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Duke, PhD

3/26/2009

Exposing the hidden hand of Jewish extremism and its effect on
South Africa

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— @ 12:30 am

Jews &
Communism - The SA Experience

Against the international background of heavy Jewish involvement in
Communism, did the South African experience show any parallels? Perhaps the best
way to gain an insight into this topic is to quote from four books, three of
which are by Jewish authors:

BOOK
ONE

A History of Communism in South Africa by Dr Henry R Pike (published
by Christian Mission International of South Africa, Germiston, South Africa
(1985, 1988).

A large number of Jews have worked to promote Communism in South Africa, as
Pike’s book indicates. Many of these Jews were involved in the organization of
trade unions, particularly black trade unions. Some of the names mentioned by
Pike are A Z Berman ‘a noted Marxist’ who headed the Industrial Socialist League
in Cape Town; the communist writer David Shub, Solly Sachs, secretary of the
Garment Workers Union and expelled from and then readmitted to the South African
Communist Party, Bennie Weinbren who directed the Non-European Trade Union
Federation, Issy Diamond, Abraham Levy, Hymie Levin, Issie Wolfson, Julius
Lewin, Louis Joffe, Dr Max Joffe, Molly (Zelikowitz) Wolton, Lazar Bach, Rebecca
(Notlowitz) Bunting, Fanny Klenerman, Michael Harmel, Sam Kahn, Katy Kagan, Eli
Weinberg, Yetta Barenblatt, Hymie Barsel, Leon and Norman Levy, Lionel Forman,
Jacqueline and Rowley Arenstein, Erroland Dorothy Shanley, Monty Berman, Bertram
Hirson and Neville Rubin.

Dr Pike (p 212-3) quotes from a South African Government Gazette
Extraordinary (vol VI 16 Nov 1962 pp 2-28) which listed ‘persons who have been
office-bearers, officers, members or active supporters of the Communist Party of
South Africa’. The list included 66 ‘clearly identifiable as Jews’, 61 ‘white
non-Jews’ and two uncertain. At the time, the South African population was
approximately 3 million whites, while the South African Jewish population was
110 000 (World Almanac 1958 p270). So there was approximately one Jew for every
26 white non-Jews in the country. If there had been an equal distribution of
Communist involvement between non-Jewish whites and Jews, the Jewish membership
of the Communist Party should have been one-twenty-sixth the white Gentile
representation. Instead, we find slightly more Jews as members. In other words,
Jews were almost thirty times more likely to become members of the Communist
Party than were white Gentiles. If Jews with non-Jewish names were also counted,
the ratio would be likely to have been considerably higher.

In theory this could be explained away as simple Jewish concern for the
welfare of the underdog, the lowest classes, and in the South African context,
evidence of Jewish sympathies across racial barriers, or non-racism. In testing
such a hypothesis to see whether this is indeed the case, we can look at another
instance. Such concerns have been notoriously, and very conspicuously, almost
totally absent in the protracted conflict in the Middle East. There,
international Jewish support has been overwhelmingly and steadfastly in favor of
the Jewish Israelis, and not of the Palestinians who have lost their country,
and in thousands of cases their lives, to the violent settlers from Eastern
Europe and America. After all, the entire territory was under Palestinian
political control until 1947. The Jewish population of the area in 1917 was a
mere 7% of the 700 000 inhabitants. The other 93% were Arabs. In 1947 the United
Nations under tremendous US pressure gave the Zionists, who owned only about 6%
of the land, 56% of the territory of Palestine. Since then, there has been a
steady take-over of the remaining territory by force, violence, warfare, bribery
and stealth.

Perhaps you might think Dr Pike is just ‘anti-Semitic’ and his approach is
biased. But have a look at the next author:

BOOK
TWO

Jews and Zionism: the South African Experience (1910-67), by Dr
Gideon Shimoni (Oxford University Press, 1980). This book appears to have been
written for a Jewish readership.

Two extended quotes from the book will serve as a summary of the situation
some decades ago.

[Dr Shimoni was born in South Africa to parents from Lithuania, but settled
in Israel where he lectured at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and where he
gained post-graduate degrees in Jewish history. While bitterly contemptuous of
South Africa under the apartheid system, Dr Shimoni in effect identifies with
the concept of geographically based ethnic groupings that was the basis of the
South African system. This kind of irony, not to say hypocrisy, is typical of
Jews opposed to 'racism' in Europe, the US or South Africa.]

Dr Shimoni writes of ‘..the extraordinary salience of Jewish individuals in
the white opposition to the regime of apartheid. Throughout this period Jewish
names kept appearing in every facet of the struggle: amongst reformist liberals;
in the radical Communist opposition; in the courts, whether as defendants or as
counsel for the defense; in the lists of bannings and amongst those who fled the
country to evade arrest. Their prominence was particularly marked in the course
of the Treason Trial which occupied an important place in the news media
throughout the second half of the 1950’s. This trial began in December 1956,
when 156 people were arrested on charges of treason in the form of a conspiracy
to overthrow the state by violence and to replace it with a state based on
Communism. Twenty-three of those arrested were Whites, more than half of them
Jews. They included Yetta Barenblatt, Hymie Barsel, Lionel (Rusty) Bernstein,
Leon Levy, Norman Levy,Sydney Shall, Joe Slovo, Ruth (First) Slovo, Sonia
Bunting, Lionel Forman, Isaac Horvitch, Ben Turok, Jacqueline Arenstein, Errol
Shanley, Dorothy Shanley. To top it all, at one stage in the trial the defense
counsel was led by Israel Maisels, while the prosecutor was none other than
Oswald Pirow. The juxtaposition was striking: Maisels, the prominent Jewish
communal leader, defending those accused of trying to overthrow White supremacy;
Pirow, the extreme Afrikaner Nationalist and former Nazi sympathizer, defending
White supremacy.’ (pp. 227-8).

‘In this extended five-year period between the emergence of violent
opposition and its effective suppression, the prominent involvement of
individual Jews was in the public eye more than ever before. This was even more
so than in the dramatic circumstances of the ‘Rivonia arrests’. On 11 July 1963
the police raided the home of Arthur Goldreich in Rivonia near Johannesburg,
where it captured, by surprise, the leadership cadre of the Umkonto we Sizwe
underground. Seventeen people were arrested.. Five of those arrested were
Whites, all of them Jews. They were: Arthur Goldreich, Lionel Bernstein,
Hilliard Festenstein, Dennis Goldberg and Bob Hepple.. [There was an]
overwhelming impression that Jews were in the forefront of the White radicals
who were trying to overthrow the system of White supremacy in South Africa. When
the secret African Resistance Movement (ARM) was crushed during 1964, it again
became evident that many Jews were involved. One of its founders was identified
as Monty Berman.. others were Adrian Leftwich and Bertram (Baruch) Hirson. Among
those who were associated with ARM were Neville Rubin and Michael Schneider [and
] others implicated were Frederick and Rhoda Prager, Raymond Eisenstein and Hugh
Lewin..’ (pp. 232-3).

Dr Shimoni records with obvious distaste the wording of an Afrikaans letter
in a newspaper criticizing this fundamentally hypocritical proclivity of Jews:
‘They (the Jews) themselves are the most exclusive apartheid people, yet they
exert themselves here for integration.’ While Jews themselves have shown no
intention to integrate or merge with the African masses, they have been
hyper-critical of mainstream whites who are reluctant to follow this route,
criticizing churches with segregationist policies, while their synagogues have
remained ethnically 100% Jewish.

BOOK
THREE

Cutting Through the Mountain: Interviews with South African
Activists edited by Immanuel Suttner (Viking-Penguin, England and USA
1997). This book also appears to have been written for a Jewish readership. It
is a thick expensively bound book of over 600 pages, financially supported by
the Liberty Life Foundation created by the Jewish mega-capitalist Donald Gordon.
Suttner says ‘a disproportionate number of individual Jews played a part in
transforming South Africa into a more just society. There are two streams: those
who fought ‘within the system’ as jurists, members of parliament, via the media,
or in civil society, and those who entered ‘illegal’ organizations which were
socialist, communist or mass-based in character.’ (p.2) He says the book
‘welcomes (these Jews) back not only as worthy South Africans, socialists,
communists or liberals, but as worthy Jews’ (p.3). Some of the ‘remarkable
people’ (page vii) who are heroes of the book include:

Taffy Adler who was involved in the 1970s and ’80s in the ‘formation and
consolidation of the black trade union movement’. His father was a Lithuanian
Jew who emigrated to South Africa in 1926 and who ‘was tremendously loyal to
Stalin and Russian communism’ right up to the fall of the Soviet Union in 1989.
His uncle, Michael Harmel, became general secretary of the South African
Communist Party.

Ray Alexander (Rachel Alexandrowich) arrived in South Africa from Latvia and
joined the SA Communist Party five days later. She played a leading role in the
organization of trade unions. She was married to Jack Simons, a ‘devoted
communist’ and lecturer at the University of Cape Town.

Pauline Podbrey (Podbrez) born in Lithuania came to South Africa at the age
of eleven. She joined the Communist Youth League, run by Max Joffe, and the
related Labor League of Youth, run by Hilda Bernstein. Of the Communist Party
she says ‘the majority of the members were Jewish…looking back on it now, it
seems as if everybody was Jewish.’ (*p52). She married a prominent Indian trade
unionist and Communist Party leader, resulting in her mother being ostracized by
the South African Jewish community, although it has been and still is normal
practice for this community to depict white non-Jews as despicable prejudiced
racists.

Joe Slovo born in Lithuania, came to South Africa where he joined the Young
Communist League at the age of sixteen. He became a central member of the
Communist Party of South Africa and a ‘hard-line Stalinist’, becoming general
secretary in 1986. He concentrated on building up Umkhonto we Sizwe, the ‘armed
wing’ of the ANC (African National Congress), becoming its chief of staff and
head strategist in the campaign of bombings directed at civilian targets and
other acts of terror. He only abandoned his commitment to Stalinism and
Soviet-style communism when the Soviet bloc started falling apart in the late
1980s and it became necessary to do so. A key strategist representing the ANC in
the negotiations with De Klerk’s government in the hand over of power, he became
a minister in Mandela’s Cabinet when the ANC came to power in 1994. He died of
cancer a few years later. His daughter published an autobiographical book
describing her father’s affair with a Jewish Communist friend’s wife and his
utter refusal to acknowledge the son born of this relationship.

Gill Marcus, the daughter of parents involved with the Communist Party, a
long-time member of the Party and of the ANC, is now a Deputy Governor of the
South African Reserve Bank after being a member of the first Mandela Cabinet.

Ronnie Kasrils became a central figure in the South African Communist Party
and head of military intelligence of the ANC’s military wing. He became Deputy
Minister of Defense in the Mandela government, and is now Minister of Water
Affairs and Forestry.

BOOK
FOUR

Traitors’ End: The Rise and Fall of the Communist Movement in Southern
Africa by Nathaniel Weyl (Tafelberg Press, South Africa and Arlington
House, USA, 1970).

‘For the most part, the Jews had come to South Africa from Lithuania at the
turn of the century.. They had been popular at first, but by the mid-1930’s this
was no longer the case. The Jews had become heavily urbanized. In Johannesburg,
they constituted 17 per cent of the population and were sufficiently conspicuous
so that the metropolis was sometimes referred to, not as Jo’burg, but as
Jewburg. They aroused envy and some rancor during the years of depression
because they controlled a large part of the business of Johannesburg and other
cities.. Anti-Semitism was fed by the economic discontent.. A perhaps more
important ingredient was the prominence of South African Jews in finance, mining
and the other economic command posts of the nation, on the one hand, and in
revolutionary and racial reform movements on the other. From the outset, the
Jews had been prominent in the Communist Party and its various fronts. They were
equally conspicuous in the various movements that sought to break down the
barriers separating the White from the non-White population. South African
anti-Semitic propaganda.. depicted the Jew as a deracinated element who sought
to destroy White civilization and nationalism with the twin weapons of Communism
and international finance. Given the visible prominence of Jews in both areas,
this doctrine fell on receptive ears.’

The famous Rivonia Trial of the 1960’s resulted from a raid on a farm near
Johannesburg in which many of the top leadership of the Communist party were
detained. The White defendants were virtually all Jews, including Dennis
Goldberg, ‘a civil engineer who served as commander in a Communist camp that
trained young guerrillas’, and Lionel ‘Rusty’ Bernstein, the only prisoner to be
acquitted. A Johannesburg architect, Bernstein ‘admitted to having been a
Communist for 25 years, but successfully alleged that he had left the party,
without, however, changing his revolutionary convictions.’ (Weyl pp 122-3).
Amongst those implicated during the trial were the Jews Joe Slovo and his wife
Ruth First, Bob Hepple and Michael Harmel. ‘Operation Mayibuye [a plan for
guerrilla warfare, armed invasion of South Africa and Communist conquest of the
country] was drafted by Arthur Goldreich, perhaps the most important of the men
captured by the South African Police at Rivonia. Goldreich managed to bribe his
way out of prison.. During the trial, Goldreich was referred to by Nelson
Mandela and other defendants as a military expert who served as an officer in
the Israeli war for independence.. Goldreich’s plan was modeled on the guerrilla
strategy of the Chinese Communists.. Goldreich’s notebook shows constant
preoccupation with the practical details of revolutionary war. He goes into the
types of explosives and fuses needed and their characteristics’ (Weyl pp124,
127-8).

‘On December 16, 1966, the United Nations branded Rhodesia “a threat to
international peace”. President Johnson’s Ambassador to the United Nations,
Arthur Goldberg, immediately pledged United States support for sanctions against
Rhodesia “in order to drive home to the illegal regime (of Ian Smith) that the
international community will not tolerate the existence of a discriminatory
system based on minority rule in defiance of the United Nations and its
principles.”Ambassador Goldberg’s logic was extraordinary, to say the least.
Over half of the 122 UN member states had governments not based upon majority
rule As for the United Nations statement that Rhodesia threatened international
peace, the statement simply reversed the facts of the matter. Rhodesia was
exposed to attacks by guerrillas, armed, financed, trained and abetted by Black
African member states of the United Nations in flagrant defiance of the UN
Charter.. AmbassadorGoldberg had shown on previous occasions that, where racial
issues were involved, he practiced a double standard of morality in favor of
Black demands.. Ambassador Goldberg was not alone in his fanatical hostility to
White rule in Africa..’ (Weyl pp 162-3).

Jews in South Africa in the main and those mentioned above in particular have
all been pushing for a majoritarian government in which population numbers
effectively mean that whites have no say over their own affairs. The new
ANC-dominated South Africa is proclaimed to be a ‘democracy’, although a leading
political scientist, Professor Hermann Giliomee, has described the election
system as a simple ethnic census. Whites, for example, have no effective power
over the government as far as their own interests, such as schooling for their
children or their language rights are concerned. The Constitutional Court,
supposedly the custodian of these rights, has an over-representation of Jews who
have shown little sympathy for white non-Jewish rights. Even the traditionally
English South African game of cricket is being transformed - the Jewish director
of the cricket board, Dr Ali Bacher, is doing everything in his power to turn
cricket in the country into a black-dominated sport.

There are various kinds of hypocrisy at work here. Authors such as Immanuel
Suttner perhaps unwittingly communicate their clear belief that Jews are morally
better than South African whites, because of their political stance. This in
itself is not only racist but also not true. We can study the attitude of South
African Jews to Middle Eastern issues to see whether they really do display a
genuine moral superiority. Until a few years ago South African Jews gave more
per capita to Israel than any other Jewish community, including that of America
(Suttner p. 420).

‘When Ronnie Kasrils, a leader of the ANC’s armed campaign against apartheid
South Africa, returned home after 27 years in exile, he was lionized by a local
Jewish establishment belatedly eager to associate itself with the struggle. His
picture was put in the Jewish Museum in Cape Town and his name in the Book of
Honor. The Jewish community basked in his reflected glory’ (Fair Lady 22 May
2002 p.37). South Africa’s Chief Rabbi Cyril Harris officiated at the funeral of
Joe Slovo, calling Slovo ‘a better Jew than most’ (ibid p.39). Who was Slovo? He
was general secretary of the Communist Party of South Africa and chief of staff
of the armed terrorist wing of the ANC (African National Congress). When
Kasrils, in an awkward position because of his cabinet post in the ANC
government which includes several very influential Moslems, became one of a very
small number of Jews to speak out against Israeli policies against the
Palestinian people in Palestine, his name became mud. He signed a petition along
with 286 other Jews to the effect that Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians
does not have their blessing. The South African Zionist Federation quickly
organized a rival petition in support of Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon,
and collected 11500 signatures. Helen Suzman, the veteran anti-Apartheid Jewish
member of the South African parliament and consequently the recipient of
numerous international honors and awards, ‘believes that everything Israel has
done has been retaliatory’ (ibid p39) in spite of the fact that the Israelis,
with support from Jews elswhere particularly in the US and its government, have
been able to take over Palestine with absolute impunity, disregarding with
absolute and violent contempt the lawful rights of the Palestinians. This
hypocrisy is very common in the Zionist community which forms the overwhelmingly
dominant part of South African Jewry.

No candid discussion of the issues raised above was permitted to take place
in South Africa before the fall of white rule owing to the ownership pattern of
the newspaper cartel. There has been much talk of a ‘Jewish Capitalist-Communist
nexus’ - we have to recognize that monopoly capital has an affinity with
Communism. According to Antony Sutton (Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution)
international bankers funded the Bolshevik Revolution. In 1917, Trotsky and 200
revolutionaries were literally transferred from New York’s Lower East Side to
St. Petersburg to foment the revolution in Russia. Jews are internationally
synonymous with hyper-capitalism or monopoly-capitalism, where ever-greater
financial power is continually being sought, and there is the impression that
the hunger behind this urge is insatiable. Media control is an important part of
this program, because criticism must be stifled at all costs. These powerful
people are ever-seeking to instruct or coerce non-Jewish people of European
ancestry in the direction of non-discrimination, but always supporting their own
country with its fundamental racial discrimination whereby Palestinians born in
Jerusalem have no rights, while even atheistic Jews born in Milwaukee or Miami
have citizenship full rights in Israel.

The large reserves of gold, diamonds and other natural wealth attracted Jews
in large numbers from Germany, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland and Russia. The
discovery of gold in the Boer republic of the Transvaal turned out to be
tragically unfortunate for the Boers. According to J A Hobson, an English
liberal-socialist thinker and correspondent who reported on the Boer War, ‘a
little ring of international financiers’, mainly Jews, led Britain into the war
for their own selfish capitalist interests. (Hobson, The War in South Africa
its causes and effects (New York, Macmillan, 1900, pp194, 184, 190). Boer
farms and towns were burnt to the ground. Boer women and children were herded
into concentration camps, where 26 000 died through epidemics and unsanitary
conditions. But the Jews gained a wonderful ascendancy in the gold and diamond
industry, with leading names including Barney Barnato, Solly Joel and Lionel
Phillips. Eventually the Oppenheimer family, with financial support from
Rothschild interests, controlled not only the largest gold mines in the country
but also the world diamond cartel De Beers and a very large part of the South
African economy, as well as the English language newspaper monopoly. De Beers in
recent decades has been often implicated in trading in ‘blood-diamonds’ from war
zones in Africa. (The international diamond trade in New York and Amsterdam is
also largely Jewish-controlled.) The Oppenheimer press cartel normally depicted
white efforts in South Africa to find political self-determination, including
the apartheid policy of parallel or separate development, as totally and utterly
reprehensible and unacceptable. At the same time the cartel ensured that the
Israeli State did not come in for parallel criticism for its incomparably
inhumane and violent oppression of the native Palestinians. The Jews have found
it useful to their ethnic agenda to exacerbate tensions between white and black
in South Africa, with the clear objective of subverting the apartheid idea of
ethnic self-determination for a situation in which non-Jewish whites would be
subject to unfettered black political and social control. Since this goal has
been achieved, Jews have been emigrating in large numbers, primarily to the
United States. Although scornful of white non-Jews for racism during the
apartheid era, none of these Jewish emigrants are known to have moved to any
African country. As Immanuel Suttner says ‘The Jewish community.. will likely
continue to shrink through emigration, and those Jews who choose to stay in
South Africa, and choose to involve themselves fully in South Africa’s unfolding
story, face a difficult period of redefining their role and finding a niche in
which they believe they are relevant and useful.’ (Cutting Through the Mountain
p.4).

Why are Jews prominent as political activists in all western countries, but
definitely not on behalf of the Palestinians, as fifty years of history have
shown? Why were US Congressmen Stephen J. Solarz and Howard Wolpe, instrumental
in securing financial sanctions against the South African apartheid regime, but
‘unwavering in their commitments to Israel’ (ex-Congressman Paul Findley, They
Dare to Speak Out: People and Insttutions Confront Israel’s Lobby (1985)
p70-71). Are hidden tribal agendas a factor in American politics?

George Steiner, Cambridge professor of English and comparative literature,
author of numerous books such as Tolstoy or Dostoyevsky, Language and Silence
etc, set out his sobering views in a novel called The Portage to San Cristobal
of A.H. (1981). Strangely enough (Dr Steiner is a Jew) he hypothetically ‘gives
Hitler the chance to defend himself before a Jewish court’, ‘to defend the
indefensible’. How on earth can a Cambridge professor, a Jew, in effect defend
A.H., the ‘greatest embodiment of evil in human history’? What can be his
argument? In summary (Steiner pp 120-126):

Point One: ‘The Nazi race doctrines were but a “parody” of the Jewish
doctrine of “a chosen people, chosen by God for his own, the only race on
earth chosen, exalted, made singular among mankind.. to set a race apart, to
hold before it a promised land”.’

Point Two: ‘The Jew’s addiction to the ideal.. “It is no accident that Marx
and his minions were Jews, that the congregations of Bolshevism Trotsky,
Rosa Luxemberg, Kamenev, the whole fanatic, murderous pack were of
Israel..’

Point Three: “You have exaggerated. Grossly. Hysterically. What were
Rotterdam or Coventry compared to Dresden and Hiroshima? Did I invent the
camps? Ask the Boers.. To whom did you hand over millions, tens of millions of
men and women from Prague to the Baltic? What did (Solzhenitsyn) say? That
Stalin had slaughtered thirty million. I was a man of a murderous time, but a
small man compared to him. That he perfected genocide (of the kulaks) when I
was still a nameless scribbler in Munich. My boys used their fists and their
whips. I won’t deny it. The times stank of hunger and blood. But when a man
spat out the truth they would stop their fun. Stalin’s torturers worked for
the pleasure of the thing. To make men befoul themselves, to obtain
confessions that are lies, insanities, obscene jokes. The truth only made them
more bestial. It is not I who assert these things: it is your own Jewish
survivors, your historians, the sage of the Gulag. Who, then was the great
destroyer, whose blood-lust the more implacable? Stalin’s or mine? Our terrors
were a village carnival compared to his. Our camps covered absurd acres; he
had strung wire and death-pits around a continent. Yet Stalin died in bed, and
yet you hunt me down like a rabid dog..”

Point Four: ‘Zionism was shaped in the image of German nationalism.. “The
Holocaust gave you the courage of injustice, to drive the Arab out of his
home, out of his field, because he was without resource, because he was in
your way, knowing that those you had driven out were rotting in refugee camps,
not ten miles away, buried alive in despair and lunatic dreams of vengeance..
You used the Holocaust to create Israel.. Should you not honour me who have
made your long, vacuous dream of Zion a reality?”.’

Why is anti-Palestinianism, without doubt a form of anti-Semitism, not
‘politically incorrect’? As various commentators for years have been pointing
out, the Palestinians have been made for decades to pay for the Holocaust. Is
this fair or just? Is it logical or even reasonable? Does it matter? Does
anything matter?

Article Source: Die Boerekryger

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