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Viewing cable 06TOKYO1490, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 03/22/06

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
06TOKYO1490 2006-03-22 08:20 2011-08-25 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO7569
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #1490/01 0810820
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 220820Z MAR 06
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 0003
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/COMUSJAPAN YOKOTA AB JA//J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/COMPATWING ONE KAMI SEYA JA
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 7879
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 5247
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 8394
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 5263
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 6431
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 1255
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 7445
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 9399
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 001490 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST 
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS 
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY 
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 03/22/06 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, email fiasco, 
post-Koizumi race, Okinawa base issues 
 
(2) Close-up 2006 - Relocation of Futenma: Government trying to 
force the coastal relocation plan by making minor changes to it 
 
(3) Editorial: Efforts needed to obtain public understanding for 
plan to relocate Marines to Guam 
 
(4) Editorial: Strengthened unity among Japan, US, Australia 
imperative for regional stability 
 
(5) Editorial: Australia-Japan-US Strategic Dialogue - Coalition 
of the willing needed 
 
(6) Post-Koizumi contenders; Research on Shinzo Abe; 
Grandfather's belief, father's trust (Part 2) 
 
(Corrected copy) US military to disperse flight training missions 
to 6 mainland bases from Kadena, other bases 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, email fiasco, 
post-Koizumi race, Okinawa base issues 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
March 21, 2006 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Parentheses denote the 
results of a survey conducted Feb. 18-19, unless otherwise 
specified.) 
 
Q: Do you support the Koizumi cabinet? 
 
Yes       46       (43) 
No        38       (41) 
 
Q: Why? (One reason only. Left column for those marking "yes" on 
previous question, and right for those saying "no.") 
 
The prime minister is Mr. Koizumi              12 (9)      3 (3) 
The prime minister is from the Liberal Democratic Party 
                                                7 (7)      3 (3) 
From the aspect of policies                    15(14)     23(26) 
Because of the coalition government             4 (4)      4 (5) 
No particular reason                            7 (7)      4 (3) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support now? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)                    39       (36) 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto)       13       (14) 
New Komeito (NK)                                   3        (3) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP)                     3        (2) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto)          1        (2) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto)         0        (0) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon)            0        (0) 
Liberal League (LL or Jiyu Rengo)                  0        (0) 
None                                              36       (38) 
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K)                 5        (5) 
 
TOKYO 00001490  002 OF 010 
 
 
 
Q: The DPJ's lawmaker, Hisayasu Nagata, offered his apologies for 
his unconfirmed citing of a fake email in the Diet to grill the 
LDP, saying former Livedoor Co. President Horie actually didn't 
email any instructions to send 30 million yen to LDP Secretary 
General Takebe's son. Do you think Nagata should quit his Diet 
seat to take responsibility for the fiasco? 
 
Yes       59 
No        32 
 
Q: The DPJ will elect its new president in September this year. 
The DPJ, currently headed by Seiji Maehara, has a number of 
heavyweights, such as Ichiro Ozawa, Naoto Kan, and Yukio 
Hatoyama. Who do you think is appropriate to serve as DPJ 
president for the next term? 
 
Seiji Maehara        14 
Ichiro Ozawa         20 
Naoto Kan            20 
Yukio Hatoyama       17 
Others               16 
 
Q: Do you think the DPJ is competent enough to take office? 
(Parentheses denote the results of a previous survey conducted 
Aug. 15-16, 2005.) 
 
Yes       19       (20) 
No        68       (62) 
 
Q: Do you think the nation's economy is now about to improve, 
worsen, or remains unchanged? (Parentheses denote the results of 
a survey conducted Nov. 26-27, 2005.) 
 
Improve         30       (31) 
Worsen          12       (14) 
No change       55       (52) 
 
Q: Do you appreciate the Koizumi cabinet's economic and monetary 
policies? 
 
Yes       41 
No        43 
 
Q: Who do you think is appropriate for post-Koizumi premiership? 
Pick only one from among those listed below. 
 
Taro Aso                5 
Shinzo Abe             47 
Sadakazu Tanigaki       4 
Yasuo Fukuda           20 
Others                 13 
 
Q: Would you like Prime Minister Koizumi's successor to 
prioritize improving Japan's ties with China? 
 
Yes       61 
No        26 
 
Q: Would you like Japan to maintain its security treaty with the 
US? 
 
Yes       74 
 
TOKYO 00001490  003 OF 010 
 
 
No        14 
 
Q: There's a rise of outcries from among the residents of Nago 
City in Okinawa Prefecture, Iwakuni City in Yamaguchi Prefecture, 
and other base-hosting municipalities against base or troop 
relocation over the realignment of US forces in Japan. Do you 
think the government should push ahead with such relocation on 
its own responsibility, or do you otherwise think the government 
should obtain local consent before doing so? 
 
The government should do so on its own responsibility        27 
The government should obtain local consent before doing so   63 
 
 
Q: The Japanese and US governments are now talking about the idea 
of moving about 8,000 US Marines from Okinawa to Guam in order to 
stave off Okinawa's base-hosting burden. However, the US has 
asked Japan to pay about 900 billion yen or 75% of the estimated 
cost of infrastructure construction in Guam. Is this fiscal 
burden convincing to you? 
 
Yes       14 
No        78 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted March 18-19 over 
the telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) 
basis. This RDD formula chooses persons for the survey from among 
all eligible voters throughout the nation on a three-sage random- 
sampling basis. Valid answers were obtained from 1,849 persons 
(52%). 
 
(2) Close-up 2006 - Relocation of Futenma: Government trying to 
force the coastal relocation plan by making minor changes to it 
 
MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) 
March 22, 2006 
 
By Yoso Furumoto, Teruhisa Mitsumori 
 
The government yesterday switched course and accepted adding 
minor changes to the current plan to relocate the US military's 
Futenma Air Station in Ginowan City, Okinawa Prefecture to the 
coastal portion of Camp Schwab in Nago City. Lying behind this 
move is the government's desire to somehow bring Nago City into 
consultations on the relocation plan. Nago Mayor Yoshikazu 
Shimabukuro late yesterday responded to talks with Defense Agency 
(JDA) Director-General Fukushiro Nukaga. Talks between the 
government and Nago City have barely begun just ahead of the end- 
of-March deadline for the final report on the realignment of US 
forces in Japan. Yet, both sides are still wide apart, since JDA 
is determined to go ahead with the coastal plan just by making 
slight changes to it, while Nago City is calling for a drastic 
revision of the plan that involves adoption of a reclamation 
scheme in ocean waters. 
 
Government urges Nago City to respond to talks, indicating 
compromising stance, obviously out of impatience with the 
deadline of final report closing near 
 
"We've decided to engage in energetic talks this week and come up 
with a certain direction. There is need to finalize the issue to 
coincide with the deadline for the final agreement Japan and the 
United States will reach by the end of the month." JDA chief 
 
TOKYO 00001490  004 OF 010 
 
 
Nukaga told this to reporters after meeting with Mayor 
Shimabukuro, indicating he intended to make minor revisions to 
the current coastal plan so that coordination with Nago City 
would progress at a faster pace. JDA is against any drastic 
revision. That is because of the rule of thumb, namely that the 
Japan-US Special Action Committee on Okinawa (SACO) specified a 
sea-based facility plan in 1996, nine years ago, but that the 
plan has never been put into motion to date. 
 
At first, a movable heliport was planned. But following demands 
for changes from Okinawa Prefecture and local municipalities, the 
movable heliport plan changed into the one to construct an 
airport on reclaimed land so that it could be jointly used by the 
military and civilian sectors. Additionally, an assessment of 
effects on the environment was a premise for the start of the 
construction, but no such assessment has ever been conducted due 
to objections from environment-preservation groups and anti-base 
activists. Local residents are opposed to the coastal plan partly 
because under the plan, a runway is likely to be constructed at a 
site closer to the residential area, but they are strongly 
anticipating a favorable effect of reclamation work on the 
economic front. JDA, however, asserts that if the government were 
again forced to make a broad concession to accept local demands, 
the relocation of Futenma would never occur. 
 
Nevertheless, the government has decided to comply with minor 
changes to the relocation plan. The major reason for this policy 
shift is that in the recent working-level talks between Japan and 
the US held in early March, US officials showed their reluctance 
to complete a final agreement without any bright prospect of 
gaining local consent. The government and the ruling parties are 
increasingly becoming impatient as the deadline is coming closer. 
In the Japan-US talks held last fall, a shallow-waters plan was 
floated by the US, and among Japanese government ministries, the 
Foreign Ministry endorsed the plan. JDA, however, brushed aside 
the Foreign Ministry's endorsement and went ahead with the 
coastal plan. This time again, calls for a shift to a sea-based 
plan arose from lawmakers who have served as foreign minister and 
other officials. The ruling parties were under pressure to revise 
(the current coastal plan). 
 
Agreeing to minor changes in the coastal plan was a necessary 
means for JDA to block a sea-based plan and keep the coastal plan 
in place. Yesterday morning, JDA Director-General Nukaga 
discussed a policy line of adding minor changes with Prime 
Minister Junichiro Koizumi. After the meeting, Nukaga told 
reporters, "Changes must be feasible. I have been told that 
(things) have been entirely left in the hands of Mr. Nukaga." The 
JDA chief then emphasized that he was given a free hand by the 
prime minister under the basic policy of keeping the coastal plan 
itself in place. 
 
Nago City rocked; Inamine-led prefectural government firmly 
opposed to coastal plan 
 
"That would be a good thing. I figure that local opposition to 
the coastal plan might have been transmitted to the central 
government." So said Nago Mayor Shimabukuro after meeting with 
JDA Director-General Nukaga, indicating to reporters that he 
appreciated the government's policy of making minor changes (to 
the coastal plan). In the talks with Nukaga, the mayor said that 
he stressed that it would be acceptable if changes were within 
variations of the sea-based plan, and that he would be ready to 
 
TOKYO 00001490  005 OF 010 
 
 
accept future talks with the government. 
 
On March 21, the mayor met with Okinawa Gov. Keiichi Inamime 
before he left for Tokyo, and confirmed that there was no change 
in opposition to the coastal plan. In Okinawa, the mayor told 
reporters, "Local citizens would not be convinced of minor 
changes because such changes have nothing to do with the coastal 
plan. Minor changes are thus unacceptable." But in Tokyo, the 
mayor appreciated minor changes. This gap has given a glimpse of 
Nago City's agony over the relocation of the Futenma airfield. 
 
The reason why Nago City offered the acceptable scope of changes 
was that with no key industry in the city, "It has to stimulate 
its economy by co-existing with the base," according to a senior 
municipal government official. The city also has the hope that 
the central government would provide it with a package of 
economic measures in return for the acceptance of the relocation 
of Futenma airfield. 
 
In contrast, Okinawa Prefecture is adamant about rejecting plans 
other than the Henoko offshore plan, namely to reclaim land from 
the sea off Henoko. If it accepted the coastal plan, it would 
lead to rejecting the position of the Inamine-led prefectural 
government that has accepted the previous plan as a result of a 
difficult decision. Although the gubernatorial election is 
scheduled for October, incumbent Gov. Inamine has not made it 
clear whether he will run again. But if he turned around to favor 
the coastal plan, the conservative-led prefectural government 
could be put in a precarious position. 
 
But if Nago City accepted minor changes to the coastal plan, no 
doubt Gov. Inamine would be further pressured by the government 
and ruling parties to make a difficult decision again. Before 
this, persuading Nago City first seems to be the government's 
strategy. 
 
(3) Editorial: Efforts needed to obtain public understanding for 
plan to relocate Marines to Guam 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
March 21, 2006 
 
The Japanese and US governments will resume US force realignment 
talks tomorrow in a bid to reach a final agreement. From the 
viewpoint of maintaining and strengthening the alliance 
relationship, we hope that both sides will fully discuss how to 
cooperate with each other first and find common ground. 
 
Delivering a speech at the graduation ceremony of the National 
Defense Academy on March 19, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi 
said: "There are countries that have been engaged in military 
buildups recently." As Koizumi pointed out, China and North Korea 
have been expanding their armaments. Under such a situation, the 
presence of the US military and the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) are 
imperative as a deterrent to any threat to Japan's peace and 
stability. Everyone must keep in mind that if the importance of 
Japan-US alliance is reduced, a wrong signal would be sent to 
other countries and Japan's national interests would eventually 
be undermined. 
 
Besides the relocation of the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air 
Station, there is another issue of relocating Marines in Okinawa 
to Guam. 
 
TOKYO 00001490  006 OF 010 
 
 
 
In bilateral talks held earlier, the US asked Japan to foot 75% 
of the (10 billion dollar or about 1,175 billion yen) bill to 
relocate the Marines to Guam. The US had initially worked out 
approximately 8 billion dollars as the transfer cost, but it then 
added expenditures for off-base infrastructure building, such as 
docks to be used by the Marine Corps. An official of the US 
Defense Department said: "It is Japan that asked us to relocate 
the Marines. The US takes responsibility for defending Japan, but 
Japan does not take responsibility for defending the US. Japan's 
share of the cost for the planned Marine relocation is very low." 
 
A responsible Japanese minister said on March 16 that Japan would 
not be able to accept the US cost estimate and is considering a 
plan to adopt a loan system for expenditures to finance 
constructing housing for American troops and their families. 
 
Japan may be pressed to pay a huge bill in the end. It is 
unavoidable for the two governments to share some of the cost. On 
such an occasion, they will be required to explain to their 
respective people the basis for the cost estimate in a convincing 
and clear-cut way. 
 
Japan's defense budget is about 1% in terms of gross domestic 
product (GDP). The US has compared it to its 3%, but making such 
a comparison is simplistic. We do not think the US should take 
this as a good opportunity for it to impose a fiscal burden on 
Japan in order to expanding its bases. 
 
Japan should take seriously the United States' irritation for 
Japan only focusing its interest on reducing US military bases 
and showing a lack of understanding toward Washington's efforts 
to serve as a deterrent in the region by placing the valuable 
lives of its young people at risk. Under the framework of 
alliance, one nation should protect its ally. It might be 
necessary, on the occasion of transferring Marines from Okinawa 
to Guam, for Japan and the US to take another look at their 
alliance. 
 
In order for Japan and the US to smoothly manage the alliance, 
the two governments need to do their best to solicit public 
support for their relocation plans. 
 
(4) Editorial: Strengthened unity among Japan, US, Australia 
imperative for regional stability 
 
YOMIURI (Page 3) (Full) 
March 19, 2006 
 
Foreign Minister Taro Aso, US Secretary of State Condoleezza 
Rice, and Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer held their 
first ministerial security talks in Sydney, Australia, on March 
ΒΆ18. 
 
Historical changes are going on in the Asia-Pacific region, with 
the rapid economic growth of China and India. Japan and the US, 
as well as the US and Australia, have established alliances. It 
is extremely important for the three countries, which share such 
core values as freedom and democracy, to hold strategic talks for 
peace and stability in the region. 
 
The focus of discussions in the trilateral strategy dialogue was 
on China, which has undertaken an arms buildup backed by its 
 
TOKYO 00001490  007 OF 010 
 
 
rapid economic growth. China has increased its defense budget for 
2006 by 14.7% over the previous year, recording double-digit 
growth for the 18th straight year. US financial authorities 
revealed before the US Congress that China's military budget is 
actually three times larger than the announced figure. The 
increases by the Chinese Navy and Air Force of ballistic missiles 
and weapons present an element of uncertainty in the region. 
 
Japan, the US, and Australia called for China's "constructive 
engagement" in the Asia-Pacific region. Such a call is quite 
rational. They also should try to deepen cooperation with the 
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and India. 
 
The Bush administration's new National Security Strategy called 
on China to act as "a responsible stakeholder," noting: "We will 
urge the Chinese government to take a proper strategy for the 
sake of its people, but we will also make preparations on the 
assumption of another case." The trilateral strategy dialogue 
probably is part of such preparations. 
 
In East Asia, China has proposed forming an East Asian Community 
composed of ASEAN, Japan, China, and South Korea. Meanwhile, 
Japan has insisted on the need to establish a more open framework 
in cooperation with India, Australia, and other countries. 
 
Strengthened cooperation among Japan, the US, and Australia will 
become more important as a means of preventing turmoil in the 
process of forming a new framework for East Asia. 
 
In addition to China, a variety of regional or global challenges 
are facing the three countries. Such challenges include the 
nuclear programs of North Korea and Iran. How to deal with the 
bleak security situation in Iraq is another key issue. In order 
to maintain security in the region, it is also vital to work out 
measures to deal with bird flu and other potential epidemics. 
 
Japan, the US, and Australia upgraded the sub-cabinet-level 
strategic talks they had held regularly to a ministerial confab. 
The statement of the trilateral strategic dialogue explained why 
the talks were raised to higher status: "That is to express our 
determination to work together to promote peace and stability in 
the Asia-Pacific region with the aim of protecting our strategic 
benefits." 
 
In order for Japan to protect its strategic benefits shared with 
the US and Australia, it is important to strengthen and continue 
its cooperative ties with them. To that end, Japan must properly 
fulfill its role and responsibility. 
 
(5) Editorial: Australia-Japan-US Strategic Dialogue - Coalition 
of the willing needed 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
March 19, 2006 
 
The Australia-Japan-US Strategic Dialogue was held in Sydney 
among the Japanese, US, and Australian foreign ministers. Prior 
to that, a Japan-US strategic dialogue between the Japanese and 
US foreign ministers also took place. This is the first strategic 
dialogue among the foreign ministers of the three countries. The 
bilateral strategic dialogue with the US was Japan's second, 
following the one held last May. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001490  008 OF 010 
 
 
Japan and Australia each has an alliance with the US. The three 
countries share basic values, such as freedom and democracy. They 
have a close cooperative relationship on the security front, as 
well. 
 
It is significant that the foreign ministers of the three 
countries have committed to partnership and solidarity not only 
for immediate issues but also for mid- to long-term strategic 
challenges. The words "strategic dialogue" carry a significant 
meaning. 
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and US President George Bush 
during their first summit in 2001 decided to hold a bilateral 
strategic dialogue. Sub-cabinet-level meetings had been held on a 
regular basis since 2002. It was decided last year that the 
dialogue would be held under a dual-track structure involving the 
foreign-ministerial level and high working level. The Australia- 
Japan-US strategic dialogue is an extension of that process, and 
it was decided to hold the first meeting this year. 
 
The trilateral strategic dialogue this time covered a wide range 
of topics. However, discussions appeared to have focused on such 
issues as the situation in Iraq, the nuclear programs of Iran and 
North Korea, and a strategy to deal with China, which is markedly 
developing both in economic and military terms. 
 
The Bush administration on March 16 issued a new National 
Security Strategy after a hiatus of three and a half years. 
Regarding the situation in East Asia, the report noted the 
perception of the current situations in Japan, Australia, South 
Korea, Southeast Asia, and China and how to deal with such 
situations, and indicated the significance of Japan and Australia 
as its allies. 
 
The report expressed wariness and devoted the greatest amount of 
space to China's continuing opaque military expansion. It also 
urged China to democratize. The statement on China was concluded 
with the suggestive expression: "Our strategy seeks to encourage 
China to make the right strategic choices for its people, while 
we hedge against other possibilities." 
 
During the trilateral strategic dialogue, the three nations 
likely aimed to deepen their ties as a "coalition of the willing" 
based on the positions of Japan and Australia, as well as the US 
security strategy. 
 
On the economic front, the three nations have a competitive 
relationship in many spheres, but they also share interests in 
terms of urging various countries, starting with China, to adopt 
a fair economic system. 
 
In order for the three nations, which share values as maritime 
states as well, to make their strategic dialogue fruitful, it 
will become necessary to hold a comprehensive strategic dialogue 
that covers not only foreign affairs but also defense and fiscal 
matters. 
 
(6) Post-Koizumi contenders; Research on Shinzo Abe; 
Grandfather's belief, father's trust (Part 2) 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
March 21, 2006 
 
In 1960, demonstrators opposing the revisions to the Japan-US 
 
TOKYO 00001490  009 OF 010 
 
 
Security Treaty besieged the residence of then Prime Minister 
Nobusuke Kishi at Nanpeidai, Tokyo every day. Shinzo Abe, who was 
then a pre-school toddler, along with his elder brother Hironobu 
Abe, squirted the demonstrators with water pistols from the 
second floor of his friend's house on the opposite side of the 
street. He seemed to have been familiar with politics even as a 
child. 
 
Avoided taking any noticeable behavior 
 
Hironobu said that Shinzo inherited the sure convictions of his 
grandfather, who followed his own path, despite the criticism he 
faced, in the belief that it was the right thing to revise the 
Treaty. He added, "Shinzo has been stubborn from his childhood." 
He never gave up, even when he got into a scuffle with Hironobu's 
friends. 
 
In the meantime, he avoided taking any noticeable behavior for 
fear of being regarded as a wellborn boy. He received his 
education at combined elementary, junior high and high schools 
and a university at Seikei Gakuen. He was reportedly quiet and 
not active in student activities. 
 
At the university, he joined the archery club and practiced hard, 
but he was never a good archer. He did not apply himself to his 
studies, either. He was fond of reading novels by Shusaku Endo. 
He often listened to Carol King's songs. 
 
After studying in the US for two years, Abe entered Kobe Steel, 
following the advice of a secretary to his father, who thought 
that it would be helpful for his father, because the company's 
plant is located in his constituency. 
 
Turning point comes four years after entering Kobe Steel 
 
At Kobe steel, when Shinji Yano, then director of the division to 
which Abe was assigned, ordered Abe to sell such and such a 
product, Abe replied, "Yes, sir. I will try to do it." It was 
later found that the business deal had already been made. Yano 
reprimanded Abe, "You should not do such a thing." But Abe, in 
fact, often challenged business rules, fully prepared to take 
risks. 
 
The turning point came four years after he entered the company. 
He received a phone call from his father, who had just come into 
office as foreign minister. He told his son, "Work as my 
secretary starting tomorrow." Abe replied, "I handle annual sales 
 
SIPDIS 
of 10 billion yen. It is impossible to clean up my business 
within a day or two." 
 
Worried about the situation, Yano invited Abe for a dinner and 
persuaded him: "Do not worry. We will take care of your business 
properly." Abe at last conceded. 
 
He served as a secretary to his father for eight years. His 
father became the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) secretary 
general. It looked certain he would become prime minister but 
regrettably he died of cancer. 
 
Abe started his political career with this feeling in his heart: 
"I wonder whether my father ever really accomplished his 
aspirations. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001490  010 OF 010 
 
 
Abe noted: "From my grandfather I have learned that one should 
carry through with things which one thinks are correct, and from 
my father I learned that one should value relationships of 
trust." 
 
(Corrected copy) US military to disperse flight training missions 
to 6 mainland bases from Kadena, other bases 
 
ASAHI (Page 2) (Abridged) 
March 22, 2006 
 
The Defense Facilities Administration Agency yesterday briefed 
local government officials on the ongoing intergovernmental 
consultations between Japan and the United States on the planned 
realignment of US forces in Japan. In yesterday's briefing, the 
DFAA told local authorities that the government would make 
efforts to disperse US military aircraft's flight training 
missions from Kadena airbase in Okinawa Prefecture and other 
bases to six mainland bases this fall and afterward and to other 
mainland bases in the future. The government has set a ceiling to 
the number of days for bilateral joint training exercises at 
each, and the US military conducts flight training within the 
limits of each base's ceiling. However, the DFAA told them that 
the government would like to remove the current ceiling of 
flights. 
 
According to the DFAA's account, the government will propose 
dispersing US fighter jets' training from three US bases at 
Kadena, Misawa in Aomori Prefecture, and Iwakuni in Yamaguchi 
Prefecture to five Air Self-Defense Force bases at Chitose in 
Hokkaido, Hyakuri in Ibaraki Prefecture, Komatsu in Ishikawa 
Prefecture, Tsuiki in Fukuoka Prefecture, and Nyutabaru in 
Miyazaki Prefecture, and also to Misawa. 
 
The US military will start some flight training missions in the 
fall of 2006 and then full-fledged training in fiscal 2007. The 
DFAA also revealed that the Japanese and US governments have 
agreed to make efforts for the availability of other Self-Defense 
Forces bases. 
 
SCHIEFFER