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Viewing cable 06TOKYO761, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/13/06
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| Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 06TOKYO761 | 2006-02-13 02:59 | 2011-08-25 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED | Embassy Tokyo |
VZCZCXRO4007
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #0761/01 0440259
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 130259Z FEB 06
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 8551
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/COMUSJAPAN YOKOTA AB JA//J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/COMPATWING ONE KAMI SEYA JA
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 7192
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 4553
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 7621
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 4633
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 5756
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 0532
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 6717
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 8801
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 000761
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/13/06
INDEX:
(1) Yokota airbase: Mizuho mayor accepts USFJ-SDF joint use
(2) USFJ realignment: US shows estimated costs for Marine
relocation to Guam, Japan again calls for detailed breakdown
(3) Japan may fund Marine relocation
(4) US nuclear vessels make 1,200 port calls
(5) Government faced with three obstacles -- DFAA bid-rigging
scandal, Iwakuni referendum, and stiffened Nago mayor's stance --
under US pressure for early realization of US force realignment
(6) US Under Secretary of Agriculture to visit Japan next week to
submit BSE report
(7) US to cut back on number of diplomats to Japan, US daily
reports
(8) US trade deficit with Japan reaches record high of 82.6
billion dollars; Congress likely to intensify criticism
(9) No progress in Japan-China dialogue, but the two nations
confirm continuation of talks on gas field development, other
issues
(10) Gov't to gear up pressure policy toward North Korea
(11) Japan-DPRK talks: North Korea demands for compensation for
8.4 million Koreans forced to come to Japan and 200,000 military
comfort women, ignoring Pyongyang Declaration
(12) Interview with political commentator Taro Yayama: Four
points for considering Yasukuni issue
(13) ODA reform: Do not allow efforts to end as mere show
ARTICLES:
(1) Yokota airbase: Mizuho mayor accepts USFJ-SDF joint use
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 30) (Full)
February 12, 2006
The town of Mizuho in Tokyo will accept the planned bilateral
'military-military' joint use of the US Air Force's Yokota Base
located in Mizuho and some other municipalities in Tokyo, the
town's mayor, Koemon Ishizuka, said yesterday. The Japanese and
US governments have released an interim report on the planned
realignment of US forces in Japan, incorporating an agreement to
relocate the Air Self-Defense Force's Air Defense Command from
the city of Fuchu to Yokota.
The town yesterday held a plenary meeting of its municipal
assembly, in which the mayor stated that he would like to
consider world peace and Japan's defense policy. "I'd like to
accept their joint use of the airbase if that does not
deteriorate the town's living environment," the mayor said.
The interim report was released Oct. 29 last year. Regarding
Yokota Base, the two governments have also agreed to return some
TOKYO 00000761 002 OF 011
US-controlled airspace to Japan and study the feasibility of
joint military-civilian use. However, the town is opposed to this
out of fear of possible increased noise pollution.
(2) USFJ realignment: US shows estimated costs for Marine
relocation to Guam, Japan again calls for detailed breakdown
ASAHI (Page 2) (Full)
February 12, 2006
Japan and the United States held intergovernmental consultations
in Tokyo for three days up until yesterday over the planned
realignment of US forces, with senior officials for foreign
affairs and defense from both sides attending. The US government
there presented a breakdown of costs estimated for building
facilities and other actions needed for a plan to relocate about
6,000 personnel from the US Marines in Okinawa to Guam. However,
the Japanese side asked the US side to come up with an even more
detailed breakdown of the relocation costs, asserting that the
estimate is insufficient for coordination with the Finance
Ministry.
The US Department of Defense estimates the relocation costs at
approximately 8 billion dollars (or about 940 billion yen) in
total and will ask Japan to pay 75%. The Japanese government will
need a new law in order for Japan to pay for the construction of
facilities for US forces overseas. The government therefore asked
the US side to show its basis for the estimate.
Japan wanted to relocate air tankers from Futenma airfield in the
city of Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, to the Maritime Self-Defense
Force's Kanoya base in Kagoshima Prefecture. However, the US side
insisted on their redeployment to Iwakuni base in Yamaguchi
Prefecture. Neither government made concessions.
(3) Japan may fund Marine relocation
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full)
February 11, 2006
Defense Agency Director General Fukushiro Nukaga met with US
Deputy Under Secretary of Defense Lawless yesterday at the
Defense Agency. In the meeting, Nukaga and Lawless, who is in
charge of the planned realignment of US forces in Japan,
discussed Japan's possible share in costs for relocating US
Marines from Japan to Guam. "If we need to take legal measures or
budget measures, then we will have to work out basic details
immediately," Nukaga told Lawless. With this, Nukaga indicated
that the Defense Agency would devise a new framework for its
financial backing of US military redeployment overseas before
March when the Japanese and US governments are scheduled to
release their final report on the US military realignment.
"Considering the political schedule, we will have to resolve the
various problems in February, or it will be difficult to adhere
to the schedule through this March," Nukaga noted. Lawless said,
"We must not change the basic principles written in our joint
document (interim report)." With this, the visiting Pentagon
official warned that there could be no changes to the interim
report's specifics, such as the relocation site of Futenma
airfield.
(4) US nuclear vessels make 1,200 port calls
TOKYO 00000761 003 OF 011
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full)
February 11, 2006
Nuclear-powered US warships, including submarines and aircraft
carriers, have made a total of about 1,200 port calls in Japan,
Foreign Minister Taro Aso stated before the House of
Representatives Budget Committee in its meeting yesterday. Aso
stressed their safety, saying, "We've never had any abnormal
radiation readouts." He was replying to a question asked by
Tomoko Abe, a member of the opposition Social Democratic Party
(SDP or Shaminto).
(5) Government faced with three obstacles -- DFAA bid-rigging
scandal, Iwakuni referendum, and stiffened Nago mayor's stance --
under US pressure for early realization of US force realignment
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) ( Full)
February 12, 2006
More turbulence is expected for the government's efforts to
coordinate views within the country for the planned US force
realignment. The mayor of Nago, the relocation site for US
Marines Futenma Air Station, has hardened his stance since his
election in January. The municipal government of Iwakuni,
Yamaguchi Prefecture, has decided to carry out a referendum on
the propriety of transferring some 60 carrier-borne aircraft from
Atsugi Naval Air Facility in Kanagawa Prefecture to Iwakuni Air
Station in Yamaguchi. In addition, the Defense Facilities
Administration Agency (DFAA), which has been playing a central
role in making arrangements for the planned US force realignment,
has become embroiled in a bid-rigging scandal. The government is
now faced with three obstacles.
To the government's relief, Yoshikazu Shimabukuro, who seemed
willing to discuss the realignment issue with Tokyo, won the Nago
mayoral election in January. But when senior Defense Agency and
DFAA officials visited Nago earlier this month, a municipal
government official curtly told them: "If you are not going to
make any changes to the relocation plan, you don't have to come
here anymore."
Through bilateral talks last year, Japan and the United States
decided to adopt a coastal plan, but it has drawn a backlash from
Nago for fear of serious adverse effects on local residents.
Shimabukuro is also reluctant to discuss the plan with the
central government and Okinawa Prefecture.
Shimabukuro called on ruling party executives in Tokyo on Feb. 9,
but he did not visit the Foreign Ministry or the Defense Agency,
suggesting a deep fissure between Nago and the central
government.
In addition, Iwakuni is scheduled to conduct a plebiscite on
March 12 on US force realignment.
Local residents are reacting fiercely to the plan to relocate
carrier-based aircraft from Atsugi to Iwakuni, regarding it as a
move to strengthen the functions of the Iwakuni base.
With a view to producing a final report by the end of March,
Tokyo and Washington are finalizing the US force realignment
plan. If a majority of Iwakuni citizens were to vote against the
TOKYO 00000761 004 OF 011
relocation plan in the plebiscite, it would deal a serious blow
to Japan-US talks.
The government is also troubled by a bid-rigging scandal
involving the DFAA, which has been serving an intermediary
between the government and base-hosting localities. The scandal
has undermined the credibility of the DFAA. It might also
escalate into the resignation of Defense Agency Director General
Fukushiro Nukaga or the punishment of DFAA officials, depending
on how investigations proceed. A DFAA official noted, "The
scandal may have spillover effects on personnel affairs of
regional bureaus and thus may eventually have an impact on the
government's effort to make arrangements with local areas."
The government has been slow in holding talks with municipal
governments. It has also been pressed by Washington to implement
what had been agreed upon with the US. With Washington unwilling
to make any changes to the framework despite strong calls from
Japanese municipalities, Tokyo's headache is unlikely to go away.
(6) US Under Secretary of Agriculture to visit Japan next week to
submit BSE report
YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full)
February 11, 2006
Japan has re-imposed a ban on US beef imports in the wake of the
discovery of beef with vertebral material, designated as a
specified risk material that could transmit BSE, in a shipment to
Japan. In this connection, the US will submit to Japan mid-next
week a report that spells out the result of its investigation of
the cause and includes preventive measures. Under Secretary of
Agriculture J. B. Penn and other officials are expected to visit
Japan to brief Japanese officials on the contents of the report.
The Japanese government will look into them and then ask the US
to take specific measures to prevent any recurrence.
(7) US to cut back on number of diplomats to Japan, US daily
reports
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 6) (Full)
February 11, 2006
The US Department of State is now taking a second look at the
assignments of diplomats worldwide. According to the Feb. 10
edition of the Washington Post, it will cut 61 posts, mainly in
Russia and Japan. It will instead increase the number assigned to
countries with a rising presence, such as China and India, and to
countries with dispute-related fears, by 74.
There will be increases of 15 to China, 12 to India, 5 to
Indonesia, and 4 each to Bolivia and Venezuela. Diplomats to
newly emerging countries, Latin America, Central Asia, and Middle
Eastern countries that are making efforts for democratization are
thus to be increased.
The US, on the other hands, plans to cut the number of those to
Russia by 10, to Germany by 7, and to Japan by 3.
(8) US trade deficit with Japan reaches record high of 82.6
billion dollars; Congress likely to intensify criticism
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 7) (Full)
TOKYO 00000761 005 OF 011
February 11, 2006
The US trade deficit with Japan in terms of goods marked a record
high of 82.682 billion dollars (customs clearance basis) in 2005,
setting a new record for the first time in five years. Though the
US trade deficit with Japan has been overshadowed by its deficit
with China, there has now appeared the possibility of US Congress
turning a harsh eye to Japan.
A major reason for the growing deficit with Japan is that
Japanese car imports far exceed US auto exports to Japan.
According to by-country trade statistics released by the
Department of Commerce, deficits with Japan in auto and auto
parts trade accounted for the largest portion, totaling
approximately 50.6 billion yen. The Japan Automobile
Manufacturers Association said that auto exports to the US in
2005 reached 1.66 million units, up 6.6% over the previous year.
General Motors and Ford are suffering financial difficulties. The
prevailing view in the US government and Congress over this issue
is, however, that they should solve their problems themselves.
Since the US has given credit to Japanese automakers for
contributing to the job market through expanded production in
North America, the increased trade deficit with Japan will not
directly lead to criticism of Japan.
However, congressional sentiment toward Japan is swiftly becoming
harsh following Japan's second ban on US beef imports. Some
government officials take the view that there may be calls
seeking protectionist measures against both Japan and China, as a
senior Foreign Ministry official noted.
(9) No progress in Japan-China dialogue, but the two nations
confirm continuation of talks on gas field development, other
issues
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full)
February 12, 2006
The Japanese and Chinese governments yesterday wound up a vice-
ministerial-level policy dialogue, completing the two-day talks.
On the issue of gas field development in the East China Sea, no
specific progress emerged, with no response from China to Japan's
proposal for joint development on both sides of the exclusive
economic zone (EEZ). What was achieved is that both nations
confirmed the continuation of working-level dialogue.
The morning session held in Tokyo saw a business-like discussion.
In the afternoon session, both the vice ministers moved to a hot-
spring resort in Shibata City, Niigata Prefecture, and exchanged
views in a casual fashion. Japan's Administrative Vice Foreign
Minister Shotaro Yachi proposed a joint study of history in an
effort to break the impasse in the currently strained Japan-China
relations due to Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's continued
visits to Yasukuni Shrine.
His Chinese counterpart, Dai Bingguo, who looks at the prime
minister's shrine visits as an issue concerning political
principles, expressed a cautious view about the proposed joint
study. There were no compromises, either, on Japan's bid for
permanent membership on the United Nations Security Council and
the suicide of a Japanese diplomat at the Shanghai Consulate
General.
TOKYO 00000761 006 OF 011
Japan urged China to respond to holding a foreign ministerial
meeting and resuming reciprocal visits by the two nations'
leaders at an early date, but no clear-cut answer came from
China. China instead asked for an explanation about Foreign
Minister Taro Aso's remarks calling for the Emperor to visit
Yasukuni Shrine.
(10) Gov't to gear up pressure policy toward North Korea
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full)
February 11, 2006
The government will gear up its legal framework for pressure on
North Korea since there was no progress in a recent
intergovernmental dialogue between Japan and North Korea over the
abduction of Japanese nationals. For the time being, the
government will forego invoking economic sanction laws and will
retain dialogue channels. However, the government will strengthen
Japan's tough stance toward North Korea in order to urge that
country to make concessions.
"It's true that there is a plan within my office," Foreign
Minister Taro Aso told a news conference yesterday. With this,
Aso clarified that the Foreign Ministry has begun to study
specific pressure measures. The Foreign Ministry's Asian and
Oceanian Affairs Bureau Deputy Director General Kunio Umeda has
also suggested the necessity of applying stronger pressure.
"North Korea is concerned about public opinion in Japan," Umeda
told an anti-abduction task force of the leading opposition
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto).
Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe has directed relevant
government ministries and agencies to study specific measures.
There are now plans being floated from within the government,
such as: 1) hiking taxes on the pro-Pyongyang General Association
of Korean Residents in Japan (Chongryun); 2) inspecting North
Korean vessels even more strictly for safety; and 3) tightening
controls over drug smuggling from North Korea.
The ruling Liberal Democratic Party on Feb. 9 outlined a North
Korea human rights bill. The bill's outline, created by an LDP
team simulating economic sanctions against North Korea, requires
the government to invoke economic sanctions against North Korea
if the abduction issue sees no progress. In addition, the DPJ
anti-abduction task force also confirmed yesterday that the DPJ
would present a North Korea human rights violation relief bill
again to the Diet during the current session, featuring relief
measures for North Korean defectors.
(11) Japan-DPRK talks: North Korea demands for compensation for
8.4 million Koreans forced to come to Japan and 200,000 military
comfort women, ignoring Pyongyang Declaration
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full)
February 12, 2006
In the recent parallel talks between Japan and North Korea, held
in Beijing on Feb. 4-8, North Korea demanded, aside from economic
cooperation, compensation from Japan for damage suffered by 8.4
million Koreans forced to come to Japan, as well as 200,000
military comfort women, thus indicating specific figures, the
Sankei Shimbun revealed yesterday. The Japan-DPRK Pyongyang
TOKYO 00000761 007 OF 011
Declaration, signed in September 2002 by the Japanese and North
Korean leaders, confirms that in the process of normalizing
diplomatic ties, both countries will relinquish property rights
and claims. Despite this, North Korea rocked Japan by ignoring
the declaration.
According to more than one source familiar with the negotiations,
Japan's chief negotiator for diplomatic normalization, Koichi
Haraguchi, offered a plan to settle past accounts relating to
Japan's colonial rule of Korea via a package of economic
cooperation measures.
In response, North Korea Ambassador for Diplomatic Normalization
Song Il Ho indicated that compensation for damage 8.4 million
Koreans forced to come to Japan and 200,000 military comfort
women had suffered should be paid separately from economic
cooperation.
Referring to North Korea's recent demand for compensation to
Koreans forced to come to Japan and to military comfort women by
citing unsubstantiated figures, a Japanese Foreign Ministry
source commented: "Aren't they trying to check us and establish
for themselves a more favorable position in the negotiations on
economic cooperation?"
Last August, the South Korean government declassified diplomatic
files related to normalization of Japan-South Korea diplomatic
ties, indicating that Japan has a legal responsibility for
military comfort women, an issue excluded from the process of
diplomatic normalization talks at the time. Citing the stance of
South Korea, some are pointing out that North Korea's refusal in
the recent parallel talks to settle past accounts via a package
of economic cooperation measures might have been aimed at staying
in line with public opinion in South Korea.
A Japanese negotiating source responded by arguing that the
number of victims provided by North Korea was not substantiated
at all. According to this source, the burden of proof lies with
the North Koreans, so if they indefinitely insist on
(compensation) for Koreans forced to come to Japan and military
comfort women, negotiations for diplomatic normalization will
become impossible.
Japan attended the recent parallel talks with North Korea,
determining the Japan-DPRK Pyongyang Declaration agreed on by
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and General Secretary Kim Jong
Il as an important political document to promote negotiations on
such issues as the Japanese abductees, normalization of
diplomatic relations, and nuclear and missile development.
Following the revelation that North Korea declared it would end
the moratorium on missile launches specified in the Pyongyang
Declaration, many are beginning to speculate that the North is
aiming to effectively invalidate the Pyongyang Declaration,
though it has been Japan's guide so far.
(12) Interview with political commentator Taro Yayama: Four
points for considering Yasukuni issue
SANKEI (Page 15) (Full)
February 10, 2006
Define principles for interpretation first
TOKYO 00000761 008 OF 011
The Yasukuni Shrine issue, which had been sealed off for 20
years, gushed out in the wake of Prime Minister Junichiro
Koizumi's visits to the shrine. (Japan's strained relations with
China and South Korea over the issue) now seem unrecoverable, but
the issue should not be left untouched forever. Taking advantage
of the issue coming to the surface, Japan should define
principles that could lead to a settlement of the issue.
In considering the Yasukuni issue, we should focus our attention
on these four points: (1) the propriety of Yasukuni enshrining
class-A war criminals; (2) reactions from China and South Korea;
(3) the separation of politics and religion; and (4) the
possibility of creating a secular war memorial.
Those responsible for causing World War II were designated as
class-A war criminals under the Charter of the International
Military Tribunal for the Far East, an ordinance laid out by the
victor nations. But when the San Francisco Peace Treaty was
signed in 1951, Justice Minister Takeo Ohashi stated: "They are
not criminals under domestic law." When signing the treaty, Japan
accepted the "judgments" under Article 11, and not the military
tribunal itself.
Because an international accord had been reached on this
interpretation, a national movement took place calling on the
government to release the war criminals after the San Francisco
Peace Treaty was enforced in 1952, and a resolution calling for
acquitting the war criminals was unanimously adopted in 1953.
Some 40 million signatures, though Japan had a population of only
70 million at that time, were collected.
Of the seven who had been sentenced to life, Okinori Kaya became
justice minister afterward, and Mamoru Shigemitsu, who had been
sentenced to seven years imprisonment, served as United Nations
ambassador and foreign minister. He was awarded the first class
medal. Later, leftwing groups in the Japanese Communist Party and
the Socialist Party began to bring up this issue, with a focus on
historical views of the Tokyo Trials. Following this, a sense of
guilt also began to be instilled in even conservative groups.
In discussing the Yasukuni issue, some persons compare Prime
Minister Hideki Tojo to Hitler, but both cases are utterly
different. Hitler took action to eliminate the Jewish race from
the earth, but Prime Minister Tojo performed his duty of
conducting the war. Germans therefore called themselves the
victims of Hitler, while 100 million Japanese all felt
responsibility for the war. Other countries regarded the class-A
war criminals as sinners, but the ancient view of life and death
in Japan is that after persons die, their crimes disappear and
they turn into purified souls. In contrast, it is said to be
common in China to speak ill of a dead person. Japan should not
be drawn into such a world of deep-seated hatred.
Other countries' interference
The Asahi Shimbun takes the view that the Emperor has refrained
from paying homage at Yasukuni Shrine because the shrine also
houses class-A criminals. As said by Foreign Minister Aso,
though, the reason is probably that Prime Minister Miki specified
that his own shrine visit was made in the capacity of a private
citizen. His remarks supposedly resulted in putting restraints on
a visit by the Emperor, who holds an official position. The last
TOKYO 00000761 009 OF 011
imperial visit to Yasukuni Shrine was on Oct. 21, two months
after Prime Minister Miki's private visit to the shrine (on Aug.
15 1975). On the day prior to the Emperor's visit, the Socialist
Party took up the issue, and that day, Prime Minister Miki said
in his Diet reply: "The Emperor visited the shrine in the
capacity of a private individual." Since this is a tortured
interpretation of Article 20 in the Constitution, which
stipulates the separation of politics and religion, the Emperor
finds it difficult to pay homage at the shrine.
With the aim of making the principle of separation of politics
and religion definite, Yasuhiro Nakasone visited Yasukuni Shrine
in his official capacity as prime minister on Aug. 15 in 1985. If
this policy had been established, the way would have been paved
for a visit by the Emperor. In the face of pressure from China,
however, Nakasone forwent an official visit to the shrine on Aug.
15 in 1986. Chief Cabinet Secretary Masaharu Gotoda issued the
following statement on the previous day, August 14:
"In part because Yasukuni Shrine enshrines class-A war criminals,
(the prime minister's visit to the shrine) comes under fire from
neighboring countries and might generate misunderstandings about
Japan's determination to establish a peaceful and friendly
relationship with them and even distrust in Japan."
In an effort to resolve the difficult issue of separation of
politics and religion, Prime Minister Nakasone essentially
accepted the interference of neighboring countries in Japan's
internal affairs and also mistakenly used the words "class-A war
criminals," which the Japanese government has never recognized.
Although the issue of class-A war criminals is very sensitive,
Gotoda placed Yasukuni's enshrinement of these people in the same
context as interference into Japan's domestic affairs from China
and South Korea.
Go back to the basics of treaty
When diplomatic problems occur, the countries concerned should
consider them while going back to the basics of the relevant
treaty. The conclusion of a treaty represents the resolution of
issues and sets a new starting line. Japan and China issued a
joint statement in 1972 and concluded their Peace and Friendship
Treaty in 1978. But Article 3 of this treaty provides for "peace,
mutual benefits, and non-interference in the other side's
domestic affairs." When the treaty was signed, there was no
reference at all to the International Military Tribunal or the
judgments.
China has no right to refer to the (Yasukuni) issue, but it has
brought it up in an attempt to manipulate Japanese political and
business circles, as well as the mass media. This is tantamount
to interference in another country's domestic affairs. Some
persons in political and business circles have echoed China's
view. I wonder if such persons are unaware that China is using
them. The creation of a national secular war memorial would only
convince the Chinese that they succeeded in having Japanese
people give in to pressure.
(13) ODA reform: Do not allow efforts to end as mere show
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full)
February 10, 2006
TOKYO 00000761 010 OF 011
The Study Council on Overseas Economic Cooperation, a panel
tasked with considering the proper form of the official
development assistance (ODA) system, is now discussing who should
set the government's ODA strategy and which organization should
implement it. The panel is a private advisory council reporting
to Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe. It is expected to compile a draft
possibly at the end of this month.
Panel members have floated a reform plan after repeated
discussions. According to that, a cabinet-minister-level council
will be newly established in order to strengthen ODA control. The
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) will be in charge of planning
specific projects. An implementing organization will be
established, by integrating the Japan International Cooperation
Agency (JICA) and the Japan Bank for International Cooperation
(JBIC). However, what we want the panel to do first is to discuss
how Japan can drastically reform the ODA system, keeping problems
with it in mind.
In reforming the ODA system, it is necessary to address such
issues as creating an entity that can harmonize two aspects of
ODA -- the implementation of humanitarianism and the pursuit of
national interests -- in actually providing aid to developing
countries. At the same time, aid-implementing organizations
should be streamlined, because two separate organizations are
currently separately providing aid because of bureaucratic
sectionalism: the Finance Ministry has jurisdiction over JBIC and
MOFA over JICA.
To address this issue, the envisaged ODA strategy council, which
is to act as a control tower, should involve people from private
companies and nongovernmental organizations who have rich
experience in overseas activities, in order to make use of their
resourcefulness. Japan's ODA will be left behind in the global
trend for aid to developing countries if it adopts an approach of
having only a limited number of cabinet ministers direct the
endeavor out of the need to guard diplomatic secrets.
The proposal for integrating JICA and JBIC as an ODA implementing
organization is a breakthrough. However, efficiency and fairness
cannot be ensured unless the new entity covers grant aid
cooperation that now involves 13 agencies, centered on MOFA. It
is more effective to provide aid to developing countries by
combining yen loans, grant aid, and technical cooperation. This
method can also eliminate waste stemming from bureaucratic
sectionalism.
MOFA said that it would look into the possibility of transferring
grant aid cooperation under its jurisdiction to the planned
implementing organization. In order to unify the organizations,
the panel should propose the integration of grant aid cooperation
functions under the jurisdiction of other agencies as well.
ODA reform efforts will end up as a mere show if an insular
control mechanism is established over existing implementing
organizations, which are attached to government offices.
JBIC has an international financing section for trade finance and
a loan system for the development of natural resources, as well
as a yen loans function. These functions may be necessary. But
they can be maintained, by transferring an export L/C issuance
function to Nippon Export and Investment Insurance, an
independent administrative agency, and aid for the development of
TOKYO 00000761 011 OF 011
natural resources to the Japan Oil, Gas, and Metals National
Corporation, an independent administrative agency, or they can be
placed under the jurisdiction of a government-affiliated
financial institution to be created anew.
From an international perspective, it is better to separate yen
loans, which are aid, from international finance, which is aid
for business operations, because placing the two functions under
a single entity could lead to a misunderstanding that Japan is
using aid for business.
We want the panel to draft a reform plan from an overall
perspective so that Japan's ODA can reflect the nation's ideals
and national interests.
SCHIEFFER