do told us that he estimated that
75 percent of the Republic of Vietnam's Buddhists were
affiliated with the UBCV. Buddhists in what was North Vietnam
had no affiliation with the UBCV.
¶5. (SBU) GVN controls make it impossible to determine the
current level of popularity of the UBCV in southern Vietnam.
Our discussions with a number of VBS monks, some of whom are
contemporaries of Thich Quang Do, indicate that some VBS leaders
chafe under GVN control and wish for more organizational
independence. They view their participation in the VBS as the
best available option to heal the nation following the war and
to focus on administering to the religious and social needs of
the Vietnamese (Ref B). VBS officials say there is no
day-to-day interference in their ability to perform religious
duties. It is unclear how many VBS leaders would return to the
UBCV if the ban were lifted.
¶6. (SBU) The UBCV has been able to maintain a relatively robust
organization, despite GVN repression. Its monks are energetic
and charismatic. They command respect from the local community.
For example, Thich Thien Hanh, the senior-most UBCV monk in
Thua Thien Hue province in central Vietnam, told us that he has
formed what is in effect a breakaway group of 200 VBS monks
operating in 40 pagodas and three training schools in Hue and
Quang Tri provinces.
Doctrine, Organizational Independence, and Politics
--------------------------------------------- ------
¶7. (SBU) In separate meetings over the last two years, Thich
Quang Do, Thich Huyen Quang and Thich Thien Hanh have told us
that there are no doctrinal religious differences between the
VBS and UBCV. The basic fault line is UBCV opposition to
Communist Party control over the internal organizational affairs
of the Buddhist Church. In April 2003, Thich Huyen Quang
rejected an apparent overture from then-Prime Minister Phan Van
Khai to take over the leadership of the VBS. The UBCV's
response was to convene an organizational conclave in October
¶2003. UBCV leaders are aware of new GVN suggestions that it
register under a different name and with new leadership, or that
the UBCV and the VBS might merge. Thich Quang Do told us in
July that the UBCV was willing to support a merger if the new
entity were independent, but the GVN would never permit this
HO CHI MIN 00001074 002.2 OF 003
(Ref C).
¶8. (SBU) It is unclear when the UBCV's struggle for
organizational independence morphed into opposition to a
single-party State. The Internet carries a speech by UBCV
Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang from 1993 in which he called for
free elections and multi-party reforms. The UBCV's struggle for
organizational independence and its political opposition to
single party rule have become intrinsically linked. For
example, in one meeting with us, Thich Quang Do said that
Communist Party leaders recognize that a unified, independent
Buddhist organization would grow "beyond their control" and
would be dangerous to the regime. Thich Quang Do repeatedly has
made it clear to us that he is a political rather than a
religious opponent of the Party. He will not compromise with
Hanoi, so long as the Communist Party maintains a monopoly on
power.
¶9. (SBU) In this regard, both Thich Quang Do and the UBCV
Patriarch also refer to the dramatic role the UBCV and Buddhist
monks played in toppling the Diem regime in 1963. They have
indicated that they ould use organizational independence to
oppose the Communists were they given the chance. UBCV
Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang has a picture of Thich Quang Duc's
self-immolation in the entryway to his office as a symbol of the
strength and determination of Buddhist resistance (Ref D).
¶10. (SBU) There appears to be some difference of opinion within
the UBCV over Thich Quang Do's strong anti-communist stance.
Thich Thien Hanh, the UBCV leader in Hue, told us last year that
he would be willing to merge with the VBS and operate under
current Vietnamese law, were the new organization independent
from the GVN. In contrast to Thich Quang Do, Thich Thien Hanh
met with international Buddhist leader Thich Nhat Hanh during
the latter's groundbreaking return to Vietnam in 2005 (Ref E).
(Thich Quang Do refused to meet Thich Nhat Hanh as Hanh would
not meet with him in his capacity as the General Secretary of
the UBCV. Hanh, who had painstaking negotiations with the GVN
over his visit, would not or could not meet Thich Quang Do under
those conditions.)
Repression Waxes and Wanes
--------------------------
¶11. (SBU) Thich Quang Do and other senior UBCV leaders were
placed under "pagoda arrest" after their October 2003
organizational meeting. However, the level of repression and
restrictions on movement appears to be carefully calibrated.
The GVN will not allow Thich Quang Do to meet with the UBCV
Patriarch, who is based in Binh Dinh Province in Central
Vietnam, because of fears that this might strengthen the
movement. However Thich Quang Do is able to communicate with
colleagues and associates inside and outside Vietnam. The
UBCV's Paris-based mouthpiece, the International Buddhist
Information Bureau (and its website queme.com), is able to issue
press releases on our visits with Thich Quang Do within hours.
Moreover, in our meetings, Thich Quang Do has been remarkably
well informed about Communist Party and dissident community
developments inside and outside Vietnam. He also is able to
receive visitors including other UBCV monks and political
dissidents (Ref F).
¶12. (SBU) In our judgment, GVN-directed repression against the
UBCV is a response to ongoing efforts by Thich Quang Do to
reestablish a formal organizational structure through the
creation of provincial "representative boards." To date, the
UBCV has established 18 such boards in HCMC and in provinces in
central and southern Vietnam. Members of these representative
boards have been the focus of official harassment. For example,
our contacts in the UBCV have been able to confirm the expulsion
of UBCV nun Thich Nu Thong Man from her pagoda in central
coastal Khanh Hoa province. (Incidents involving the UBCV nun
first reported Ref G).
¶13. (SBU) We spoke on September 20 with Thich Vinh Phuoc,
Secretary of the UBCV provincial board in Ba Ria Vung Tau
SIPDIS
Province, who told us that he and other board members have come
under increasing pressure from local authorities and the VBS.
For example, in July police verbally threatened the provincial
board after monks held a ceremony to consecrate 120 new monks
into Buddhist service. Thich Vinh Phuoc also claimed that there
had been two separate firebombing attempts against him and
another board member -- Thich Thanh Tinh -- in August, and
pointed to the police as the culprits.
¶14. (SBU) We subsequently spoke with Thich Vien Dinh, a senior
HO CHI MIN 00001074 003.2 OF 003
member of the national executive of the UBCV, about the Ba Ria
Vung Tau firebombing allegations. While stating that the
overall intensity of police harassment had increased over the
past few months, he said it was "uncharacteristic" for the GVN
to make any physical assault against a monk, let alone attempt
to kill him. He said he had no further information on the
incidents and did not offer any additional explanation. We also
spoke with a representative of the Ba Ria Vung Tau provincial
Committee for Religious Affairs (CRA). The CRA official told us
that the creation of a UBCV representative board in the province
was "illegal" and that the province was planning to replace the
UBCV officials with "civil managers" to run the pagoda in
question. The CRA firmly rejected allegations that officials
attempted to firebomb the UBCV pagoda or to attack the two
monks. The official said that perhaps the two monks staged the
attacks to attract attention to the UBCV and to embarrass the
government.
¶15. (SBU) UBCV contacts also report that police are encouraging
local believers not to associate with pagodas linked to UBCV
provincial board members. In some localities officials also are
stepping up propaganda against the UBCV, accusing it of
"reactionary" (political) activities. Other representative
board members routinely are summoned for "working sessions" with
the police.
Comment
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¶16. (SBU) The recent GVN decision to register a small Buddhist
sect -- Tu An Hieu Nghia (the Four Gratitudes) -- and the
pending registration of a second -- Tinh Do Cu Si Phat Hoi
(Buddhist Mercy) -- indicate that there are other independent
streams of Buddhist practice in Vietnam. They also suggest that
the GVN now is prepared to recognize and tolerate a greater
level of diversity within the Buddhist community. This is
consistent with a more nuanced GVN approach to religion writ
large in which the GVN has been willing to legalize Protestant
and other religious groups so long as these organizations are
strictly apolitical (Ref H).
¶17. (SBU) The Communist Party's monopoly on the political
process in Vietnam is enshrined in law and in practice. Despite
international human rights standards, Vietnam does not permit
the UBCV -- or any other opposition group -- to organize,
assemble peacefully or express political views in opposition to
the GVN. The UBCV leadership's position against single Party
rule in Vietnam is influenced by its unshakeable belief about
the role of Buddhism in Vietnamese society and its members'
strong views on social justice. That said, even Thich Quang Do
acknowledges that the UBCV's objections to the current situation
in Vietnam are political in nature, not religious.
¶18. (SBU) In Thich Quang Do's mind, there is no single bigger
threat to single-Party rule than a free Thich Quang Do and an
independent UBCV. Energetic, magnetic, determined, principled,
Thich Quang Do without a doubt could be one of Vietnam's best
opposition politicians. And the UBCV is well within its rights
to reject GVN overtures that might compromise its independence.
For its part, the Communist Party, which exploited the agitation
of the UBCV and other religious groups to further its goals
pre-1975, also knows its history and its adversaries well. So
long as both sides maintain their current positions, we see no
possible room for compromise, even as the GVN moves to legalize
other religious groups in Vietnam. End Comment.
WINNICK