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Viewing cable 06TOKYO3809, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/07/06
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| Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 06TOKYO3809 | 2006-07-07 09:14 | 2011-08-25 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED | Embassy Tokyo |
VZCZCXRO1584
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #3809/01 1880914
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 070914Z JUL 06
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 4099
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/COMUSJAPAN YOKOTA AB JA//J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/COMPATWING ONE KAMI SEYA JA
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 9687
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 7084
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 0383
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 6971
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 8231
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 3157
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 9305
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 1050
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 08 TOKYO 003809
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/07/06
Part-2
INDEX:
(6) Study of structural reform: Japan implements many US-proposed
deregulatory measures; US now takes cooperative stance, stops
high-handed approach
(7) GSDF mission to Iraq: Though unshakable Japan-US alliance
established, it has yet to gain trust of the international
community
(8) Risky challenge-North Korea's missile firing (Part1): Last
resort to deal with US
(9) Iran's nuclear program, China's offensive make it difficult for
Japan to secure energy resources
ARTICLES:
(6) Study of structural reform: Japan implements many US-proposed
deregulatory measures; US now takes cooperative stance, stops
high-handed approach
ASAHI (Page 11) (Excerpts)
July 7, 2006
In their meeting in Washington on June 29, President Bush and Prime
Minister Koizumi issued a joint document that stressed: "The
US-Japan relationship stands as one of the most accomplished
bilateral relationships in history," playing up their close personal
ties established over the past five years.
Another document released at the summit was the "Fifth Report on the
US-Japan Enhanced Initiative on Deregulation and Competition
Policy," which lists achievements made through the Japan-US
deregulation talks, including postal privatization, reform of
special corporations, reform of the legal system, and introduction
of the New Corporation Law. The report lists a number of
deregulatory measures Tokyo implemented in accordance with
Washington's requests.
Japan-US Structural Impediments Initiative
Starting from the 1960s through the 1980s, Japan and the US sparred
over Japan's exports of textile and steel products, autos,
semiconductors, and the like. In a bid to resolve the disputes,
Japan took steps to limit exports voluntarily. Despite such efforts,
the trade imbalance between the US and Japan did not shrink. The US
Department of the Treasury proposed to the Finance Ministry in 1989
that they "hold talks on structural problems, in order to open up
the Japanese market." The two countries launched the Japan-US
Structural Impediments Initiative (SII).
More than 240 requests came from the US, including a review of the
Large-Scale Retail Stores Law. Former International Trade and
Industry Ministry Deputy Vice Minister Noboru Hatakeyama, who
engaged in those negotiations with the US, grumbled: "Intervention
in domestic affairs was made a common practice." SII was transformed
into the Initiative on Deregulation and Competition Policy under the
Bush administration.
Detailed, specific proposals
Both Japan and the US annually present recommendations regarding the
other side's regulatory reform. But the US presents a larger number
of proposals, and its proposals are more detailed and specific than
TOKYO 00003809 002 OF 008
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/07/06
Part-2
INDEX:
(6) Study of structural reform: Japan implements many US-proposed
deregulatory measures; US now takes cooperative stance, stops
high-handed approach
Japan's. The US reports called on Japan to privatize postal
services, accelerate the disposal of non-performing bank loans, and
strengthen the role of the Fair Trade Commission. These measures
were also included in the Koizumi structural reform plans.
Although the US demanded Japan set an import goal or a target share
for each product In the 1990s, it has no longer resorts to such a
high-handed approach.
Takeo Harada, former Foreign Ministry official and the author of the
book titled: America, which deceives Japan, and Japan, which is
deceived by America, stated: "Since persons who want Japan to pursue
an American-style market economy, including Internal Affairs and
Communications Minister Heizo Takenaka and Council on Promotion of
Regulatory Reform and Market Liberalization Chairman Yoshihiko
Miyauchi, joined the nation's policymaking team, persistent demands
from the US have become unnecessary."
Takenaka, who has played a role like "the control tower for economic
policy" in the Koizumi administration, has extensive personnel ties
in the US established during his days as a student at Harvard
University.
In the fall 2002, when Takenaka as financial services minister came
under heavy fire from the Liberal Democratic Party for his attempt
to implement drastic measures to dispose of nonperforming loans, US
Council on Economic Advisors Chairman Glenn Hubbard offered a
helping hand to him by saying, "The US supports Mr. Takenaka."
Hubbard has been his friend since Takenaka was studying at Harvard
University.
When work to design a system to privatize postal services was
underway in the government, senior Postal Privatization Office
members frequently met officials from the US Treasury Department and
the US Trade Representatives (USTR), envoys at the US embassy, as
well as US business executives.
Denounced by opposition party members saying: "The
postal-privatization plan is totally in accordance with requests
from the US, Takenaka argued back: "That is a sort of fairy- tale
criticism."
The Japanese government has accepted a number of proposals from the
US since SII was launched. Even so, it is not correct to say that
Japan simply yielded to US pressure. The US also skillfully
reflected consumers' voices in many of its recommendations.
One of them is the review of the Large-Scale Retail Stores Law. The
US government called on Japan to scrap the law, defining it as "a
typical barrier to market entry." Behind this call was the
advancement into the Japanese market of Toys "R" Us, a leading toy
store chain in the US. In addition, Japanese consumers also desired
to see large-scale retail stores that offer a variety of goods at
low prices opened in their communities. The law was phased out
during the 1992-2000 period.
Revival of store-opening regulations
TOKYO 00003809 003 OF 008
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/07/06
Part-2
INDEX:
(6) Study of structural reform: Japan implements many US-proposed
deregulatory measures; US now takes cooperative stance, stops
high-handed approach
Store-opening regulations will soon revive in a different form.
Taking it seriously that downtown shopping streets are dying as a
result of large stores moved to the suburbs, the government enacted
in the recent regular Diet session a law amending the said law to
apply restrictions again on opening suburban large stores.
Heated discussions were conducted on the revised law in the
government. Former Vice Minister of International Financial Affairs
Makoto Utsumi, who served as co-chairman at the SII, commented: "All
of the assertions by the US were not necessarily based on global
standards."
(7) GSDF mission to Iraq: Though unshakable Japan-US alliance
established, it has yet to gain trust of the international
community
MAINICHI (Page 6) (Excerpts)
June 29, 2006
Many say that US President Bush and Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi
are close friends, but a certain Foreign Ministry official involved
in Japan - US relations likened them to "brothers in arms." The
prime minister shared the US president's unflinching, tough stance
in the war on terror, and he decided to dispatch Self-Defense Forces
personnel to Iraq, a country at war. It was the first dispatch of
SDF troops to the front line of Iraq. Not only does Prime Minister
Koizumi share common values and ideals with the US, he risked danger
and was resolved to make sacrifices together with President Bush --
something unheard of among past prime ministers.
As the Ground Self-Defense Force (GSDF) prepared to end its mission
in Iraq, the US Department of State released a statement that was
full of praise for Japan: "We are grateful for the courage and
sacrifice that Prime Minister and the Japanese people showed and
their involvement in the effort to bring freedom to Iraq. Japan has
played a powerful and positive role appropriate for a major power in
the international society."
GSDF troops dispatched to Iraq were engaged in humanitarian and
assistance activities in a safe area, but the death toll of US
military personnel since the start of the Iraq war has topped 2,500,
underscoring a clear difference in terms of the risk and cost they
shoulder. However, if one reads between the lines of the comment,
one will realize that Japan has fully met the US' expectations.
The Bush administration's policy toward Japan is based on the
so-called Armitage report: (1) making Japan-US relations more like
US-Britain relations so that the two countries can share interests
and act in unity; (2) respect Japan's independence by avoiding
pressure tactics; and (3) constraining Japan's military power - the
"cork-in-the-bottle" argument.
It cannot be ruled out that the Bush administration tends to take
unilateral action, but it does not mean that it has been willful and
arbitrary. Koizumi told Bush: "The US has the just cause of
democratizing Iraq, and it also is the greatest power in the world.
It will be in an excellent situation if it lines up international
cooperation." Bush has tried to respond to Koizumi's advice.
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The Japanese government proposed building a confrontational scheme
that would line up Iraq, with its weapons of mass destruction,
against the international community. The US accepted the idea.
Although diplomatic efforts to secure international cooperation
failed, the US moved ahead with various measures toward Iraq until
immediately before the start of the war. Japan was involved in this
process to a large extent.
The US paid attention not to what GSDF troops actually did in Iraq
but to the process of both countries undertaking coordination right
from the planning stage and moving forward in cooperation to settle
various problems. This process has satisfied the US, and the
dispatch of GSDF troops by Japan to Iraq was the ultimate goal of
that process.
However, looking at the strengthened Japan-US relations, the
international community sees Japan from a different angle. The US
was the only country to praise Japan for its role in the Iraq war.
The international community has no appreciation for that. This was
plainly seen when Japan tried to seek a permanent seat on the UN
Security Council (UNSC).
In a bid for a permanent UNSC seat, Japan characterized itself a new
representative of Asia, following China, but it failed to garner
support from Asian countries. To Asian countries, the way Japan
acted in response to the Iraq war appeared as if it was blindly
following the US. Given this aspect, a mood of resignation that
voting for Japan is like giving two votes to the US dampened their
willingness to back Japan.
Japan opted for the Japan-US alliance, when it was urged to choose
between the alliance and international cooperation in the wake of
the voting down of the resolution authorizing the use of armed force
against Iraq. Its decision was correct. However, Japan has also lost
something because of this decision. It is true that the timing of
its bid for a permanent seat on the UNSC was wrong.
In a joint survey carried out by the University of Maryland and BBC
of about 40,000 people throughout the world, Japan ranked first in
31 out of 33 surveyed countries a "country making a good influence
on the world." It is now time for Japan to examine and deliberate on
how to use the trust the in it that has taken root in the
international community.
(8) Risky challenge-North Korea's missile firing (Part1): Last
resort to deal with US
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 1) (Full)
July 7, 2006
On July 6, one day after seven missiles landed in the Sea of Japan,
North Korea admitted to its firing of those missiles. Moreover,
Pyongyang proclaimed its challenge to continue missile testing. The
United States is trying to contain North Korea through the United
Nations. Meanwhile, North Korea is provoking the United States
again. Why is North Korea becoming so ambitious to promote its
nuclear and missile development?
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In North Korea, there is an economic organization called the Second
Economic Committee (SEC). SEC is under the National Defense
Commission, which is North Korea's supreme authority headed by
Korean Workers Party (KWP) General Secretary Kim Jong Il. SEC
oversees North Korea's production and distribution of all war
supplies, and it also controls North Korea's foreign trade. SEC is
said to have developed the seven missiles. This point implies the
real aim of North Korea's nuclear and missile policies.
South Korea's intelligence body, the National Intelligence Service
(NIS), noted in its parliamentary report yesterday that the Scud and
Rodong missiles among those launched missiles may be aimed to secure
foreign markets for exports. This also tallies with media reports on
North Korea's substantial loss of its foreign currency assets due to
financial sanctions imposed by the United States on North Korea. The
NIS report says the Taepodong-2, which has a long range, is meant to
be a tool for use in demonstrating against the United States. The
Chosunilbo, a South Korean daily, says the export price of a Scud
missile is approximately 4 million dollars or about 460 million
yen.
According to the Korea National Statistical Office, North Korea's
per-capita national income is 900 dollars or so, about a fifteenth
of South Korea's. The Research Institute for National Unification, a
think tank affiliated with the South Korean government, explains
that North Korea's prioritized use of resources for its production
of munitions in spite of its material shortages has deteriorated its
economy.
North Korea, which has appropriated about a third of its national
income for its military buildup, has many more troops than South
Korea. However, most of the North Korean military's tanks and
fighters were made in the former Soviet Union in the 1950s or 1960s,
according to a North Korean military defector. He added, "They don't
have enough fuel to train for actual combat operations, so the
number of training days is 10 PERCENT to 20 PERCENT of the planned
number of days." North Korea is eager to get the United States'
guarantee for the Kim Jong Il regime's continued existence. To that
end, North Korea has chosen to have weapons of mass destruction
(WMD) instead of employing a large number of troops for its
military. This option, in other words, would be inexpensive and
effective for North Korea.
Of course, there is no doubt that Pyongyang is exploring
reconciliation with the United States through a direct deal for fear
that the US Bush administration might come out to overthrow the Kim
Jong Il regime. North Korea shows off its WMD arsenal to stir up the
international community and find a clue to talks with the United
States. That is Pyongyang's brinkmanship.
Such a tactic has gone unchallenged. That is because the
international regime for nuclear deterrence under the Nuclear
Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) has hit a snag. This is also why the
international community is at a loss over how to cope with Iran's
nuclear program.
Meanwhile, Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Wu Dawei, who chairs the
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six-party talks over the issue of North Korea's nuclear programs,
will visit North Korea on July 10. In addition, US Assistant
Secretary of State Hill, chief US delegate to the six-party talks,
SIPDIS
will visit China, South Korea, Japan, and Russia. Six-party member
nations are now gearing up for diplomatic maneuvering.
The key is in the hands of China, Russia, and South Korea. Former
Chinese President Jiang Zemin once likened China and North Korea to
"teeth" and "lips." Russia is also deeply tied to North Korea. South
Korea has pushed for President Roh Moo Hyon's sunshine policy toward
North Korea. The missile launches caused the three countries to lose
face. However, China and Russia still remain cautious about the idea
of imposing sanctions on North Korea. Japan and the United States
are teaming up to pressure North Korea, but their pressure cannot
work well without the international community's unity.
Can they get together and send a strong message to North Korea?
China has advocated holding an informal meeting for the six-party
talks in order to resolve the situation. Will this Chinese
initiative come true? North Korea is aiming to become a nuclear and
missile power. How will the international community bar the door to
that ambition? Its crisis management is facing a challenge.
(9) Iran's nuclear program, China's offensive make it difficult for
Japan to secure energy resources
YOMIURI (Page 9) (Full)
July 7, 2006
The Azadegan oil field, which is believed to be one of the largest
crude oil deposits, is located in the southwestern part of Iran. The
issue of Iran's nuclear program has endangered the 75 PERCENT of
the oil field's interests that Japan's INPEX Corporation possesses.
The Iranians have made statements warning Japan. National Iran Oil
Corporation said, "If the prospects for implementation of the
project are not obtained, the (interest) contract will be
automatically nullified." Iranian Petroleum Minister Vaziri-Hamaneh
also stated, "Iran will develop the oil field on its own."
A Japanese official involved in the development said, "We don't
understand Iran's real intention."
The Azadegan oil field was discovered in 1999. Japan and Iran agreed
in February 2004 to jointly develop it. It was expected that the
production of crude oil would start in 2006. However, the start of
the oil production has been delayed due to the prolonged land
mine-clearing operation. It is believed that as many as 1 million
land mines were laid during the prolonged Iran-Iraq war.
The United States, which has pressed Iran to stop its nuclear
program, has been calling on Japan to freeze the oil development
plan. Many Japanese oil company officials have pointed out the
possibility that China would obtain the right to develop the
Azadegan oil field if the joint development accord is withdrawn. Not
only INPEX Co. but also Japan's energy security policy is now being
pushed into a corner.
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Of Japan's crude oil imports, the percentage of independent
development of oil resources by Japanese companies accounts for only
15 PERCENT . In a bid to strengthen Japan's energy security policy,
the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) adopted in May a
New National Energy Strategy. In order to increase the percentage of
independent development of oil resources to 40 PERCENT in 2030,
METI has hammered out a comprehensive strategy of securing oil
resources.
It will be difficult to attain the 40 PERCENT goal, however. Japan
has another thorny issue with Russia. Japan aims to secure the right
to develop an oil field in East Siberia. Russia will chair the
upcoming G-8 summit to take place in St. Petersburg. Talks between
Tokyo and Moscow have not moved forward as the two countries have
different pipeline plans for transportation of crude oil.
In late 2004 Russia announced its plan to construct a Pacific
pipeline connecting between East Siberia and the Pacific coast, the
suburb of Nakhodka. Japan decided to cooperate with Russia, assuming
that it would be able to import substantial amount of crude oil.
However, Russia is now considering building a China-proposed
pipeline as that country has expressed strong interests in oil
development.
A senior Resources and Energy Agency official said: "If the China
pipeline is constructed before the Pacific pipeline, most of the oil
will go to China. We cannot take part in such a plan." Japan has
insisted that priority should be given to the Pacific route before
crude oil deposits are ascertained. Russia, however, aims to expand
its benefits as much as possible, comparing the advantage of dealing
with Japan or with China.
Informed sources are now paying attention to how far the situation
will improve in the planned Japan-Russia summit on the sidelines of
the G-8 summit.
Amid the tight crude oil demand and supply in the world, energy
resources have become a strategic tool to be used for political
maneuvering.
China has been conducting strong "resource diplomacy." In June Prime
Minister Wen Jiabao traveled to six African countries. Japan has not
had time to be complacent. Masahisa Naito, chairman and CEO of the
Institute of Energy, Economics, Japan, pointed out:
"The adoption of the New National Energy Strategy is just one step.
It is necessary to formulate a specific action plan and to set up a
system to implement the action plan under the prime minister's
leadership."
Japan National Oil Corporation was disbanded due to enormous
deficits. Resources and Energy Agency Director General Kodaira said,
"The government will thoroughly support the independent development
of oil resources." It is uncertain whether Japan will be able to
survive the global energy market where national interests crash.
Japan is pressed to substantially review its strategy of securing
energy, including the role-sharing of the government and
private-sector.
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SCHIEFFER