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### Viewing cable 08LAPAZ329, GOB RESPINS ANTI-U.S. ALLEGATIONS

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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
08LAPAZ329 | 2008-02-19 23:00 | 2010-12-03 21:30 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy La Paz

`

    VZCZCXYZ0000
    PP RUEHWEB

    DE RUEHLP #0329/01 0502300
    ZNY CCCCC ZZH
    P 192300Z FEB 08
    FM AMEMBASSY LA PAZ
    TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 6467
    INFO RUEHAC/AMEMBASSY ASUNCION 7598
    RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA 4967
    RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA 8872
    RUEHBU/AMEMBASSY BUENOS AIRES 6087
    RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS 3307
    RUEHPE/AMEMBASSY LIMA 3522
    RUEHMN/AMEMBASSY MONTEVIDEO 5243
    RUEHQT/AMEMBASSY QUITO 5936
    RUEHSG/AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO 0553
    RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC
    RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHINGTON DC
    RUMIAAA/USCINCSO MIAMI FL
    RUEHUB/USINT HAVANA 0912
    RHEHNSC/NSC WASHINGTON DC
    RHMFISS/HQ USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL

` `

    C O N F I D E N T I A L LA PAZ 000329

    SIPDIS

    SIPDIS

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/20/2018
    TAGS: PGOV PREL ECON BL
    SUBJECT: GOB RESPINS ANTI-U.S. ALLEGATIONS

    REF: A. LA PAZ 303
    ¶B. LA PAZ 304
    ¶C. LA PAZ 218

    Classified By: EcoPol Chief Mike Hammer for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)

    ¶1. (C) Summary: The Bolivian government attempted to renew
    and, in some cases, repackage old allegations against the
    U.S. February 16-18. Bolivian President Evo Morales
    threatened to show USAID the door if it continues undermining
    his administration. As proof, Morales provided the example
    of a political organization that was allegedly turned down
    for USAID assistance due to its pro-Morales stance. He also
    cited unnamed groups that were asked to work against the
    government as a condition for assistance. Morales also
    argued against a free trade agreement with the U.S. and
    charged the U.S. of involvement in the disappearances of
    Bolivians during drug-related conflicts in the region of
    Chapare. Morales' assertion that pro-government groups were
    prepared to take up arms to defend his agenda were rebuffed
    by a wide-range of social and labor groups. Government
    Minister Alfredo Rada continues to accuse the U.S. of
    involvement in a police "spying" scandal to deflect from his
    role in the unauthorized surveillance of opposition
    politicians and reporters. The Bolivian government's refusal
    to sign a cooperation agreement concerning U.S. military aid
    and the impact of that refusal on disaster assistance was
    made public February 18. Foreign Minister David Choquehuanca
    explained the government did not want to sign an agreement
    "with its eyes closed" and was only reviewing the agreement.
    Despite public assurances that they want better relations
    with the U.S., the relentless public spinning of the Bolivian
    government's complaints against the U.S. at the expense of
    diplomatic channels suggest the BOG has another agenda:
    discredit the U.S. and distract the Bolivian public. End
    Summary.

    Lights, Camera, Allegations
    ---------------------------

    ¶2. (U) Bolivian President Evo Morales made several references
    to ongoing "political problems" with the U.S. February 15,
    although he clarified diplomatic and commercial relations
    would be maintained. Morales rehashed the argument that
    USAID is supporting opposition groups and that the U.S.
    Embassy is "making politics" at the expense of diplomatic
    work, such as advancing commercial ties. Morales asserted
    during recent months USAID has been convoking groups through
    implementing NGOs and offering them money with the
    stipulation that they work "against the Bolivian government."
    Morales claimed leaders from the Federation of Ayllus
    (indigenous local government units) of Potosi told him an
    USAID-supported NGO denied their group's request for $20,000
    because the organization "supports Evo Morales." Morales
    urged citizens to report NGOs that are "bought by USAID to
    distribute funds to make politics against the government."
    He added, "The government will not allow NGOs to work against
    the executive power. Faced with these provocations from
    USAID, we will ask them to go home." Morales saluted U.S.
    citizens that are denouncing both USAID and the Embassy for
    practicing "politics," but offered no details on who he was
    referring to.

    ¶3. (U) Although most of his criticisms were respun from old
    charges, Morales added a new spin on some existing
    allegations. Morales asserted Embassy Bolivian police guards
    act "like embassy workers ... at the side of the U.S.
    government." Morales claimed he learned of this "strange"
    police arrangement through Fulbrighter van Schaick, who
    accused Assistant Regional Security Officer Vincent Cooper of
    asking him to "spy" on Cubans and Venezuelans in Bolivia last
    week (Reftels a and b). Though not directly associated with
    recent charges the U.S. is behind Bolivian police "spying" on
    politicians and reporters, this mischaracterization of our
    Bolivian guard force feeds into the Morales administration's
    allegations of undue U.S. influence on Bolivian police units.

    Evo on FTA, Drugs, and Cooper "Expulsion"
    -----------------------------------------

    ¶4. (C) Morales rejected a free trade agreement with the U.S.
    as a return to the days of former-president Gonzalo Sanchez
    de Lozada, when Morales alleges the government made deals
    with U.S. businesses at the expense of Bolivians. Morales
    characterized the Embassy's decision that ARSO Vincent Cooper
    would not return to Bolivia as the "expulsion" of a "man who
    conducted North American espionage." Morales repeated his
    opinion that the war on drugs has been a failure because it
    targeted coca leaf instead of cocaine. He alleged the DEA,
    U.S. military, and Bolivian national police headed Bolivian
    anti-narcotics efforts "from a U.S. military base" in
    Cochabamba Department when there were "demonstrations and
    disappearances," implying U.S. involvement. (Note: The U.S.
    supports Bolivian anti-narcotics efforts at the Chimore
    Airport and has offices there, but there are no U.S. military
    bases per se in Bolivia. Despite Morales' intermittent calls
    to dismantle such non-existent bases, this issue is a
    misunderstanding or a straw man. End Note.)

    Call to Arms Disconnected
    -------------------------

    ¶5. (U) While railing against "oligarchic groups," and
    particularly efforts to convoke an autonomy referendum in the
    opposition-led Department (state) of Santa Cruz, Morales
    claimed pro-government groups would defend his administration
    "with arms." Morales said February 14 that sympathizers in
    Santa Cruz had told him they would take up arms to ensure the
    opposition showed Morales the proper "respect." However,
    leaders from MAS-aligned social and union groups rejected any
    attempt to resort to arms February 16, calling instead for an
    electoral solution to settle Bolivian differences.

    Spin Doctor Rada's Dizzying "Spy" Accusations
    ---------------------------------------------

    ¶6. (U) On February 15, the Ambassador met with Government
    Minister Alfredo Rada to discuss the USG's support to the
    Police's Special Operations Command (COPES) police unit, a
    unit that Rada has stated was likely behind a growing
    domestic surveillance scandal. Following their meeting, the
    Ambassador issued a public statement which re-iterated that
    the USG was never involved in domestic spying and explained
    that USG would no longer fund COPES because the unit had been
    disbanded on January 29.

    ¶7. (U) In an interview with the La Paz newspaper La Prensa
    following the February 15 meeting Rada continued to insinuate
    )- as he has done publicly on various occasions -- that
    COPES was responsible for internal surveillance against
    political officials and journalists. Rada once again called
    COPES a parallel intelligence organization that conducted
    "political intelligence," argued it reported directly to the
    USG and not to the National Intelligence Directorate (DNI),
    and that it exceeded the scope of its mandate. Rada
    explained that since September 11, 2001 the U.S. government
    had directed COPES to gather intelligence on terrorist
    organizations which violated COPES' mission to conduct
    surveillance only on narco-trafficking organizations. Rada
    stated, that "terrorism is a fundamentally political
    phenomenon . . . therefore COPES . . . conducted political
    intelligence . . . All of this a function of the State
    Department's priorities." (Note: According to the COPES'
    memorandum of understanding between the Bolivian and U.S.
    governments, conducting surveillance on both illegal
    narcotics and terrorist targets is part of its mission. End
    Note.)

    ¶8. (U) Throughout the interview Minister Rada engaged in
    double speak, at times strongly insinuating the USG was
    behind the domestic spying scandal, at other times
    acknowledging there was little information tying the USG to
    the case. "It would be irresponsible to affirm they (the
    Embassy) were behind these (domestic spying) operations,"
    Rada stated. He followed with, "The fact that intelligence
    personnel from the Embassy received reports from ODEP (COPES'
    official name since 2001) makes us believe that they were
    aware of these things (domestic spying). Despite earlier
    statements in the interview that COPES responded to the USG,
    Rada closed the interview with the statement, "That
    ODEP-COPES followed direct orders from the Embassy, we cannot
    yet demonstrate, but we are investigating. But there was a
    direct economic link, and it has been demonstrated that they
    worked on priorities designed by Washington." Rada also
    tried to link Fulbrighter Van Schaick case to the domestic
    spy scandal. Arguing his Van Schaick's sworn statement is
    the first piece of concrete evidence that links the USG to
    espionage within Bolivia.

    Eyes Wide Shut on MILGP Assistance
    ----------------------------------

    ¶9. (C) The Bolivian press reported February 19 that the
    Bolivian government had frozen military humanitarian
    assistance, by not renewing our humanitarian assistance
    diplomatic note (which acts as a SOFA, or status of forces
    agreement, for U.S. military personnel in Bolivia). The
    article stressed that non-military aid (USD) 600,000 to flood
    victims is not affected. However, it highlighted that our
    MILGRP has provided humanitarian assistance (include medical,
    dental and eye treatment) since 1996 and has already
    prevented aid from arriving for flooding victims. Foreign
    Minister David Choquehuanca responded that the government had
    not canceled any agreement, but was simply reviewing it.
    Choquehuanca stated, "We now do not sign agreements with the
    United States with our eyes closed, like what happened in the
    past, especially with anti-drug assistance." (Note: The
    humanitarian assistance agreement has nothing to do with our
    counter-narcotics aid. A Bolivian diplomatic note suspended
    renewal of the assistance agreement January 29, citing the
    need for a dialogue to bridge a "gap of understanding."
    ((Reftel C)) End Note).

    Comment
    -------

    ¶10. (C) Although charges that USAID is undermining the
    Bolivian government are nothing new (Minister of the
    Presidency Juan Quintana originally laid out the charges in
    August and officials have drummed them up periodically
    since), Morales' call for Bolivians to help the government
    "identify these NGOs" ostensibly working to undermine his
    administration is a troubling development. Using Morales'
    example of the Potosi group that was "denied" $20,000, any
    person or organization that asks for USAID funding and does
    not receive it could allege a political motive. We will
    continue to counter misunderstandings about USAID's
    transparency and apolitical nature with reality. However,
    the Bolivian government is unlikely to back off from its
    USAID assault any time soon, as it enjoys the propaganda
    value of creating an external enemy to distract from domestic
    problems. Likewise, although government officials have
    privately admitted to us they do not believe the U.S. was
    involved in the police "spying" scandal, they are not
    disengaging from insinuations of U.S. involvement. Rada's
    accusations are designed not to lead to a formal process that
    would prove or disprove them, but rather to create the
    appearance of U.S. impropriety to distract the Bolivian
    public from very real and potentially damaging charges
    against him. As such, they are a success. The incongruity
    of the government accusing us of being in cahoots with the
    opposition and, at the same time, spying on them seems
    largely overlooked in the public discourse. Unfortunately,
    the Bolivian press does not consistently apply critical
    analysis to these incoherent, vague, and sometimes
    contradictory charges before distributing them to the
    Bolivian and international public.

    ¶11. (C) Comment Continued. Although they may not always
    believe in the merits of some of their specific accusations,
    government leaders from Evo down appear to genuinely believe
    the Embassy is working to undermine the Morales
    administration. Given his proclivity to view the Embassy as
    separate from the U.S. government and people, we expect
    Morales to bring the GOB's vague litany of accusations
    against the Embassy to both the visiting Congressional
    delegation and to the U.S. public during his planned February
    25-27 speaking tour in the U.S. End Comment.
    GOLDBERG

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