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Viewing cable 06MONTEVIDEO4, MILL DISPUTE TROUBLES RELATIONS WITH ARGENTINA

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
06MONTEVIDEO4 2006-01-03 18:10 2011-08-25 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY Embassy Montevideo
VZCZCXYZ0003
RR RUEHWEB

DE RUEHMN #0004/01 0031810
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 031810Z JAN 06
FM AMEMBASSY MONTEVIDEO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 5183
INFO RUCNMER/MERCOSUR COLLECTIVE
RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS 0360
UNCLAS MONTEVIDEO 000004 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE ALSO FOR WHA/BSC 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PREL PGOV ECON EINV SENV AR UY
SUBJECT: MILL DISPUTE TROUBLES RELATIONS WITH ARGENTINA 
 
REF: MONTEVIDEO 1429 
 
1. (SBU) Summary: The dispute over Uruguay's planned 
construction of cellulose (wood pulp) processing mills 
on a shared river has led to strained relations with 
Argentina.  After a World Bank report cleared European 
investors to begin construction, Argentine 
environmental groups attempted to block tourists from 
entering Uruguay.  Moreover, harsh sound bytes from 
Argentina continue to rankle bilateral relations, and 
the current dispute comes on the heels of recent intra- 
MERCOSUR friction.  While the protests will likely 
cause negligible economic damage, the political damage 
to bilateral relations bears watching. 
End Summary. 
 
BACKGROUND 
---------- 
2. (U) Since 2000, Uruguay courted the construction of 
one Spanish (ENCE) and one Finnish (Botnia) cellulose 
processing mill because of considerable economic 
advantages.  The two mills combined will bring USD 1.7 
billion in foreign direct investment, the largest such 
investment in Uruguayan history.  The leader of a local 
environmental group told us that Uruguayan 
environmental groups support the mills because they 
utilize adequate environmental safeguards.  After the 
World Bank tentatively approved loans for the projects 
in 2004, Argentina appealed the decision on 
environmental grounds.  In November, however, a World 
Bank committee agreed with Uruguay that the mills met 
reasonable environmental standards and gave final 
approval to the loans. 
 
A DISPUTE THAT WON'T DIE 
------------------------ 
3. (U) During two recent weekends, Argentine protesters 
blocked the most heavily trafficked bridge into Uruguay 
in an attempt to turn away Argentine tourists and 
economically pressure the GOU.  Over a quarter million 
Argentines visited Uruguay's resorts last summer 
(December through March), and Uruguay's economy depends 
heavily on tourism.  Local press reported that an 
attempt to block a total of three bridges during the 
New Year's weekend failed after large numbers of 
tourists eluded the blockade and the GOA ordered police 
to hold the bridges open. 
 
4. (U) Argentine posturing, however, has done far more 
damage to bilateral relations.  In November, both sides 
recalled their ambassadors over harsh words aimed at 
Uruguayan President Vazquez.  In December, Argentina 
declared its intention to bring the matter before the 
World Court.  During the period of the blockades, many 
local news articles stated or implied GOA complicity in 
the protests.  Most alarming for the GOU, the director 
of environmental policy for the Argentine chancery 
called for an international boycott of Uruguay. 
Uruguayans believe that Argentina, which also courted 
the mills, is acting more out of jealousy than genuine 
environmental concern. 
 
SALT ON A WOUND 
--------------- 
5. (U) Recent discontent with MERCOSUR has further 
amplified the dispute.  In November, Vazquez publicly 
criticized MERCOSUR, saying it should not be a "gilded 
cage," and GOU officials groused about Uruguay's 
seeming "second tier" status as Brazil and Argentina 
met bilaterally on two occasions.  Since the outbreak 
of the dispute, the opposition in Congress has derided 
the administration's pro-MERCOSUR bent, and January 2, 
Foreign Minister Gargano declared that Argentina's call 
for a boycott was "anti-MERCOSUR."  This is tough 
language from Gargano, who is usually understated, pro- 
Argentine, and pro-MERCOSUR. 
 
COMMENT 
------- 
6. (SBU) While the Vazquez administration has made much 
of its close ties with other MERCOSUR countries, the 
dispute further complicates relations with Uruguay's 
closest partner.  While we don't anticipate a radical 
reordering of foreign policy, the dispute gives pause 
to local MERCOSUR fans.  In the past, some GOU leftist 
argued against additional international economic 
openness, preferring relations within MERCOSUR.  Recent 
developments, however, may make this alternative less 
attractive and may embolden GOU moderates to seek wider 
engagement.  We anticipate that the GOU will continue 
to quietly resist Argentine pressure and depend on 
multilateral fora to prevail.  In private, however, we 
sense a nationalist fury in Uruguay which may not soon 
subside. 
 
GONZALEZ