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Viewing cable 06KHARTOUM1558, UNSRSG Pronk Elaborates on Blog

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
06KHARTOUM1558 2006-07-03 07:33 2011-08-24 16:30 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Khartoum
VZCZCXRO7369
PP RUEHMA RUEHROV
DE RUEHKH #1558 1840733
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 030733Z JUL 06
FM AMEMBASSY KHARTOUM
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 3515
INFO RUCNFUR/DARFUR COLLECTIVE
UNCLAS KHARTOUM 001558 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958:  N/A 
TAGS: PGOV KPKO SOCI AU UN SU
SUBJECT:  UNSRSG Pronk Elaborates on Blog 
 
Ref:  Khartoum 1549 
 
1.  SRSG Pronk's blog of June 28 continues to draw 
attention, and he is now trying to clarify what he wrote. 
An editorial in the Sudan Vision Daily, a pro-government 
daily newspaper, states in its July 3 edition that 
Pronk's blog represents a "complete U-turn," and that 
this would infuriate both the Sudanese Government and the 
African Union.  There are also signs that those rebel 
elements that seek to reopen, amend, or "add a lot" 
(Pronk's words) to the DPA will use Pronk's comments to 
support and reinforce their views. 
 
2.  On July 2, Pronk released the following explanation: 
 
(Begin text) 
 
Khartoum on 2 July 2006 
 
In an article on the Darfur Peace Agreement, published 
last week, I had raised the question:  "How to put new 
life into the DPA?"  An answer is necessary because on 
the ground, especially amongst the displaced persons, the 
DPA continues to meet more and more resistance. 
I have argued in this article that "In my view it is a 
good text, an honest compromise.  That is why the UN has 
endorsed the agreement".  However, wrong perceptions 
about the agreement are paralysing it.  In order to 
address this situation, the article outlines three 
necessary steps.  "First, timely implementation of what 
has been agreed, because non-implementation would 
reinforce the position of those who have so far rejected 
the agreement."  The second priority is broadening the 
circle of support for the peace agreement.... Efforts to 
broaden the support for the DPA should not result in 
losing partners who have already signed.  For this reason 
we should stick to the text of the agreement, but be 
willing to add a lot. ... Credible international security 
guarantees, visible disarmament of the Janjaweed, more 
money for compensation and a tangible reconstruction of 
the areas where refugees and displaced people lived 
before they were chased away, will have to be added soon 
in order to turn the present agreement into a sustainable 
pact". 
 
From these quotes it should be clear that I have neither 
argued for a re-writing of the text, nor for a reopening 
of the talks as portrayed by some in the international 
media.  On the contrary, I have said that "broadening and 
implementation should go hand in hand.  The necessary 
additions and refinements should take place in the 
framework of the Darfur-Darfur Dialogue, ... the Cease 
Fire Commission (and) the International Joint Committee", 
that means within the DPA institutions themselves. 
 
Finally, I argued, "a transition towards a UN 
peacekeeping force is the third priority in a strategy to 
save the DPA.  Without an effective UN peace force, the 
security of the displaced people and other victims of the 
war cannot be guaranteed".  Implicit in this, of course, 
remains the need for the consent of the Government. 
However, I have made it clear that "a transition towards 
a UN peace force will only be successful if it can 
reverse the present conditions of non-implementation and 
exclusion".  For that reason more should be done to 
persuade Abdul Wahid and his followers to join the peace 
agreement. 
(End text) 
 
HUME