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Viewing cable 06TOKYO2041, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/13/06
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| Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 06TOKYO2041 | 2006-04-14 07:54 | 2011-08-25 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED | Embassy Tokyo |
VZCZCXRO3296
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #2041/01 1040754
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 140754Z APR 06
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 0989
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/COMUSJAPAN YOKOTA AB JA//J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/COMPATWING ONE KAMI SEYA JA
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 8336
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 5705
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 8882
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 5696
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 6887
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 1751
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 7918
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 9807
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 002041
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/13/06
INDEX:
(1) Ruling LDP, New Komeito agree on definition of "patriotism";
LDP aims to resolve the issue under Koizumi cabinet, New Komeito
avoids adverse impact on Upper House election
(2) Minshuto's tactic of absenting itself from Diet deliberations
(3) Futenma relocation agreement (Part A): Locals perplexed by V-
shaped runway plan
(4) Never back down: ex-Nago mayor
(5) 6-trillion-yen MD initiative: Naoki Akiyama, who calls
himself "broker," has JDA Director-General Nukaga and Mitsubishi
Heavy Industries wrapped around his finger
(6) Future course of Food Safety Commission - Interview with
Kiyotoshi Kaneko, professor of neurophysiology at Tokyo Medical
College: Framework that allows manipulation of reports open to
question
ARTICLES:
(1) Ruling LDP, New Komeito agree on definition of "patriotism";
LDP aims to resolve the issue under Koizumi cabinet, New Komeito
avoids adverse impact on Upper House election
TOKYO SHIMBIN (Page 2) (Slightly abridged)
April 13, 2006
The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its coalition
partner New Komeito yesterday put an end to a debate over how to
describe "patriotism" after discussions that lasted for about
three years. The LDP wanted to resolve this thorny issue under
the government of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, while the New
Komeito did not want to delay a conclusion of the issue ahead of
the House of Councillors election next year. The two parties were
motivated by the same desire to come up with the amendments to
the Basic Education Law. By playing up their unity, the two
parties also aimed to rattle the main opposition party Minshuto
(Democratic Party of Japan), led by Ichiro Ozawa.
The LDP suggested describing patriotism as "loving the country"
(kuni o ai suru), while the New Komeito insisted that the
definition of the word should be "cherishing the country" (kuni o
taisetsu ni suru). Conservative members of the LDP were
increasingly frustrated with the party making excessive
concessions in discussions on the amendments to the education
law. Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe, whom conservative
lawmakers support, remarked in a strong tone:
"We say, 'Let's use pencils and erasers sparingly (taisetsu ni
suru), but we don't say, 'Let's love pencils and erasers' (ai
suru), just as we don't say taisetsu ni suru when talking about
the country."
Abe conferred on the patriotism issue with former Prime Minister
Yoshiro Mori, a leader of the education zoku (clique) in the
Diet. Mori advised him, "You should not make an easy compromise."
The LDP leadership's real intention is, however, that such a big
job should be resolved under the Koizumi government. Amid
attention being fixed on Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan),
TOKYO 00002041 002 OF 012
which recently elected Ichiro Ozawa party president, the LDP has
to show its intention to submit a bill amending the education law
in order also to strengthen its own cohesiveness.
The view in the LDP leadership was that some compromises were
unavoidable in order to realize an early submission of the bill
to the Diet. A senior Diet Affairs Committee member commented:
"We focused excessively on language. Even if expressions are
changed, the education system will not change."
Tadamori Oshima, chair of a panel concerning amendments to the
law, on April 12 proposed a definition of patriotism that
included the wording requested by both the LDP and New Komeito:
"respecting tradition and culture, loving the country and
homeland, respecting other countries, and contributing to the
peace and prosperity of the international community." He
presented this proposal with an eye to the New Komeito and the
situation in the LDP.
A junior member of the education zoku in the Diet made this
comment on Oshima's proposal, "The LDP will probably accept it,
but I don't think the expressions are appropriate for the Basic
Education Law."
The New Komeito does not want to delay a conclusion any further
in order to avoid a negative impact on the next Upper House
election. The panel held its 68th meeting on April 12. Panel
members though that it was not wise to give the impression that
they were prolonging the discussion on patriotism. One member
enthusiastically said, "Since we formulated the proposals, we
want the government to submit a bill to the current Diet session
and pass it through the Diet."
(2) Minshuto's tactic of absenting itself from Diet deliberations
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full)
April 13, 2006
With Ichiro Ozawa's assumption of the presidency in the
Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto), signs of change have begun
to appear in the pattern of confrontation between the ruling and
opposition parties during the latter half of the current Diet
session. The party yesterday boycotted deliberations of the House
of Representatives' Health and Labor Committee, underscoring a
confrontational stance toward the ruling camp. Meanwhile, the
ruling bloc is stepping up efforts to strengthen solidarity
within the party.
Signs of shift to strong attitude - Minshuto
In the absence of Minshuto, the ruling parties and the Japanese
Communist Party started deliberations on medical system reform
legislation in yesterday's Health and Labor Committee meeting.
Minshuto boycotted the session, claiming: "Prospects for starting
discussion on a basic cancer policy bill submitted by our party
are nowhere in sight."
Ozawa-led Minshuto will review former head Seiji Maehara's stance
of "not refusing deliberations." In the first half of the Diet
session, the largest opposition party was pressed to fight a
defensive battle over a bogus e-mail scandal. The party is now
determined to turn the tables.
TOKYO 00002041 003 OF 012
Minshuto decided to boycott the meeting yesterday not under
Ozawa's instruction but based on a decision by Diet Affairs
Committee Chairman Kozo Watanabe and others. Receiving a report
from Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama, Ozawa told Hatoyama: "An
explanation is necessary." Watanabe urgently held a press
conference and said: "We have no intention of taking this kind of
approach in other committee meetings."
The party's strong attitude reflects elated feelings among
Minshuto members in the wake of the assumption of Ozawa as party
presidency. A senior member of the Diet Affairs Committee
indicated a willingness to craft a Diet strategy based on public
opinion, saying: "We must not allow the ruling coalition to
regard us with contempt."
Minshuto is ready to present a counterproposal to the
government's administrative reform bills during today's Diet
session. Ozawa reiterated in a meeting of the next cabinet
yesterday: "I do not necessarily deny the stance of presenting
counterproposals. Of importance are their contents. The public
expects us to show differences from the ruling camp."
Efforts to speed up enactment of bills - LDP
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi told Secretary General Tsutomu
Takebe at the Prime Minister's Office yesterday: "There are a
host of bills on the Diet agenda. I want you to make efforts on a
priority basis to have the bills enacted in coordination with the
New Komeito."
Tension is mounting in the ruling parties. A senior member of the
Diet Affairs Committee said in response to Minshuto's boycott
yesterday: "What the party has said is so inconsistent that it
will be impossible for the party to obtain public understanding.
There are no parts on which we make concessions." The ruling
camp, though, needs to prevent the largest opposition party from
taking advantage of a lack of unity in the ruling camp and
disturbing it.
In view of the number of remaining days of the current Diet
session, the ruling parties aimed to lay down a bill amending the
Fundamental Law of Education around this time. It is true,
though, that Ozawa's assumption of office as Minshuto president
also contributed to speeding up an agreement on revising the law
in the ruling camp. The government plans to submit the bill to
the Diet within April and have it enacted at an early date. It is
considering establishing a special committee on this issue.
The ruling side is determined to have the administrative reform
promotion bill passed in the Lower Hose next week. In its
Research Commission on the Constitution meeting yesterday, the
LDP left the task of dealing with referendum legislation in the
hands of Policy Research Council Chairman Hidenao Nakagawa. The
party will discuss a future response possibly next week.
A senior LDP Diet Affairs Committee member said: "If we submit
the bill amending the Fundamental Law of Education and other
bills to the Diet, it will unavoidably become necessary to extend
the session for a lengthy period." On the Diet extension,
difficult negotiations are expected because it will be linked to
the LDP presidential election in September.
(3) Futenma relocation agreement (Part A): Locals perplexed by V-
TOKYO 00002041 004 OF 012
shaped runway plan
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Pp.24-25) (Abridged)
April 14, 2006
On April 13, Sakae Toyama, 65, was alone in an anti-base tent in
Okinawa's Henoko district overlooking the shining sea, looking a
little annoyed. Earlier in the day, news organizations reported
that Gov. Keiichi Inamine, who had been adamant about not
accepting any plans other than the original Camp Schwab offshore
plan, might go along with a revised plan.
Toyama commented:
"I know that tremendous pressure from both the central government
and the prefectural assembly is killing the governor. But he has
to hang in there at least until the gubernatorial election in
November. If he can hold on till then, we will pick someone who
is stronger and does not give in to pressure as our new governor.
Inamine has to withstand the pressure until November."
On April 7, an agreement was reached between Nago Mayor Yoshikazu
Shimabukuro and Defense Agency Director General Fukushiro Nukaga
on a plan to construct two runways in a V shape at the coastline
of Camp Schwab. To many local residents, it was a bolt from the
blue.
Toyama complained:
"They have come up with such an awkward plan. It is designed just
to remove the flight paths from residential areas, disregarding
noise and other hazardous factors. One-third of training at
Futenma is devoted to touch and go. The mayor said that such
training wouldn't be conducted at the new site. I asked the
deputy mayor if that was true, but he reiterated, 'We will
discuss specifics later on.'"
On April 11, over 500 anti-base residents assembled together at
the plaza in front of the Nago municipal government office and
submitted a letter of protest, demanding Mayor Shimabukuro
retract his statement tolerant of the Futenma relocation.
Zenko Nakamura, 58, head of a citizens group opposing the
heliport base, noted:
"In the 1997 Nago plebiscite, residents said 'no' to the heliport
base. Futenma Air Station must be moved out of Okinawa or even
out of Japan."
Anti-base group preparing to recall Shimabukuro
Opponents of the base relocation reportedly overwhelmed base-
supporters in subsequent opinion polls. What is pushing the
municipal government in the other direction?
Nakamura explained this way:
"To begin with, it is the central government's policy to maintain
the US-Japan Security Treaty. The government doesn't hesitate to
get rid of local heads not following this policy. As a result,
local heads do anything to achieve goals. Citizens and the mayor
are all aware that it's absolutely ridiculous to build a base at
a place like this. But the mayor has no other option but to
TOKYO 00002041 005 OF 012
follow the government's decision. That's been the way in Okinawa
for the last 60 postwar years."
A 55-year-old male taxi driver commented in a low voice:
"Many of those opposing the relocation are civil servants,
including town office workers and teachers. The chamber of
commerce and industry and local business operators are hopeful of
receiving local economy revitalization measures in return for
accepting the base. As you know, Nago has been losing its vigor."
The government has poured 60 billion yen into the northern part
of Okinawa since the heliport base relocation has surfaced.
Toyama also said:
"Even if the city formally accepted the relocation, it would take
five, six years to actually begin construction. We will block
construction at all costs. We will find a strong candidate and
then recall the mayor."
(4) Never back down: ex-Nago mayor
ASAHI (Page 35) (Full)
April 13, 2006
Japan and the United States agreed 10 years ago yesterday on the
relocation and return of Futenma airfield, a US military base
located in Japan's southernmost island prefecture of Okinawa.
Tokyo, Washington, and Okinawa have had their respective
expectations diverge over the airfield's relocation. Tateo
Kishimoto, the then mayor of Nago City in Okinawa Prefecture,
clarified his acceptance of the government's proposal to build an
alternative facility in the island's northern coastal city of
Nago to take over the airfield's heliport functions. Kishimoto
was on the front of negotiations for eight years over Futenma
relocation, and he died a month after retiring from the city's
mayoralty. Three days before his death, the late mayor left these
words with the city's new mayor: "Never back down."
Kishimoto died on March 27 from hepatocyte cancer. He was 62. On
April 2, Nago City held a municipal funeral for him, with about
4,000 people attending. Among them was Zenko Nakamura, 58, leader
of a local anti-heliport group.
"Mayor Kishimoto and I were in different positions," Nakamura
said, "but we were both alike in being at the mercy of national
policy."
In his younger days, Kishimoto was against the presence of US
military bases on the island. In 1973, Kishimoto became an
employee of the city's municipal government office. At the time,
his quest was to make his local community culturally and
ecologically rich. His initiative was just the opposite of the
current trend in Japan of a widening of economic disparities. "He
was always thinking over what we could do by ourselves to develop
our communities," says Masatoshi Shimabukuro, 62, who teamed up
with Kishimoto to that end in those days and who once worked as a
chief librarian of Nago City.
In 1997, Nago was suddenly called on to host another US military
base. The Japanese government came up with a plan to build a sea-
based heliport in waters off the coast of Henoko in the city as a
TOKYO 00002041 006 OF 012
replacement for the Futenma airfield. That year, the city polled
its residents over whether to accept Tokyo's offshore heliport
plan. A majority of those who cast their votes rejected it.
However, the then mayor, Tetsuya Higa, accepted the heliport
plan. Shortly thereafter, he resigned as mayor.
Kishimoto won the race to be Higa's successor as mayor. In the
eyes of antibase locals, Kishimoto appeared to have changed
sides, however.
Higa said, "The base won't go away if we only ask them to return
it." The former mayor added: "I hope we can make a change for the
better. The mayor should have his back against the wall."
In December 1999, Kishimoto clarified his intention to accept
Futenma relocation to Nago.
The Defense Agency, which later entered into negotiations with
Kishimoto, found the mayor a "tough" counterpart. Kishimoto won a
government package of local economic stimulus measures for
Okinawa's northern districts to the extent of 100 billion yen for
10 years. He continued to negotiate Futenma's relocation with the
government for years, setting preconditions for his acceptance of
the Futenma relocation plan.
However, Yukio Okamoto, a one-time special assistant to the prime
minister for Okinawa and later a frequent adviser to Kishimoto,
took a different view. "He never gave in (to the government) when
it came to anything in the interests of Okinawa's northern
localities and also when it came to base-caused noise damage to
local communities," Okamoto recalled.
Masatoshi Shimabukuro called on Mayor Kishimoto at his office
from time to time. Shimabukuro remembers Kishimoto saying there
over Okinawa's traditional awamori spirits: "Masatoshi, never
stop the antibase movement."
As the city's mayor, Kishimoto refused to meet base opponents. In
the meantime, the government and local conservative assembly
members had yet to place full confidence in him.
Katsuhiro Yoshida was also the head of a municipality in the
island's northern part. Yoshida once served as Kin Town's mayor.
He remembers that there was alcohol on Kishimoto's breath in one
morning when he was in a meeting with cabinet ministers.
The government will do anything or whatsoever until I say yes.
Once I give in, the government will press me hard... With this,
Yoshida, who also accepted a US military telecom facility's
relocation to his town, recalled how it was in his negotiations
with the government. Kishimoto shouldered the heavy burden of a
base, which was imposed from Tokyo to Okinawa and from Okinawa to
Nago while he was in office for eight years. He might have felt
lonely but could not tell anyone...
In January this year, Nago elected its new mayor after Kishimoto
retired for his health. On March 24, the city's newly elected
mayor, Yoshikazu Shimabukuro, visited Kishimoto at his hospital.
Kishimoto there said to Shimabukuro: "Never back down."
Two weeks later, Mayor Shimabukuro agreed on the government's
plan to build two airstrips at a site across the cape of Henoko
in his city.
TOKYO 00002041 007 OF 012
The city's deputy mayor and other municipal officials are on the
road to meet local residents in order to account for the
agreement reached between Nago and Tokyo. The city government
held another briefing of local communities yesterday. The new
mayor, now shouldering the same heavy burden as Kishimoto's, has
yet to show up before his city's people.
(5) 6-trillion-yen MD initiative: Naoki Akiyama, who calls
himself "broker," has JDA Director-General Nukaga and Mitsubishi
Heavy Industries wrapped around his finger
SHUKAN BUNSHUN (Excerpts)
April 13, 2006
The Japan-US Security Strategy Conference has been held twice a
year - once in Washington in May and once in Tokyo in November -
since 2003, but its existence is little known in Japan. This
conference, however, is attended by eminent people.
A political reporter at a national newspaper explained:
"Attending the conference from Japan are members of the National
Security Research Group, an organization composed of lawmakers
working for national defense or defense-related industries, known
as the kokubo zoku, from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), the
New Komeito, and Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan). The
chairman of the group is former JDA Director-General Tsutomu
Kawara, the vice chairman is LDP General Council Chairman Fumio
Kyuma, and the chief of the secretariat is JDA Director-General
Fukushiro Nukaga. Besides them are Shigeru Ishiba and Tokuichiro
Tamazawa, who have each served as JDA director-general, and other
renowned legislators."
Participants in the same conference from the United States are
all key government officials, including Secretary of Defense
Ronald Rumsfeld, Deputy Under Secretary of Defense Richard
Lawless, former Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage, and
former Secretary of Defense William Cohen.
Given that in addition to key political figures, executives of
leading defense manufacturers from around the world, such as
Lockheed Martin and Boeing, attend the conference, it may be safe
to call the conference a military-industrial gathering.
The sponsor of this grand-scale gathering is Naoki Akiyama, a
member of the board of directors of the Japan-America Cultural
Society, a public corporation under the Foreign Ministry's
control. Akiyama also serves as head of the National Security
Research Institute, which is affiliated with the society.
"He (Akiyama) is a liaison in the defense area for Japan-US
exchanges. He seems to be on friendly terms with Mr. Nukaga and
Mr. Kyuma among Japan's defense lobbyists. He also has friendly
ties with senior US government officials. He brags that he knows
all about Armitage's connections with Japan and that he is
particularly close to Rumsfeld. He has given the impression that
he thinks Japan-US security issues cannot make progress without
his advice," said a major newspaper correspondent in Washington.
Last May, when JDA Director-General Nukaga, Kyuma, Taro Aso, and
others from Japan were visiting the United States, a senior US
Department of Defense official hosted a reception. "On that
TOKYO 00002041 008 OF 012
occasion," the same correspondent revealed, "Mr. Akiyama
interrupted a conversation between Secretary Rumsfeld and
Director-General Nukaga and led Nukaga out of the reception hall,
saying, 'The schedule is tight.' Secretary Rumsfeld reportedly
exploded, 'What's that? Who's that?' and 'I don't want to see him
again.'"
According to a book he authored, Shin-Kaso Tekikoku (A New
Potential Enemy), Akiyama was born in 1943. He learned from
political commentator Isamu Togawa and received ideas about the
nature of the state from former Nissho Iwai Vice President
Hachiro Kaifu.
A Foreign Ministry official gave this account of Akiyama: "I've
heard his father was a prosecutor and later was involved in
founding the National Police Reserve (the predecessor of the Self-
Defense Forces)."
When Japanese lawmakers are visiting the US, Akiyama brings them
to bigwigs in the US administration or offers an inspection tour
of the military industry.
"Director-General Nukaga and Mr. Kyuma appear to completely trust
Mr. Akiyama. Mr. Akiyama assembled 15 correspondents assigned to
Washington and hosted meetings with Nukaga at beef barbecue or
Chinese restaurants. The expenses for these meetings were paid by
Mr. Akiyama with his platinum American Express card. So I thought
he had plenty of money," another national newspaper company
reporter said.
Mitsubishi Corp. is a subcontractor of "my firm"
Except for the Japan-US Security Strategy Conference, politicians
and defense industry executives from Japan and the US have very
few opportunities to meet. Chiefly for this reason, participants
in the conference tend to expect a lot from Akiyama.
"During the conference," said a military journalist, "Japanese
and US legislators working for the defense industry clamor for
Japan to ease its three principles of weapons exports. They do
so, reflecting their respective defense industries' desires.
American firms aim to sell Japan missile defense systems,
including the Patriot Advanced Capability (PAC-3) missile, while
Japanese trading houses and defense firms like Mitsubishi Heavy
Industries will first buy such systems from (US firms) and then
aim to produce them under license."
Mitsubishi Heavy Industries has been at the top of Japan's
defense industry for many years. It is a large supplier for the
JDA, receiving procurement orders worth at least 250 billion yen
every year. Mitsubishi Corp. acts as a weapons importer, and
Mitsubishi Electric dominates such areas as radar technology used
for satellites. One-third of Japan's defense budget goes the
Mitsubishi group.
Once the MD initiative is implemented and the three principles of
weapons exports are eased, the Mitsubishi group will be able to
achieve an astronomical level of profit.
Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Chairman Takashi Nishioka has
attended the Japan-US Security Strategy Conference as a panelist
since 2003 and delivered a keynote speech at the conference both
in 2004 and 2005, demonstrating his enthusiasm for the
TOKYO 00002041 009 OF 012
conference.
"Chairman Nishioka has trusts Mr. Akiyama all the more because he
was introduced by Mr. Akiyama to heavyweights in the US
government and the US defense industry. Mr. Nishioka appears to
have played golf together with Mr. Akiyama," said a participant
of the conference.
In March 2005, one national newspaper reporter for defense
affairs said, "Shakai Shimpo, the official publication of the
Social Democratic Party (SDP), reported that executives of the
Mitsubishi group, including Chairman Nishioka, assisted by
Akiyama, 'secretly entertained' former JDA Director-General
Ishiba and defense bureaucrats."
His extensive personal networks in Japan and the US and the way
he orchestrated an opulent reception in Washington are sufficient
for people to call him a fixer.
Akiyama leads the National Security Research Institute, and in
addition, he effectively runs a company called Advac
International Corporation.
Last year, a former Advac employee we will call "Ms. A" filed a
lawsuit against Advac for unpaid salary. This February, the Tokyo
District Court upheld Ms. A's claim and ordered Advac to pay her
unpaid salary. The records of the case include her testimony as
to what Akiyama said and how he behaved at the National Security
Research Institute.
According to the records, Akiyama described Mitsubishi
Corporation as a "subcontractor" of his company. He believes
himself to be a "fixer" with strong clout in the JDA over its
procurement orders to private firms.
But problems about his activities were raised in a way he had
never anticipated. A journalist for national defense explained:
"The Japan-America Cultural Society, the parent body of Mr.
Akiyama's Institute, has been provided a total of 38 million yen
in subsidies by the Japan Foundation from 1997 through 2004.
Those named in the board of directors of that society include
national defense lobbyist lawmakers mentioned earlier here in
this piece and executives of domestic defense-related firms. The
society was launched with the aim of cultural exchanges between
Japan and the US. This means that the society is not at all an
occasion to deal with security issues and military affairs.
Additionally, the Japan Foundation is an independent
administrative organization under the control of the Foreign
Ministry. Reporting that the society has used public money given
as subsidies for other purposes, the news media took issue with
this point."
Various questions were also raised about Akiyama's background and
activities.
The same journalist continued: "Akiyama has let it be known that
his political activities started with his serving as secretary to
Tsutomu Kawara. I then asked Mr. Kawara's secretary at the time,
SIPDIS
but the secretary said that he did not know him."
Although Akiyama has portrayed himself as a close friend of
former US Secretary of Defense William Cohen, a senior member of
TOKYO 00002041 010 OF 012
the Cohen group, when asked about Akiyama, made this reply: "With
Japan's defense lobby lawmakers standing behind him, he (Akiyama)
was able to pose as a power broker. He was seen bragging to
Japanese visitors to the US that he was really close to Cohen,
but that claim was met with laughter here."
This magazine asked lawmakers belonging to the National Security
Research Group whether they knew of Akiyama's past activities and
the suspicions that surround him. LDP Secretary General Takebe,
House of Representatives member Tamisuke Watanuki, and former
Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) President Maehara simply
repeated these words: "I didn't know," and "I'm surprised."
Former JDA Director-General Tsutomu Kawara denied the fact that
Akiyama had served as secretary to him.
JDA Director-General Nukaga, when asked the same question by this
weekly at Haneda Airport after coming back from Okinawa, made
only this remark: "I don't know." He quickly got in a car waiting
for him. Since then he has shown no signs of responding to
interviews about this matter.
Former JDA Director-General Ishiba, asked about Akiyama's past,
said, "I didn't know," adding: "Mr. Kawara, Mr. Kyuma, and Mr.
Nukaga are people we all respect. So, don't you think it is
strange if we ask them, 'Isn't there any problem with him?'"
Apparently, the major factor that helped Akiyama to build his
personal network in the US was his connections with heavyweight
Japanese lawmakers. And the reason why he was able to expand his
personal network with Japanese lawmakers was because he happened
to have an acquaintance with veteran lawmakers. Well, from where
did he cultivate his personal network? One acquaintance of
Akiyama's explained:
"Akiyama worked as a driver for Isamu Togawa. Akiyama joined
Togawa when he visited the Foreign Ministry. In doing so, Akiyama
had opportunities to be friends with politicians, like Ichiro
Ozawa. Later, he began associating with defense lobbyist
lawmakers."
Akiyama's golf companion, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Chairman
Takashi Nishioka, who last July assumed the post as the officer
responsible for his company's missile work and is also director
of the Japan-America Cultural Society, is reluctant to mention
the suspicions now surrounding Akiyama:
"I didn't know Mr. Akiyama was doing such things. Whether he
committed fraud or not has nothing to do with me. The membership
fee of the Japan-US Security Strategy Institute? I don't think
(my company) pays it."
However, a public relations officer at Mitsubishi Heavy
Industries said:
"As a leading manufacturer in the aerial and space defense
sectors, we agreed with the purposes of the talks and took part
in them. In addition to the payment of 1 million yen a year as
support money, our company paid 600,000 yen to take part in an
American tour last spring. We paid the money not to Mr. Akiyama's
Security Strategic Institute but to the talks, even though the
recipient is the institute."
A series of scandals involving (the JDA) in recent years has
TOKYO 00002041 011 OF 012
strengthened calls for greater transparency in how the defense
budget is used, but the MD initiative, in which as much as 6
trillion yen will be invested, is still covered in darkness.
(6) Future course of Food Safety Commission - Interview with
Kiyotoshi Kaneko, professor of neurophysiology at Tokyo Medical
College: Framework that allows manipulation of reports open to
question
ASAHI (Page 15) (Full)
April 14, 2006
I have no intention to avoid my responsibility for the contents
of the reports worked out (by the Food Safety Commissions (FSC)).
I left the panel because I want to work hard at my main job, and
not out of protest. I want to stress that the advisory panel must
take a logical and scientifically appropriate stance in order to
assess risks on a scientific basis.
If there are problems in the panel itself, the credibility of its
reports will be undermined. The current framework that allows the
manipulation of reports must be rectified.
The panel called on the government to assess the BSE risk of US
beef, not the safety-management system, attaching these
conditions: (1) Specified risk materials, including vertebral
columns, should be completely removed in the US; and (2) imported
beef should be limited to that from calves considered at low risk
of contracting the disease.
It was hard for me to understand the (government's) stance of
asking the FSC to make a scientific assessment while setting
aside the important point of risk management. The report
(released in December of last year) inserted the passage
"scientific assessment is difficult." That was intended to
express our concerns or apprehension from the standpoint of
scientists. However, the panel gave approval "as a result of
study from a scientific viewpoint." I feel this was regrettable.
One month later, the government imposed a second ban on US beef
imports in reaction to the discovery of vertebral columns found
in a US beef shipment to Japan. Is it enough to pursue the
Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare (MHLW), and the Ministry
of Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries (MAFF) on their
responsibility?
If the FSC is willing to conduct food safety assessment in a
serious manner, the panel should be given the right to make the
government resubmit a list of inquiries if it finds questionable
points. Otherwise, it will be impossible to make a scientific
assessment.
The FSC has flown the slogans of "scientific assessment" and
"fair, neutral, and independent inspection," but this comes in
the face of real society. There naturally are time limitations,
and much remains unknown. Despite such circumstances, the panel
must come up with assessment results.
It is necessary to obtain a national consensus on standards for
scientific assessment. Japanese people have little experience in
risk analysis, so they tend to call for "zero risk." But a
certain level of risk has to be tolerated.
TOKYO 00002041 012 OF 012
Even if safety is verified scientifically, changes can always
occur, so there is some latitude. The government should reveal
the possible risk and then make a judgment. Or it should listen
to public views and then take measures. If no standards are
prepared, the public will expect the risk to be as small as
possible, and then the issue of safety becomes a matter of making
people feel comfortable.
I keenly feel that experts on risk analysis should also join the
process of confirming food safety. Should they make a scientific
assessment from a different angle, our awareness of risk will
deepen. One idea would be to bring together experts in specific
areas. If they set standards on what should be regarded as a
risk, it will become possible for each section of the FSC to have
"common scales."
In the event such criteria were adopted, the FSC would be able to
disclose information on risk. If the people demand that risk
should be minimized, it will become possible for the panel to
pose questions about cost increases, and both sides will be able
to exchange views on risk.
Nonetheless, even if the FSC emphasizes safety, it will be vital
to convince the people. In order to win public trust, it is
necessary to strengthen the risk-communication system among the
FSC, the MHLW, and MAFF.
For instance, it would be desirable to set up such a risk-
communication body as a food security committee involving
relevant government agencies and disclose information on risk
assessment and management. The public will become more trustful
(of the FSC) through such efforts.
SCHIEFFER