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Viewing cable 06TOKYO529, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/31/06
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| Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 06TOKYO529 | 2006-01-31 08:24 | 2011-08-25 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED | Embassy Tokyo |
VZCZCXRO7024
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #0529/01 0310824
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 310824Z JAN 06
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 8026
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/COMUSJAPAN YOKOTA AB JA//J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/COMPATWING ONE KAMI SEYA JA
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 6951
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 4295
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 7354
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 4397
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 5507
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 0284
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 6471
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 8599
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 000529
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST
DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS
OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY
ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/31/06
INDEX:
(1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, LDP presidential
race, Yasukuni Shrine, US beef
(2) Spot poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, Livedoor
scandal, stock trading, economic disparities
(3) Concern over bid-rigging involving defense officials
affecting talks on realignment of US forces in Japan; DFAA
reeling from arrests of senior officials
(4) Iwakuni to poll residents in mid-March over US military
realignment
(5) Nago mayoral race failed to focus on Futenma issue; Abe's
comment on positive assessment of US force realignment
irrelevant; State's fairness questionable
(6) US beef imports resumed without implementing Cabinet
decision; LDP's awareness of food safety lax? Accountability
downplayed
(7) In debate on widening gap in society, prime minister cites
Gini coefficient
ARTICLES:
(1) Poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, LDP presidential
race, Yasukuni Shrine, US beef
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full)
January 31, 2006
Questions & Answers
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Parentheses denote the
results of a survey conducted Dec. 17-18, 2005.)
Q: Do you support the Koizumi cabinet?
Yes 45 (50)
No 37 (33)
Q: Why? (One reason only. Left column for those marking "yes" on
previous question, and right for those saying "no.")
The prime minister is Mr. Koizumi 10(12) 3 (3)
The prime minister is from the Liberal Democratic Party
5 (6) 4 (3)
From the aspect of policies 18(18) 21(18)
Because of the coalition government 3 (4) 5 (5)
No particular reason 7 (9) 4 (2)
Q: Which political party do you support now?
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 36 (41)
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 16 (13)
New Komeito (NK) 3 (4)
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 (2)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (1)
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0)
Liberal League (LL or Jiyu Rengo) 0 (0)
TOKYO 00000529 002 OF 010
None 34 (33)
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 8 (6)
Q: Prime Minister Koizumi has indicated that he will step down in
September when his term as LDP president is due to expire. Are
you interested in the LDP presidential election to be held in
September?
Yes 71
No 26
Q: What do you think the LDP presidential election should focus
on? (One choice only)
Fiscal reconstruction, tax reform 28
Pensions, health care 45
Economic disparities 12
Diplomatic issues 10
Q: Who would you like to see become the next prime minister? Pick
only one from among Diet members other than Mr. Koizumi.
Shinzo Abe 28
Yasuo Fukuda 5
Taro Aso 2
Seiji Maehara 1
Sadakazu Tanigaki 1
Ichiro Ozawa 1
Naoto Kan 1
Heizo Takenaka 1
Other politicians 3
N/A+D/K 57
Q: What do you think is most necessary for the next prime
minister? (One choice only)
Leadership ability 35
Ideals, policy 46
Coordination ability 14
Q: Do you support Prime Minister Koizumi's diplomatic stance
toward China and South Korea?
Yes 34
No 52
Q: Do you think the LDP presidential election should focus on
whether the next prime minister should visit Yasukuni Shrine?
Yes 46
No 46
Q: Would you like the next prime minister to visit Yasukuni
Shrine?
Yes 28
No 46
Q: The government has reimposed the ban on US beef due to the
discovery from imported US beef of a spinal column that should
have been removed. Do you think the government's decision to ban
US beef imports was appropriate?
TOKYO 00000529 003 OF 010
Yes 87
No 8
Q: In December last year, the government decided to lift the ban
and resumed US beef imports. Do you think it was too early?
Yes 48
No 45
Q: The government has taken the position that it will allow
imports of US beef from cattle aged 20 months or younger with
specified risk materials removed. Do you think it all right to
maintain this condition as is? Do you think it should be still
stricter, or do you otherwise think it should be eased?
All right to maintain it as is 33
Impose still stricter conditions 57
Ease it 3
Q: Would you like to eat US beef if US beef imports are resumed
again? (Parentheses denote the results of a previous survey taken
in October 2005.)
Yes 30 (23)
No 62 (67)
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Jan. 28-29 over the
telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis.
This RDD formula chooses persons for the survey from among all
eligible voters throughout the nation on a three-sage random-
sampling basis. Valid answers were obtained from 1,915 persons
(57%).
(2) Spot poll on Koizumi cabinet, political parties, Livedoor
scandal, stock trading, economic disparities
YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full)
January 30, 2006
Questions & Answers
(Figures shown in percentage.)
Q: Do you support the Koizumi cabinet?
Yes 52.0
No 36.1
Other answers (O/A) 4.0
No answer (N/A) 8.0
Q: Which political party do you support now?
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 38.9
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 17.2
New Komeito (NK) 3.1
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.6
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1.1
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.1
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.1
Other political parties ---
None 34.6
N/A 2.2
Q: Takafumi Horie, former president of Livedoor Co., Ltd., and
TOKYO 00000529 004 OF 010
other Livedoor executives were recently arrested on suspicion of
violating the Securities Exchange Law, which restricts stock
trading. What do you think has brought about this scandal? Pick
as many as you like from among those listed below.
Lack of business, corporate morals 73.2
Flaw in stock trading rules 57.0
Lack of functions to oversee the stock market and business
corporations 63.7
Money-is-everything climate 66.5
Intensified competition resulting from deregulations 38.6
O/A 3.2
Nothing in particular (NIP) 1.0
N/A 3.6
Q: The Livedoor group has rapidly grown with stock trading and
other practices that exploited legal loopholes. Do you think the
stock market should be subject to strengthened restrictions and
oversight?
Yes 62.7
Yes to a certain degree 8.7
No to a certain degree 4.1
No 14.4
N/A 10.2
Q: In last year's House of Representatives election, the LDP
backed Horie who ran as an independent. Do you think it was
appropriate?
Yes 22.1
Yes to a certain degree 7.8
No to a certain degree 8.0
No 48.8
N/A 13.3
Q: When it comes to the positive and negative aspects of what
Horie has said and done over the past several years, which do you
think was bigger to the Japanese society?
Positive aspect 29.2
Positive aspect to a certain degree 14.0
Negative aspect to a certain degree 13.1
Negative aspect 26.2
N/A 17.5
Q: Horie said, "Money can buy people's hearts." Do you agree to
this way of thinking?
Yes 3.7
Yes to a certain degree 3.1
No to a certain degree 3.9
No 85.8
N/A 3.4
Q: Has your image of stock trading improved, worsened, or remains
unchanged with the Livedoor case?
Improved 4.9
Worsened 32.9
Unchanged 51.9
N/A 10.3
TOKYO 00000529 005 OF 010
Q: Some market players use any means to buy up a target company's
stocks and sell them at the highest price only for a short-term
gain. Do you think there is a problem about this way of
investing?
Yes 63.4
Yes to a certain degree 6.9
No to a certain degree 3.3
No 16.1
N/A 10.4
Q: There is an opinion saying Japan is about to become a society
of disparity with a handful of rich people called "winners" and
the rest called "losers." Do you think that is true?
Yes 66.2
Yes to a certain degree 7.6
No to a certain degree 3.6
No 15.3
N/A 7.2
Q: Do you have stocks now? Have you ever owned stocks?
I have stocks at present 23.5
I used to have stocks in the past 15.5
I've never had any company's stocks 59.8
N/A 1.2
Q: (Only for those who answered "I have stocks at present" and "I
used to have stocks in the past") Have you ever had stocks in
Livedoor or its affiliate?
I have stocks at present 1.0
I used to have stocks in the past 2.0
I've never had its or its affiliate's stocks 96.8
N/A 0.2
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Jan. 27-29 over the
telephone with the aim of calling 1,000 voters across the nation
on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. A total of
1,797 households with one or more voters were sampled, and valid
answers were obtained from 1,051 persons (58.5%).
(3) Concern over bid-rigging involving defense officials
affecting talks on realignment of US forces in Japan; DFAA
reeling from arrests of senior officials
ASAHI (Page 21) (Excerpts)
Evening, January 31, 2006
Following the arrests of three Defense Facilities Administration
Agency (DFAA) officials, including technical councilor, the top
official in charge of technical affairs at the agency, on
suspicion of leading bid-rigging for a DFAA-sponsored project to
install an air-conditioning system, the Defense Agency has been
busy dealing with the incident, including the holding of an
emergency internal meeting of senior officials from the early
hours of Jan. 31. Japan-US talks are about to enter the home
stretch, as they are scheduled to issue a final report on the
realignment of the US forces in Japan before the end of March. In
this process, the DFAA is playing a role of a control tower for
coordinating the views of concerned local communities. There is
concern about the possibility of the incident affecting the
TOKYO 00000529 006 OF 010
finalization of the report, depending on how it will develop.
The raid on the DFAA by the special investigation unit of the
Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office started around 11:00
a.m. yesterday with eight prosecutors entering the agency
building. One senior official said in dismay: "The timing is just
terrible, because we must proceed now at a high pitch with
coordination of views with affected local communities on the
realignment of US forces toward the end of March. But now we have
no time to do so because of the incident this time. Its impact
will be immeasurable."
The DFAA is the Defense Agency's external organ, which is
responsible for the acquisition and management of bases and
facilities of the Self-Defense Forces and the US forces in Japan.
Its senior officials have been coordinating views with concerned
local communities, by visiting local governments that host
concerned military bases since an interim report on the
realignment of US forces was released last October. DFAA Director
General Iwao Kitahara has taken the lead in efforts to coordinate
the views of local communities.
Kitahara traveled with Defense Agency Director General Fukushiro
Nukaga, when he visited Washington in mid-January to attend a
meeting for the defense chiefs of the two countries to discuss
the realignment of US forces. He has been thus out in the
forefront in negotiations with the US. The arrests of the no. 3
DFAA official, the top person responsible for technical affairs,
along with two other officials have now brought about the
possibility of the incident developing into the issue of the
responsibility of Kitahara.
(4) Iwakuni to poll residents in mid-March over US military
realignment
ASAHI (Page 1) (Abridged)
Eve., January 31, 2006
Yamaguchi Prefecture's Iwakuni Mayor Katsusuke Ihara has made up
his mind to conduct a referendum of residents in March over
whether to accept the planned redeployment of US carrier-borne
fighter jets from the US Navy's Atsugi base to the US Marine
Corps' Iwakuni base in the process of realigning US forces in
Japan. The poll, if conducted, will be the first local referendum
among the nation's base-hosting local municipalities over the US
military realignment. The Japanese and US governments will work
out a final report in late March at the earliest. However, the
city is expected to poll its residents in mid-March. If the poll
turns out to be a majority of votes against the redeployment, it
will likely affect the ongoing realignment talks between the two
governments.
The poll, if initiated by the mayor, can be implemented under a
municipal ordinance. Ihara will lose his job as mayor on March 19
with the consolidation of municipalities involving Iwakuni City.
He therefore wants to collect and convey local views again to the
government before that.
(5) Nago mayoral race failed to focus on Futenma issue; Abe's
comment on positive assessment of US force realignment
irrelevant; State's fairness questionable
MAINICHI (Page 7) (Abridged)
TOKYO 00000529 007 OF 010
January 31, 2006
By Teruhisa Mitsumori of the Mainichi Shimbun Naha Bureau
Yoshikazu Shimabukuro, 59, who displays a flexible stance toward
relocating US Marine Corps Futenma Air Station from Ginowan to
the coast of Camp Schwab, has won the Nago mayoral election,
defeating two anti-relocation candidates. As a person who covered
the race, I have no intention of objecting to the voters' choice,
but I cannot help feeling indescribable emptiness, either. It is
because the planned Futenma relocation, the biggest campaign
issue, was not discussed fairly and squarely.
I would like to sort out the circumstances of Nago. Besides the
latest election, Nago had two mayoral races: one in February 1998
and another in February 2002. In both cases, the Futenma issue
took center stage. In addition, a local referendum was held in
December 1997. In other words, Nago citizens have been pressed to
make a decision on four occasions in just a little over eight
years on a matter closely associated with national security. A
man living in the Henoko district pointed out the looming anti-
base sentiment, saying: "The base issue has split our family.
Over the last nine years, influential business leaders, including
those in the construction industry, have increased their voice in
supporting the relocation plan, while the anti-base group has
lost their voice."
"All three candidates have expressed their opposition (to the
coastal plan), but we don't know who really spoke of their minds.
We are tired of the relocation issue," another resident
complained.
Henoko is situated about 10 kilometers from Nago's populous
residential area. Possible damage from a relocated base is not
really a concern to many Nago residents. A 51-year-old woman
residing in the central part of the city noted, "We usually don't
see any American servicemen around here. Henoko is far from here
and we cannot regard the relocation issue as our own."
Shimabukuro, who was picked to replace incumbent Tateo Kishimoto,
aligned with two other candidates in opposing the coastal plan.
But Shimabukuro expressed his willingness to discuss changes to
the plan with the government. At the same time, he reiterated his
plan to confer with local residents, Mayor Kishimoto, and Gov.
Inamine. He also put forward the government's package to
revitalize the northern part of Okinawa that has created 500 jobs
in Nago since 1999.
But Shimabukuro failed to speak of his own views throughout his
campaigning, and that disappointed me. Although it was obvious to
anyone that the government's package was a reward for accepting
the Futenma relocation plan, Shimabukuro played up only the
carrot. He did not spar with other two candidates on the base
issue.
As a result, the limelight was stolen by the Department of
Obstetrics and Gynecology of Okinawa Hokubu Hospital, which has
been closed since April 2005 due to a lack of doctors. State
Minister in Charge of Okinawa and Northern Territories Issues
Yuriko Koike attended a convention of female supporters of
Shimabukuro prior to the official kickoff of the election
campaign, in which she pledged to send obstetricians to the
Okinawa Hokubu Hospital by April from the National Defense
TOKYO 00000529 008 OF 010
Medical College Hospital. Her words won huge applause from about
1,000 Shimabukuro supporters in the hall. That moment, the
Futenma issue was removed from center stage, as the Shimabukuro
camp had planned.
Shimabukuro won 52.15% of the votes. He collected 1,381 more
votes than the votes of other two candidates combined. But given
the environment surrounding Nago citizens and what actually took
place during the election campaign, how much the outcome
reflected citizens' views on the relocation plan remains
questionable. The outcome should be taken as a manifestation of
Nago citizens' delicate feelings. Learning of Shimabukuro's
victory, Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe commented, "The Nago
citizens have given positive assessment to our efforts to realign
US bases." His view is irrelevant
As the next step, the government is expected to endeavor to
convince local residents by presenting them with another economic
revitalization package.
Okinawa's sentiment on the base issue has tremendously changed
over the last decade. In 1995, the year anti-base sentiments
soared following a schoolgirl rape incident, hardly anyone voiced
their desire to transfer US bases to mainland Japan, reasoning,
"Things we don't like should not be pressed on people on mainland
Japan." The circumstances are different today. Okinawa residents
are increasingly irritated with the deadlocked base issue and a
lack of interest in the issue by people of mainland Japan.
Last year on the 10th anniversary of the 1995 pep rally that
brought together 85,000 people, Ginowan hosted a rally, in which
a housewife said, "People on mainland Japan should come to
Okinawa to collect their baggage (US bases)." She won huge
applause.
Okinawa's base issue has raised questions about Japan's fairness.
Even if bilateral talks on US force realignment reached an
agreement to return to Japan four bases, including Futenma Air
Station, 70% of US facilities in Japan would remain in Okinawa.
Okinawa has been bearing a tremendous burden over the last 60
years after the end of World War II. It is the government's
responsibility to craft a long-term strategy to substantially
reduce Okinawa's burden.
(6) US beef imports resumed without implementing Cabinet
decision; LDP's awareness of food safety lax? Accountability
downplayed
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full)
January 31, 2006
The government did not send an inspection mission to the United
States before resuming imports of US beef as it had promised in a
formal document submitted to the Diet. This issue has had a major
impact on the ruling coalition's management of Diet affairs.
Ignoring the demand by Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) that
Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Minister Shoichi Nakagawa be
dismissed, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) tried to
pass a fiscal 2005 extra budget through the House of
Representatives as it had planned, but it failed to push it
through the Lower House. The government's failure has damaged the
credibility of the Cabinet decision and the formal document
submitted to the Diet.
TOKYO 00000529 009 OF 010
The government stated in the formal document that it would
dispatch inspectors to US facilities processing Japan-bound beef
"before restarting US beef imports." It actually sent an
inspection team to the US on Dec. 13 -- one day after it reopened
the market on Dec. 12 or three days before the first US beef
shipment arrived in Japan on Dec. 16.
The LDP asserted that there was no discrepancy in the contents of
the formal document, with one senior Diet Affairs Committee
member saying, "The formal document did not state that the
government would send an inspection mission before making a
decision." The LDP then explained that there was a change in the
circumstance after the formal document had been submitted to the
Diet and sought the understanding of the opposition.
The LDP's explanation raised a fresh question about whether
inspecting US meal processing facilities after resuming imports
is meaningful. If the government thought token inspections after
opening the market would be enough, criticism is unavoidable for
a lack of awareness of food safety.
In addition, the fact that Nakagawa's remarks swayed back and
forth yesterday has become another problem for the LDP.
A senior LDP member made this sympathetic comment about Nakagawa,
"I assume that Mr. Nakagawa did not read thoroughly the informal
document as he returned home, wrapping up his overseas trip, just
before the Diet session." One can say that the senior member's
remarks indicate that the LDP does not necessarily place much
priority on food safety.
With the discovery of specified risk materials in a US beef
shipment, the Japanese public has been extremely concerned about
the government's failure to inspect US beef processors.
Therefore, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, who is sensitive to
public opinion, repeatedly said yesterday to senior LDP members
and his Cabinet ministers, "You have to make explanations that
will be easily understood by the public."
The opposition became upset about the fact that the government
and ruling camp gave priority to the Diet schedule (rather than
convincing them); as a result, the Diet stalled. The public might
regard the uproar in the Diet as lack of accountability. Prior to
deliberations on a fiscal 2006 budget, the price the ruling
coalition has to pay will be high.
(7) In debate on widening gap in society, prime minister cites
Gini coefficient
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full)
January 31, 2006
In the ongoing debate in the Diet on a widening gap in society,
the Gini coefficient, an economic term that many are unfamiliar
with, has become the focus of attention. Prime Minister Junichiro
Koizumi has cited it as statistical data in taking issue with
criticism from the opposition camp and the New Komeito of his
reform initiatives as contributing to creating a society marked
by a widening disparity between rich and poor. The Cabinet Office
put together the data just before the current Diet session
opened, in preparation for debate on the issue. As of now, the
prime minister has dodged the criticism by showing statistics,
TOKYO 00000529 010 OF 010
but opposition parties have continued to pursue the prime
minister's responsibility for a succession of recent scandals. In
addition, they are stepping up efforts to show the public the
negative impact of Koizumi's reforms by linking such scandals to
the reform drive. Heated debate is likely to continue for a
while.
During a House of Representatives Budget Committee meeting on
Jan. 26, New Komeito member Isamu Ueda said: "We have realized
that wealth discrepancy is widening." But the prime minister
rejected his view, based on Gini coefficient, saying: "We learned
Engel's coefficient but we hardly heard of the Gini coefficient."
The Gini coefficient expresses income differences by on a scale
between 0 and 1. The closer the figure is to 0, the less of an
income gap there is. The Internal Affairs Ministry and the
Health, Labor, and Welfare Ministry showed in their respective
numerical statements that the trend has been on a moderate upward
trend since the latter half of the 1990s.
The Gini coefficient appeared in the monthly economic report
released by the Cabinet Office on Jan. 19. Since then, the
coefficient has been noted with attention. The monthly report
explains that the rise in the coefficient is attributed to
increases in the numbers of (1) elderly households, among which
there are wide gaps in income levels; and (2) nuclear families
and single-person households with a low income. The report
stresses that the expansion of income discrepancies is a
"superficial" phenomenon. The Cabinet Office's estimate shows a
drop in the Gini coefficient from about 0.28 in 2001 to about
0.27 in 2004.
Even so, since government ministries' statistics give different
results due to different survey methods, only numerical figures
in 2004 and before were presented. Given this, the Cabinet Office
report concluded: "An widening of income differences cannot be
confirmed."
Meanwhile, an opinion poll conducted by the Mainichi Shimbun last
December showed that 64% of respondents replied: "Japan is
gradually becoming a society marked by a widening disparity
between rich and poor." Asked about their own living standard on
a scale of 1 to 5, two-thirds of respondents picked one of the
lower three brackets.
In pursuing the Koizumi administration on the issue of widening
income discrepancies, the opposition camp and the New Komeito
cite awareness surveys, like the one by the Mainichi Shimbun, and
views directly solicited from voters. Democratic Party of Japan
leader Seiji Maehara commented: "An increasing number of people
have begun to feel that the Koizumi reform plans are unfair."
Even ruling party members, such as the Liberal Democratic Party's
House of Councillors Caucus Chairman Mikio Aoki and New Komeito
head Takenori Kanzaki, have echoed criticism of the Koizumi
reform initiatives. The government therefore has to be cautious
about Diet replies, as was the case when Finance Minister
Sadakazu Tanigaki said: "If there is pain, we must carefully
check from where the pain comes."
SCHIEFFER