Adolf Hitler 


The Life Of The Leader 


Introduction — By Hermann Goring 

Preface — By Dr. Joseph Gobbels 
The Leader's Travels — By SS-Brigade Leader Julius Schreck 
Farewell From The National Socialist German Workers' Party To Julius Schreck — By Rudolf HeB 

The Leader And The German Folk — By Dr. Otto Dietrich 

The Leader As An Orator — By Dr. Joseph Gobbels 
The Leader In His Private Life — By SS Higher Group Leader Wilhelm Bruckner 

The Leader As A Statesman — By Dr. Joseph Gobbels 

The Leader And The German Worker — By Dr. Robert Ley 

The Leader And The Arts — By Dr. Joseph Gobbels 
The Buildings Of The Leader — By Architect Albert Speer 
Adolf Hitler And His Roads — By Inspector General Doctor Of Engineering Fritz Todt 
Our Hitler: A Radio Broadcast — The German Folk On The Leader's Birthday — By Dr. Joseph Gobbels 

The Leader And The Defence Force — By Lieutenant Colonel Fortsch 
The Leader And German Youth — By Baldur von Schirach, Lead Of The Hitler Youth 






















Introduction — By Hermann Goring 


We are unable. My Leader, to express our thanks in words. We are also unable 
to reveal our loyalty and our affection to you through words. All our gratitude, 
our love and our fervent trust in you. My Leader, can be seen glowing in the 
hundreds of thousands of faces turned towards you today. 

All our Folk, our whole nation, today feel strong and happy because in 
you there has arisen not on The Leader of the nation, but also the saviour of 
the nation. 



The Reich Parliament President before the German Reich Parliament at 
Niirnberg on the 15th of September, 1935. 




1st August, 1914, at the Odeonsplatz, Munchen — Adolf Hitler in the middle of 


the enthusiastic throng greeting the English declaration of war — photographed 


by Heinrich Hoffmann, later to become Adolf Hitler's official photographer. 






Preface — By Dr. Joseph Gobbels 


The idea of propaganda is associated the world over, and even still in Germany 
today, with a host of misconceptions. These misconceptions are so deeply 
rooted, and often linked with prejudices, that they can only be clarified with 
difficulty. Of all people, it is the Germans who, since the Great War, have 
learned a lesson from experience in this respect. In this relatively short period 
of time, propaganda in Germany has proved itself to be a politically powerful 
force of the first order. Today no further proof is needed that the Germany 
under the Kaisers was being undermined by Marxist propaganda, and that the 
Marxist democratic regime was able to be removed because it was opposed by 
a superior new order and power, expounded not only by the National Socialist 
doctrine, but also by National Socialist propaganda. 

Propaganda must also be masterful. It is pointless to direct a few 
resourceful men into this area now and then. As with every great art form, 
there are men who are particularly skilled at propaganda, who usually establish 
a school and then become its teachers. That there is something dishonourable 
or despicable about propaganda is a widespread misconception which should 
be put aside. As in every field of human endeavour, the important thing is what 
is being supported, and what propaganda brings to the practical world. In this 
sense it has nothing to do with publicity. At its best, it lets issues and people 
speak for themselves, and ensures that, if they are of value, then they will also 
be portrayed and elucidated in their full value. 

Good things and great people have their own effect. They must 
therefore be allowed to speak freely for themselves. The most important 
characteristic of particularly successful propaganda is that it neither omits nor 
adds anything which does not belong to the essential nature of the subject. The 
characteristic feature of events and personalities should be brought out clearly, 
distinctively, and simply, stripped bare of confusing details, so that they may 
be readily understood and recognised by the masses whom the propaganda is 
attempting to reach. 

National Socialism and its principal representatives have brought 
along to this art form a natural talent. They have also learnt their trade and 
applied it through hard work, untiring close contact with the Folk, and a 
continual refining of the techniques involved. The Leader himself was the 
greatest master in this process. It is not widely known that, in the early days of 
the Party, he held no other office than that of Head Of Propaganda, and that in 
his brilliant mastery of this office he gave the Party its present intellectual, 
organisational, and political stamp. 

He has also instinctively understood how to speak and deal with his 
Folk, whose child he has always been and will always be. From an early time, 
all the love and immense trust of his followers, and later of the whole of the 
German Nation, has been focused on him. Yet, initially, the masses saw him 
from a distance only as a politician and statesman. His purely humane side 



remained largely in the background. 

Today the whole world recognises him as the initiator of the National 
Socialist doctrine and the creator of the National Socialist State, the pioneer of 
a new European order, and the guide to peace and the welfare of nations. But 
behind this recognition countless millions of people the world over suspect that 
there is a fascinating and compelling personality behind the facade of the man 
Adolf Hitler. Germans and non Germans alike have been captured by the great 
simplicity and simple greatness which this man radiates. He can probably be 
designated as the man who in all the world is most deeply and clearly rooted in 
the feelings and thoughts of our modern time, and is therefore capable as no 
other man to give this time a new shape and direction. 

In order to understand him completely, one must know him not only 
as a politician and a statesman, but also as a human being. It is to this end that 
this book has been written. It is a testimony to his personality, and has been 
compiled with affection and admiration by his closest colleagues and his oldest 
fellow combatants. They have put pen to paper to show the public an intimate 
picture of this great man. They have all know The Leader closely for many 
years, and have learned to admire him anew on a daily basis. This is what 
constitutes the actual worth of this book. 

In this book The Leader is presented in his immediate relationship to 
all the issues of our time. The German Folk will seize this opportunity of seeing 
The Leader at close range, and personally getting to know him more closely. 

It is pleasing to note that the book may be acquired simply and 
without great cost, a fact which will make it accessible to the masses of the 
German readership. May it find a happy and successful path into the German 
Nation! 


Dr. Joseph Gobbels. 














The Leader's Travels -- By SS-Brigade Leader Julius Schreck 



i Jf i 'mt ? r 

The Leader promotes aviation by his example. 


Never before has a leading statesman got to know his country and his Folk as 
thoroughly as has Adolf Hitler. Whether by motor vehicle, aeroplane or train, his travels 
always served his purpose, which was to acquaint himself thoroughly with his Folk. 

Already at the beginning of his Movement he was far sighted in recognising the 
importance of rapid means of transport, particularly the motor vehicle which he used at that 
time despite its still rudimentary state of development. Even today The Leader still prefers the 
motor vehicle because he considers it important to remain in constant contact with his 
national comrades and his old soldiers. 



At the time of the great political struggles for power, it was evident that The Leader 
was far ahead of all his opponents due to the motorisation of his forces. There were not 
always crowds of enthusiastic people around The Leader cheering him on then. In those years 
we experienced many a journey where the going was very tough, and we could only secure 
our way through our presence of mind and through force. 

No alarm signals could stop The Leader from driving into the strongholds of his red 
and black opponents, often right through desolate scattered villages of Bolshevist 
organisations, past protesting marchers. Sometimes our car was totally surrounded by 
thousands of fellow countrymen who had been incited to violence. However, it was our 
experience that, again and again, at the sight of The Leader, these people would suddenly 
drop their raised fists. They would look up and realise that this Hitler looked completely 
different from the one who had always been described to them. How many misled workers at 
that time looked for the first time into the eyes of the man who was supposed to be their 
opponent, only to become immediate and fanatical followers of his Movement? No amount of 
propaganda in the newspapers, and no books alone, could have brought about this miracle. 
And so, three years after his seizure of power, he could say: Where is the statesman who, 
after three years of rule, need not fear to go out among his Folk as I do? 



Trip through a small Franconian town. 



The Leader in Franconia, at the War Memorial in Hiltpolstein (Franconian Switzerland) 


When his work and his official duties permit it, then you will find The Leader not only 
sitting in his office, but driving out into the country amidst his Folk. Sitting in his Mercedes 
again, he will appear sometimes here, sometimes there; one day in the Ruhr, the next in 
Baden, Wiirttemberg, Saxony, East Prussia, at the coast. In brief, there is no district where his 
travels do not take him at least once. At the wheel of the car behind the windscreen, I then 
suddenly hear the amazed and enthusiastic cries: It's Hitler, or: The Leader is here. Often the 
people do not even notice who has just driven through the town. Not until the convoy has 
moved on do they become aware of the three black cars, and then all at once they realise who 
has just driven past. The children are, in the main, the first to recognise The Leader. The 
moment this happens, there is a race with the car, and then in a little while people gather 
around the car, several streets are alerted, and finally we will have to stop a number of times 
so that The Leader can shake hands with enthusiasts, accept flowers offered to him, and at 
times autograph a few cards. 



During a trip through Germany in his first car, his seat was already next to the driver. 


Whoever has been fortunate enough, as I have been, to be constantly by The 
Leader's side and participate in his many journeys, will have thousands of unforgettable 
pictures imprinted in his mind in the course of the years. Such journeys leave you with an 
enormous belief in the German Folk and an immense feeling of warmth. 

Major journeys are undertaken by The Leader only in an open vehicle, which he 
refuses to close even if it rains in the course of an official visit. To the advice of his entourage 
his only response is always: As long as the SA and the other groups have to stand in the rain, 
we can get wet as well. Thousands were witnesses as he inspected, bare headed and dressed 
only in his brown shirt, the marchpast of the SA at the reintegration of the Saar, as he spoke 
to the waiting crowds in pouring rain after a night flight at three o'clock in the morning at the 
election campaigns in Stralsund, or drove in the rain through Holstein to the Adolf Hitler 
Reclamation, with no consideration for himself, because the SA was also standing in the rain. 




Trip through the Harz. Even The Leader can be cheerful 




Rest in the forest 






















On top of the Wartburg. 


Today, after fifteen years, as Chancellor Of The Reich, he has not given up this habit. 
He also determines the route himself, because The Leader loves to use the side streets and 
experience Germany's countryside away from the major highways. 

Before, when The Leader was not as well known as today, it was often easier. Then 
there were times when we could spend the night or have a meal in a small inn. Today it is 
quite different. The news of the arrival of The Leader spreads like wildfire in the villages and 
towns through which we pass. Many people are overjoyed and telephone the next village to 
pass on the news, and then the villagers, who have not yet seen their Leader, will be waiting at 
the entrance of the town to greet Hitler as he arrives. There are then such impressive 
moments that many a time I have wished I were a poet so that I could find the words to 
describe the myriad of minor occurrences with the impact with which I experienced them. 

We arrive in a town. Everyone is there, the old and the young, mothers with young 
children in their arms, clubs and schools. The main street is quickly transformed into a sea of 
flags. The girls in the BDM try to stop the car, but time is pressing and The Leader must be at 
his destination at a certain time because hundreds of thousands in the gathering will be 
waiting for him. Then a large strapping fellow, the blacksmith of the village, suddenly jumps 
onto the bonnet of the car; now The Leader is forced to slow down his trip, and already the car 
is surrounded by the villagers. Everyone wants to shake The Leader's hand. Women with 
children in their arms cannot get close. They hold their children, Germany's future, above the 
heads of the enthusiastic crowds, as if they wanted to say: You belong to him! 




In the German countryside. Hiltpoltstein (Franconian Switzerland) 


The Leader determines the route. 



If one wants to describe great men, one also has to see their smaller traits. One of a 
hundred such episodes comes to mind. It is around ten o'clock at night as The Leader is 
driving towards Wurzburg after a marchpast in Meiningen. Then, in the glow of the headlights, 
we see two SA men marching along. The Leader stops the car. They are asked where they are 
going. To the nearest railway station. My comrade can't walk much further. We still have three 
hours ahead of us. 

Then jump in! They have no idea whose guests they are. We ask them a number of 
trivial questions. Then we ask them if they have already seen The Leader. Yes, today, during 
the marchpast. The car stops, we have reached our destination. The Leader, who is sitting in 
the front, calls to them and presses a sum of money into their hands. Then, in the darkness of 
the night, a small ray of light illuminates The Leader's face. The two SA men are paralysed. 
Wasn't it The Leader who had just spoken to them? Yes, it's him! No words can pass their lips. 
They are overcome by joy. I put my foot on the accelerator and we drive off into the dark night. 
As we turn a curve we see the two of them still standing motionless on the side of the road, 
dumbfounded by what they have just experienced. 








Election trip through Germany. 


The major election campaigns at that time required The Leader to utilise his time to 
the maximum, and so The Leader would often make use of aircraft. This was at a time when air 
traffic was still a cause for apprehension. For weeks on end an aircraft would take him from 
town to town, with no consideration for wind or bad weather. 

Looking back at this time, I experience a slight shudder when I remember the 
numerous flights through storms, fog and dark nights. It says a lot that, at the time when the 
aircraft figured prominently in The Leader's election campaign, the schedule for the take off 
was never changed. Every meeting which had been planned -- and at times there were 4 or 5 in 
various towns in Germany on the one day -- was carried through on time. 

Often The Leader was advised not to go through with a certain flight. However, his 
answer was always: If need be, then I will also fly through a storm. How the opposition would 
have rejoiced at that time if the scheduled flight plan had not been carried out or a planned 
meeting had been cancelled. But Hitler did not do them that favour. 

Of these flights, one in particular has stayed in my memory. This was the flight from 
Furth to Frankfurt. The old Rohrbach, the first machine which The Leader used at that time, 
was anchored with fuel drums. Over the whole of Germany there was a storm the intensity of 
which we rarely experienced. All general air traffic was banned. Only with difficulty could we 
walk upright. Everyone shook their head when The Leader boarded the aircraft. Yet, after a few 
minutes, it was already struggling to take off. Laboriously the aircraft made its way through 
thunderstorms, heavy gusts of rain and snow. Often the aircraft would suddenly plunge and 
the heads of many of the passengers hit the roof, but each time the flight continued 
successfully. Once the plane was forced to make an unscheduled emergency landing long 
before we reached our destination. The meeting in Kiel was to begin at 8 o'clock. At 5 o'clock I 
was informed that The Leader had had to land at Travemunde due to the low clouds, fog and 
severe storms. Immediately the convoy sped off towards Liibeck and near Eutin we were to 
pick up The Leader who was driving towards us in a hire car and bring him to Kiel on time. 

Even if nowadays, due to the pressures of time, The Leader avails himself of train 
travel now and again on his night journeys, his great love is still for the motor vehicle, of 
which he himself once said that it opened up Germany for him. Likewise his love is for his Ju 


52 under the command of Captain SS-Oberfiihrer Baur, who must number among the first 
geniuses of Flight Captains. The most pleasurable thing for The Leader is when, after many 
strenuous weeks, he can once again drive through the German countryside in his car. The 
most pleasurable days for me are then when I can sit behind the wheel and, as once through 
war and deprivation, now drive The Leader through a happy and peaceful country. 



On the Buckeburg for the Harvest Festival of 1934 



The Leader leaves the Landsburg Fortress, 1924. 




Farewell From The National Socialist German Workers' Party To Julius 

Schreck -- By Rudolf HeB 

The National Socialist Movement today takes leave of Julius Schreck. It takes 
leaves of one of its oldest and most faithful members. It takes leave of one of 
its best and most irreplaceable members. It takes leave of one of its most 
modest members, who wanted nothing for himself, who gave everything for 
Germany and for The Leader. 

When it was a question of fighting for Germany, he stood at the front, 
whether it was in the World War or at home. 

Boundless was his admiration and his love for The Leader, untiring 
his concern for The Leader, prudent his care for the protection of The Leader. 

His nature radiated dependability to the last. His presence spread a 
feeling of security among his Party members in times of difficult struggle. 

Unerring was his judgement of people, unequivocal his affection as 
was his aversion. A tough old warhorse with a warm heart. Feared by his 
opponents, loved by all who considered him one of themselves, honoured as a 
fatherly friend by his subordinates. 

He had the good fortune of enjoying the highest trust of his Leader. 
The Movement lowers its flags in a last greeting to Julius Schreck. In doing so, 
it swears to him that his behaviour and his spirit will be an example to the 
young and to generations to come, and that he will thus serve the Movement in 
the many years that lie ahead to the glory of our great National Socialist 
Germany. 





Julius Schreck — died 15.5.1936 






The Leader And The German Folk — By Dr. Otto Dietrich 


The relationship of the German Folk to The Leader is a constant 
source of joyous pride to the Germans themselves, and a cause of amazement 
and surprise for the rest of the world. Nowhere else in the world will you find 
such a fanatical love of millions of people for one man, a love which is not 
excessive, nor ecstatic, but rather the result of an immense and deep trust, a 
supreme confidence, such as children sometimes have for a very good father. 



During a trip through East Prussia, The Leader visited a peasant family. 


Enthusiasm lasts for only a few years; this love from the depths of 
the soul, however, once manifested, is indestructible, and will last for 
centuries. It is like a large, powerful flame, remarkable for its constancy. It is a 
love which has not suddenly flared up or been lit by unexpected and stirring 
events, but one which has grown slowly and insistently. It does not break out 
with wild impetuousness on any one single occasion, but is always there, at 
any time and in the heart of every German, whether it is triggered off by 
something in particular that fills his heart with pride, or whether he gathers 
together with hundreds of thousands of other fellow countrymen to listen to 
The Leader — or whether there is no external reason at all, and it manifests 
itself in a moment of quiet reflection during the course of his daily work. 
Whenever anyone thinks of The Leader, there is always a deep love which rises 
within him and of itself justifies the statement: Hitler is Germany — Germany is 



Hitler. Never before has any man been closer to the heart of every German as 
this man, who himself came from their midst. He did not come from outside, 
but was born in the cradle of the nation, having felt its sorrow and lived its life, 
and if anyone today were to ask the name of the unknown German soldier at 
the Front, then the whole of the German nation would answer: Adolf Hitler. 



On the day of the reintegration of the Saar. 



Enthusiastic crowds in the presence of The Leader in the Port Of Hamburg 



He was the conscience of the nation; from him came the cry of 





suffering and also of defiance of an oppressed Folk; in him the will to live of the 
whole of Germany at the hour of its greatest humiliation became word and 
deed. Adolf Hitler never once uttered a single word than those which the Folk 
thought in the depths of their souls, never once committed an act than those 
which the entire country would have wanted. He was never, is and will never 
be a dictator who imposes his personal opinions and his desire for power on 
the Folk. He is really only a leader, which is the greatest thing that can be said 
of a man. This is why he is so beloved by the Folk, this is why he is so trusted, 
this is why his Folk are so unspeakably happy. For the first time in its history 
the German Folk have become themselves. 



She wants the hand of The Leader. 




Even the peasants believe in The Leader. 


Herein lies the secret of the indestructibility of Adolf Hitler and of his 
work, the assurance of the irrevocability of the path he has adopted, because 
he is no longer the man Adolf Hitler, it is no longer his work, no longer his path, 
but it is the German Folk themselves who express themself through him. In 
him the Germans love themselves, in him they follow their most secret wishes, 
in him their boldest thoughts become reality. Every single person feels this, 
and for that reason Adolf Hitler is a stranger to no one and no one is a stranger 
to The Leader. Workers and peasants, Nobel Prize winners and artists, soldiers 
and dreamers, the happy and the desperate, speak to him, and everyone hears 
his own language, understands and is understood. Everything is done without 
design and in a completely natural way, and no one stands in awe of the great 
man. No one is ordered about, no one is courted, but everyone is called on as 
he was called on by his own conscience, and he can do nothing but follow if he 
does not want to feel guilty and unhappy in his own mind. So what must 
happen happens of its own will, and no Folk on Earth are freer than the German 
Folk. 



The Leader's eyes — Father's eyes. 


Thus the German Folk do not tire of listening to the words of The 
Leader, and if the party conference of the Reich in Niirnberg were to last twice 
as long, the Folk would still stand there on the last day as they did on the first 
and listen. He could drive through Germany continually, the Folk would wait 
day after day beside the road as they did on the first day and cheer him on, 
bringing him their children so that he could gaze at Germany's future. If they 
had to, they would also give him their lives as hundreds of his Party members 
did in the years of fighting. 

There have been emperors and kings, sovereigns and folk heroes, 
upsurgers and men of terror, clever and great rulers at the head of nations, but 
never before has there been a man like The Leader. This is unique and is the 
great fortune which has been given to the German Folk. As long as one does 
not appreciate this, one cannot appreciate anything about the German Folk, 
one cannot understand why their eyes light up, their voices cheer, their arms 
fly up, their hearts beat faster when Adolf Hitler appears before the German 
Folk. And from these external signs which show the constant and mysterious 
attachment between the people and The Leader, Hitler again draws strength 
for new works, just as the Folk draw strength from his sight. 

This is seen particularly when the youth of Germany and The Leader 
come face to face, and whoever has spent some time with The Leader and been 
able to accompany him in these days, weeks and months, will have a store of 
unforgettable pictures. 

Between Stettin and Pasewalk, a distance of at least ten kilometres, 
young Germans had taken up their positions in the middle of the country road 
in the rain and storm, because they had heard from someone somewhere that 
The Leader would pass this way today. Evening was falling, and when The 
Leader's car with its two escort cars roared along the road, far ahead in the 
distance between the trees lining the road, a crowd could be seen. As the cars 
drew nearer a throng of flagwaving children came into view. They were burning 
red, blue and green Bengal matches, and a number of children were standing 
guard before the bulk of the group to indicate by their waving hands that the 
convoy was to stop. Even though time was incredibly short. The Leader still 
gave the order to stop, and at that moment the cars were surrounded by about 
a hundred children who jumped not only onto the running boards but even 
crept onto the radiators and bonnets in an attempt to catch a glimpse of The 
Leader inside the car through the windscreens. 







A photograph of the election campaign in Hessen in 1932. 


After the three cars in the convoy had been thoroughly inspected in 
this way, a particularly resourceful lad finally caught sight of The Leader. He 
screamed at the top of his voice: He's here, everyone over here! — and then 
everything happened. The escort command had to step in because a number of 
boys were even trying to climb onto the swaying canvas hood of the car. The 
Leader of the young Troop, the same young boy who had discovered The 
Leader, held a short speech, young, fresh and carefree, and then everyone 
made way for a young girl dressed in white. The girl curtsied deeply and then 
recited a poem she had composed herself about the joy young people had in 
seeing The Leader. When she finished the child handed Adolf Hitler a small 
basket of rosy red apples. 

Deeply moved. The Leader stroked her blond hair, upon which the 
child suddenly burst into tears of overflowing joy and happiness. Slowly the 
convoy then moved away from the host of children, and for a long time the flag 
waving little figures could be seen through the rear windows of the cars 
bidding their farewells. 

At every rally it is always the children who stand in the front rows. 



The well behaved and unassuming ones stand there just as their teacher or 
Troop Leader has placed them, in straight rows and not moving from their 
spots. The more bold ones among them, however, hang in the trees, sit on 
memorials and the ledges of buildings, or stand like an avenue of living statues 
on top of tall factory walls, perch on flag poles and lantern poles, and, 
wherever The Leader passes, fill the air with their endless cries of joy. The 
favourite places where children await The Leader have always been sharp 
bends in the road. By their clever positioning they render these bends even 
sharper and force the cars to drive as slowly as possible. Better still if one 
comes upon a construction site somewhere on a country road. Here it is quite 
certain that The Leader will only be able to proceed at a very slow pace, and 
the opportunity to capture him will definitely present itself. It then inevitably 
becomes a real effort to extricate oneself from the crowd. When finally a path 
opens up in front of the cars, the children will run from behind the car only to 
block the way again with their joyous cheers. 

Once in a town in the south of Germany, on the evening of a rally for 
The Leader, tens of thousands of Hitler Youth formed a guard of honour in the 
streets. The further the line extended, the tighter the two walls of the guard of 
honour were pushed together, so that, finally, there remained just enough 
room for the car to squeeze through. At first everything went well. Suddenly, 
however, there was much running, pushing and shoving, and while initially the 
torchlight bearers standing in the front row managed to contain the crowd, 
they were suddenly carried along and pushed towards the cars. Their torches 
shone into the insides of the cars, and in their enthusiasm and love, they gave 
The Leader and his entourage a heavy portion of smoke to inhale. It was 
fortunate that they did not set fire to the cars themselves. Only after a quarter 
of an hour did The Leader succeed in extricating himself again from this 
enthusiastic crowd of young people. 

It is amusing to see the seriousness and eagerness with which the 
young people endeavour to photograph The Leader. They stand there with their 
tiny cameras, shaking with nervousness and excitement, their finger on the 
button. From the sight of these cameras you would think that it would only be 
sheer luck if a photo were to succeed. And yet it is just among these snapshots 
that you find a surprisingly large number of good photos. Here also luck seems 
to be on the side of the young people, because, on the other hand, experienced 
amateur photographers often complain that it is impossible for them to seize a 
favourable opportunity in the general excitement and massive crowds of 
people. 




Elections in Frankfurt, 1932. 


On a trip through Upper Silesia, The Leader is greeted and a young 
girl has the honour of presenting him with a bouquet of flowers. She is also 
supposed to say a little poem as she hands him the flowers. She recites the 
first line without faltering, but then loses the thread due to her excitement. 
After looking around helplessly several times, she suddenly takes the flowers 
and, standing on the tips of her toes, she reaches towards The Leader, presses 
the flowers into his hands, and says: Herr Hitler, here you are, I've forgotten 
everything!, whereupon she runs away. 

There is a street. It is closed off, and people are standing closely 
packed together. They are waiting and waiting. Many have been waiting for 
hours. They are waiting for The Leader. They want to see him. Everyone wants 
to see him — men, women, boys and girls. It is like a holiday today, says an old 
woman, and she is right, because The Leader is coming to this little town for 
the first time. 

From the roofs and gables of the houses flags are waving and 
garlands have been stretched above the streets. The whole town has put on its 

festive dress. And then The Leader arrives.A whirlwind seems to rush 

through the crowd. Here and there the orderly rows begin to bulge, the people 
push and jostle each other, arms are raised towards The Leader, laughter and 
sobs are heard, all expressions of the joy and enthusiasm these people have for 
their Leader. The women lift their children onto their arms, and their little arms 
jut out above the heads of the crowds. Their eyes beaming and their lips 
smiling, they add their voices to the enthusiastic Heil Hitlers! of the crowd. 

The women and mothers gaze at The Leader, trust and belief in their 














eyes. They know that it is only him whom they have to thank for the fact that 
their unemployed men have found work again, and can feed their families. Life 
once again has a purpose, and without fear and worrying they can once again 
look towards the future. 

There is a letter which a young girl doing her year's service in the 

country wrote to her parents: .I must start to write another page. I am sure 

that what I am about to write to you now will make you very happy. Can you 
believe it, my dear parents, I have seen The Leader! Just imagine. The Leader!! 


What emotion was conveyed by these four words: Just imagine. The 
Leader! The pride in her experience and the immensity of the love of this child 
of the German Folk for her Leader are astonishing! It is the fulfilment of a wish 
which this child probably never had the courage to harbour. It is a genuine 
present of fate which in the middle of her year of country service afforded her 
the most beautiful thing there is — a meeting with The Leader. Just imagine 
what that means .....! 



A visit to the victims of Reinsdorf. 


And it is like this everywhere, in Bavaria and in East Prussia, in 
Silesia and in the Rhineland. 

On a country road in the Palatinate two men from the Labour Service 
are marching towards the next town. The Labour Service camp lies a long way 





off in the country, and it is a long way to the railway station. But the two men 
are in high spirits and are whistling, because they are going home on holidays 
after months of healthy and strenuous work. They whistle: In the Homeland, in 
the Homeland ..... Just then a line of cars sweeps past the two men. They're 
lucky, one of them says. They'll be there sooner than we will, the other says. 
They're waving! both call out together. And then, in fact, the line of cars comes 
to a halt and waits until the two men, who have begun to run, have caught up. 
Where from? Where to? Climb in! The two men open their eyes wide in 
amazement, because the man stopping in the middle of the country road and 
inviting them to climb in is none other than The Leader. He makes them 
describe for him their lives, and asks to know in great detail what it is like in 
their labour camp. In no time they arrive at the little town. The cars stop. As 
they leave The Leader asks one of the two men: It is about to rain. Don't you 
have a coat with you? 

I have no civilian coat, my Leader. I was unemployed for a long time. 
On hearing this. The Leader takes off his grey travelling coat and hangs it on 
the shoulders of his fellow countryman. And before the latter can utter a work 
of thanks, the line of cars is already speeding away. 

Somewhere a group of young workers in a large factory have lined up 
for roll call. The Leader inspects the rows, and looks deeply into the eyes of 
each of the young men. He turns to one of the young workers: Are you a 
member of the Party? — No! — Are you one of the SA? — No, I belong to the 
workers. — Where were you before? the Leader asks after a short interval. The 
blond young man lowers his head, and then raises it and says, haltingly: I was 
a young Communist, my Leader! He is obviously finding it difficult to speak. All 
eyes are turned towards him. An embarrassing moment. Then The Leader takes 
the young man's hand, presses it, and says, smiling: But today you are all with 
me, my young man. And, blushing deeply, the young man replies: In the name 
of God, you can be sure of that, my Leader! 

In this way, picture is heaped upon picture of the solidarity of every 
individual of the German Folk with Adolf Hitler. 

In Hamburg on the occasion of The Leader's rally on the eve of a 
decisive public opinion poll, a seriously disabled exserviceman pushes his way 
with his son through the safety chains which sealed off the access to The 
Leader's quarters with the words: I want to serenade The Leader. The SS men 
let the man pass, and he took up his position on the street under The Leader's 
window. With trembling fingers he removed his instrument from his grey cloak 
and played a song. The crowd of many thousands maintained a reverent 
silence. Plaintively the tunes of the street musician sought out the ear of The 
Leader. And The Leader heard the music. The Leader had the man come to him, 
spoke with him, and listened to the story of his life. I have been unemployed 
for four years now, the disabled man's concluding words were. My Leader, can't 
you help me find a livelihood again? The Leader waved to one of his Adjutants. 
Two rapid telephone calls ensued, and then The Leader said: Report tomorrow 
to this place. You can start work there immediately. In a flash the news spread 
amongst the waiting crowd. A seemingly unending, stormy ovation roared up to 



The Leader by way of thanks. 


Unforgettable also is the day when The Leader appeared at the 
funeral of the victims of the explosion catastrophe in Reinsdorf. The coffins of 
the fallen work heroes stood in long rows. The flags were flying at half mast, 
decked in dark crepe. The mourners stood by in silence. In one particular area 
the next of kin of the dead men had gathered together. It was a picture of 
boundless sorrow to see the weeping mothers, sisters, brothers and fathers. 
Then The Leader appeared, and the funeral oration began. The suffering of the 
relatives was heartbreaking. The orators and ministers spoke, the Song Of The 
Good Comrade was heard, and the final salutes boomed over the field. Then 
The Leader left his entourage and walked unaccompanied over to the relatives. 
Hundreds of arms reached out towards him seeking comfort, and all those who 
were present will always remember the anguished face of The Leader as he 
now stood in the midst of this deeply sorrowful gathering. Then he began to 
speak to or silently take the hands of the men and women in turn. The circle 
around him grew tighter and tighter. Tears died up and people who had broken 
down in their sorrow straightened up again. Now The Leader took the head of 
an inconsolable old woman who had lost her son in his comforting hands, now 
he helped up with a few kindly words a deathly pale Hitler Youth whose father 
was one of the fallen. So strong was the comfort which The Leader gave to the 
mourners, because they were not alone in their sorrow. When the relatives 
then raised their arms in farewell and thanked Adolf Hitler once again silently. 
The Leader and his Folk were so infinitely close, even in this hour of deepest 
distress. 




Saar Rally on the Ehrenbreitstein in August, 1934. 


The Leader and the German Folk.Once there was a rally in the 

Festival Hall in Frankfurt, and while The Leader was addressing the thousands 
inside, a woman stole her way to his car and placed a tiny bunch of lily of the 
valley — it was mid winter — on the seat in which, in her estimation. The 
Leader would sit after the rally. When the line of cars sped off after the 
conclusion of the gathering, a clear, penetrating voice was heard above the 
roaring cheers: The lily of the valley is from me! 

Hundreds and thousands of such moving and humorous, stirring and 
amusing stories could still be told. All of them, however, say only the one thing, 
namely, that a miracle has occurred, such as happens to a Folk only once in its 
history, that here The Leader and his Folk are one and the same, and that the 
love which binds the Folk with their Leader is so great, so spontaneous, so self 
evident and joyous, that it breaks forth at every minute in renewed form, but 
always with the same intensity. 










The Leader As An Orator — By Dr. Joseph Gobbels 



9th November, 1934, in Miinchen. In front of the Feldherrnhalle Hitler speaks 
to members of the Hitler Youth and the League Of German Girls who have just 

been admitted into the Party. 











There are two types of orators which differ fundamentally and 
essentially: those who speak from the head or the intellect, and those who 
speak from the heart. Accordingly they also turn to two types of people: those 
who listen with their intellect, and those who listen with their heart. Orators of 
the intellect are generally produced by the parliament; orators of the heart are 
born of the Folk. 

For the orator of the intellect, it is imperative that he have at his 
disposal a wealth of statistics and knowledge. If he is to speak effectively, he 
must master dialectics as the pianist masters the keyboard. With the icy 
coldness of a relentlessly developed logic, he orders his chain of thoughts, and 
draws from them his inevitable conclusions. He is effective mainly with people 
who are accustomed to working principally or exclusively with their intellect. 
Great, rousing successes are denied him. He is unable to stir the masses to the 
depths of their souls, nor can he rouse them to achieve great and monumental 
goals. He remains limited to the purely didactic. 





,_'l_I ■ . 


The Leader with Reich Labour Leader Hierl addressing 47000 workers at the 

Reich Party Day in 1935. 


As he himself is cold, so he leaves those around him cold. At best he 
is able to sway people, but he can never rouse the masses and mobilise them, 
regardless of their own advantage or even to the acceptance of death and 
danger. 

It is different with the orator who speaks from the heart. That is not 
to say that he has no control over the skills of which the orator of the intellect 
is the master. Frequently they serve him only as tools which he, as a true 
virtuoso of rhetoric, uses at his discretion. In addition to this, however, he has 
other capabilities which the intellectual orator can never hope to attain: the 
clarity of his diction combines with the seemingly natural simplicity of his train 
of thoughts; he divines instinctively what must be said and how it must be said. 
He unites the greatness of the poetic spectacle with the monumental nature of 
the ideas he expounds. He knows the most secret hopes and aspirations of the 
soul of the masses, and knows how to reveal and stir them as if by a 
masterstroke. His speeches are masterpieces of declamation. In a far reaching 
epic form, he portrays people and circumstances; with a sharp stylus, he 
engraves his theories on the slates of time; with elevated and noble emotion, 
the looming pillars of his philosophy tower over his chain of thoughts. Just as 
his voice speaks from the depths of his being, so does it penetrate deep into 


the listener's being. It causes the most secret strings of the human soul to 
resound. It stirs the indolent and the lazy, it rouses the halfhearted and the 
doubtful; cowards it turns into men, and weaklings into heroes. 

Such words are only rarely heard by history. However, once they 
penetrate a lethargic period with their omnipotence, then people and 
circumstances are orientated anew by them. 

These rhetoric geniuses are the drum beaters of destiny. They begin 
as loners in degenerate and crumbling periods of history, and suddenly and 
unexpectedly stand in the middle of the brightest spotlights of a new evolution. 
These are orators who shape the history of a Folk. 

Like every great man, the orator of renown also has his own style. He 
can only speak as he is. His words are an integral part of him. Whether on an 
appeal, on a poster, in a letter, or in an essay, during an address or during a 
speech, he speaks the language which corresponds to his nature and his 
manner. 


There are numerous examples in history which demonstrate perfectly 
that eminent orators resemble each other only in greatness of their desired 
effect. The manner of their call to the Folk and their appeal to the hearts, on 
the other hand, is always essentially different and varies according to the time, 
the nation, and the character of the era. Caesar spoke differently to his legions 
than Frederick The Great to his infantrymen, and Napoleon spoke differently to 
his guards than Bismarck to the representatives of the Prussian State 
Parliament. And yet each of them used the language which the people they 
were dealing with understood, and used words and thoughts which kindled 
enthusiasm in their minds and met with a response in their hearts. They gave a 
concrete expression to the deepest and most puzzling demon of their time, and, 
in so doing, have been handed down in history as the harbingers of the great 
ideas of the time who made history and formed the lives of Folk. 

It also seems as if different races vary in their disposition to the 
powers of oratory, as if there are people whose talents are not suited to this 
rousing art, and then again others who seem almost destined for it. It is not in 
vain that one speaks of a Latin eloquence. The plentitude of indifferent and 
important talents, as far as rhetoric is concerned, in the Romans gives this a 
certain justification. And it is also probably true to add that these talents for 
rhetoric were directed at a public which understood it, fostered it, and gave 
orators the greatest possible opportunities to exercise their talents. 











The Leader reviews the Motorised Troops. 



Adolf Hitler in the Landsberg Fortress. 



The Leader in the election campaign for Germany's freedom. March, 1936. 


As far as oratory is concerned, the German Folk have not been served 
well in the past. They have brought forth in abundance statesmen and soldiers, 
musicians and poets, architects and engineers, expert planners and organisers. 
But there has always been a shortage of great rhetoric talents. Since Fichte 
addressed the German Nation with his classical speeches, there has been no 
one who stirred the hearts of the Folk, until Bismarck's call to his time. When 
Bismarck left the rostrum, it remained empty of real talent, until a new 
harbinger of the Folk's suffering arouse out of the collapse after the Great War. 
What existed between these times was at best mediocre, sufficing the daily 
business of Parliament and sittings of the board, but meeting only with an icy 
reserve as far as the Folk, who should have been deeply roused, were 
concerned. 

This may have been a product of the times themselves. There were no 
great ideas and no idealistic projects; times were barren and sated. The only 
illusory revolt at the time, Marxism, was secretly aligned to the time, and its 
supporters were representatives of materialism, which has never ignited the 
spark of true geniuses. 

Revolutions, however, give birth to true orators, and true orators give 
rise to revolutions. In the course of a revolution, one must not overestimate 
the written or printed word; it is the spoken word which arouses the hearts and 
minds of people with the secret magic of its immediate effect. People perceive 
with their eyes and ears, and the infectious force of the masses who are 
gripped by the sound of the human voice carries along irresistibly in its spell 
those who are still wavering and doubting. 

Where would the statesman of genius, who has sown the seeds of a 
higher and unfathomable destiny, be if he did not have at his disposal the 
strength of speech and the explosive power of words! It gives him the 
possibility to make ideas from ideals, and reality from ideas. With its help he 



gathers around his flag people who are prepared to fight for it; driven by it, 
men risk their lives and livelihood to lead a new world to victory. From the 
propaganda of the word, organisations are formed, from the organisation the 
movement develops, and the movement conquers the State. It is not a question 
of whether the ideas are correct; what is crucial is that they are correctly 
presented to the masses, and that the masses themselves become their 
propagators. Theories will always remain theories if men do not carry them 
out. In times of turmoil, however, men obey only one appeal which ignites in 
their hearts, because it comes from the heart. 



The Leader opens the Reich Party Day Of Freedom (1935) in the historic Town 

Hall auditorium in Niirnberg. 


It is difficult to classify The Leader in this series. His skill in moulding 
the masses is so amazing and unique that no pattern or dogma can be 
superimposed upon it. It would be absurd to think that he had ever attended a 
school for oratory or speech; he is a genius of rhetoric. His rhetoric is unique to 
him, and has never been influenced by anyone else. One could never imagine 
that The Leader had ever spoken differently than he now speaks, or that he will 
ever speak differently. He says what comes from his heart, and his words 
therefore go straight to the heart of his listeners. He possesses the remarkable 
gift of instinctively sensing what is in the air. He has the ability of expressing it 



so clearly, logically, and unreservedly, that the listener comes to believe that 
what is being expounded has always been his own opinion. This is the actual 
secret of the magical effect of a Hitler speech. For The Leader is neither 
exclusively a speaker from the intellect nor from the heart. He speaks from 
both according to the demands of the hour at hand. The essential 
characteristics of his speeches to the Folk are: clarity of structure, a 
relentlessly logical development of his chain of thoughts, simplicity and general 
intelligibility of expression, razor sharp dialectics, a marked and never 
deceptive instinct for the masses and their feelings, a fascinating emotionalism 
which is used with the utmost economy, and the power of being able to appeal 
to the soul and generating an immediate response. 



The orator 







in front of the Youth 






Reich Party Day 1935 


Once, many years ago, when The Leader was still a long way from 
power, he spoke to a gathering which consisted largely of political opponents. 
In the beginning he was therefore met with only icy rejection. In a two hour 
match with the unruliness of his audience, he lay aside all their objections and 
arguments. In the end he was speaking to a sea of people shouting to the 
furthermost row: Hitler is our Columbus! 

This summarises the essence of Hitler's speech. Hitler had managed 
to inspire the Folk. The times and the longings of the Folk were confused and 
secretive, but he had clarified them and wrested from them their secrets. He 
showed them again to his listeners clearly and simply, in such a way as the 
man on the street had long perceived them, but had never before had the 
courage to express them. Hitler said what everyone thought and felt! More than 
that: he had the courage of his convictions against the opposition of almost 
everyone present to draw a moral and to make demands with an iron logic 
which arose from the needs of the time. 



The Leader is the first person in the evolution of Germany who used 
language as a tool to fashion history. When he started, he had nothing else. He 
began with only the strength of his mighty heart and the power of his mere 
words. With both he reached deeply into the souls of the Folk. He did not 
recognise the needs and worries which oppressed the little man and speak 
about them; but for him they were only a mere depiction; he was not a 
tendentious describer of the existing conditions like the others. He situated the 
difficulties of the day in their general national sense, and gave them a meaning 
which reached further than the actual day. He appealed not to the bad, but to 
the good instincts of the masses. His speech was a magnet which drew the 
blood and iron that still existed in the Folk to it. 

Stupid and arrogant bourgeois blockheads delighted for some time in 
saying that he was only beating his own drum. They were making fun of 
themselves, and did not know why. Because they themselves were so 
completely lacking in the power of oratory, they saw in it a lesser form of 
statesmanship. They were only after power, without fully understanding that 
Marxism had taken the power from them by force, and would only ever return it 
to them by force. They formed conventions in which a Folk's movement was 
forced to march up. They tried their hand at coups where a revolution was in 
the air. They displayed contempt for the masses because they were unable to 
control the masses. For the masses surrender only to a man who can take them 
under his inexorable command. They obey only when someone understands 
how to give them orders. Their instincts are too acute not to be able to 
distinguish whether something is really meant, or merely said. 

This is perhaps the classic proof of the inner purity of the German 
Folk. They lent their ear to the appeal of a man who had only himself and his 
words to challenge the State and the society, the press and public opinion, and 
all that seemed sensible and useful. And this is also, on the other hand, the 
classic proof of the rhetoric genius of The Leader which towers above all times. 
His word alone caused a whole era to totter, a seemingly established State to 
collapse, and a new era to dawn. 




Courtyard of Braunschweig Castle, 1931. 



Braunschweig, 1931. 








Germany's youth. 



Flowers for The Leader. 


A historical orator who triggers off such an effect must have at his 
disposal all the possibilities of the spoken word. And such is the case with The 
Leader. He speaks to workers just as naturally and supremely well as he does 
to scientists. His words penetrate just as deeply into the hearts of the farmers 
as the city dwellers. When he speaks with children, they feel deeply touched by 
his words. When he speaks with men, the magic of his voice stirs their most 
secret feelings. His speeches are the philosophy of history translated into the 



language of the Folk. He has the gift of calling forth long forgotten great 
historical epochs from the past and presenting them in such a way that they 
seem well known even to those who had never known them or heard about 
them. His speeches are totally devoid of the provocative tone of oneupmanship 
which usually characterises the so called speeches of scholarly men. 

Again and again his words revolve around the central thought of the 
Folk and developing nation of our race. His wording to express this is without 
measure. The listener never has the feeling that he has heard it all before. The 
people are continually impressed anew and in ever changing ways with the 
great and fundamental thought of our national rebirth. At the same time this 
type of rhetoric is devoid of anything doctrinaire. If a fact sounds initially like 
an assertion, it is inevitably verified in the course of his explanation by an 
inexhaustible abundance of examples. These examples are not taken from one 
particular section of the population and society, with the result that other 
sections remain unconvinced of their power of proof. They all come from the 
knowledge that this speaker, contrary to all the parliamentary charlatans, 
believes what he says. 

In his speeches the mundane side of life comes alive and holds the 
listener captive. Here the sufferings of the day are tackled not only with the 
heavy handed tools of philosophy, but with wit and the sting of irony. Here 
humour manifests both tears and laughter and celebrates its triumphs. Here a 
note is struck which also resounds through the sorrows and worries of 
everyday life. 

An unmistakable sign that a speech meets the highest standards is 
the fact that it not only sounds good, but also reads well. The speeches of The 
Leader are stylistic masterpieces, whether they be totally impromptu, or 
developed along the lines of a few brief keywords, or read from carefully 
formulated notes on the occasion of an important international gathering. 

Those not in his immediate vicinity can scarcely distinguish whether the 
written speech is being made freely, or whether the speech being made freely 
is the result of a carefully worded written speech, because both are polished 
speeches in the best sense of the word. This picture would not be complete it if 
were not mentioned that The Leader is an outstanding creator and master of 
public debate. The last time a large section of the general public had the 
opportunity of seeing him as such was during his clash with the Social 
Democrats at the Reich Parliament of 1933, when he responded to a clumsy 
and insolent complaint made by Weis, a member of the Reich Parliament at the 
time. People had the feeling that a game of cat and mouse was taking place. 
Marxism was driven from one corner to another, and where it hoped for mercy, 
it was met only with annihilation. With an almost breathtaking precision, his 
rhetorical lashes pelted Weis. Without the aid of a script or any hastily 
sketched keywords. The Leader held his great, long awaited reckoning with 
those Social Democrats who were old hands in Parliament and who now 
received the coup de grace. How often before had he pushed them into a corner 
in his meeting whenever they dared to approach him. 


At that time they still had the opportunity of falsely reporting 



humiliating defeat as triumphant victories in their newspapers. Now, before the 
eyes of all the Folk, they succumbed to his power and were threatened with 
complete defeat. 

All those judges and public prosecutors who had wanted to take 
Hitler for a ride, when he appeared as a witness or a defendant, with their 
seemingly naive and harmless questions or stupid and dull comments, have a 
tale or two to tell about this relentless, rhetoric mind on the offensive. A 
triumphant victory for the defendants arose from the People's Court Trial of 
1924 which was supposed to resolve judicially the uprising of the 8th and 9th 
of November 1923, because The Leader countered the mountains of lies, malice 
and lack of understanding with the radiant strength of his open truthfulness 
and the compelling effect of his forceful eloquence. And it is not without regret 
that the Republic took note of the Army Trial in Leipzig in 1930, which was 
supposed to destroy The Leader and his Movement, but which in reality served 
as a springboard for his rhetorical effectiveness which spread into the rest of 
the world. One can only recall with horror the fact that a Jewish Communist 
lawyer could once call him as a witness before a Berlin court and bombard him 
with questions for nine hours without a break, and note with proud satisfaction 
that here Jewish Bolshevism was opposed by a man who relentlessly cut him 
short with the power of his oratory and did not desist until he lay overwhelmed 
on the floor. 

We saw and experienced The Leader as an orator in the Party Day Of 
Freedom in 1935. He spoke to the masses fifteen times in the space of seven 
days. In doing so, not once did he repeat the same thought or use the same 
turns of phrase. Each time what he said sounded fresh, young, vital and 
insistent. He spoke differently to the office workers than to the SA and the SS, 
and he spoke differently to the youth than he did to the women. He, who in his 
great talk on culture, bared the most secret secrets of artistic creation, 
addressed himself in his speech to the Army to the last soldier in the last 
Batallion, and was understood by him. He has cast an arc under which the life 
of the whole German Folk takes place. He has become a messenger of the 
word, who approaches his manifold existence with the divine grace of 
language. 


The Leader is at his very best as an orator when he speaks in a very 
small circle. Here he continually addresses himself to every single one of his 
listeners. This gives his talk the impression of a moving stream which 
continues without a moment's rest, and arouses in the listener the sort of 
interest which never wanes, because the listener continually feels he is being 
personally spoken to. It may be that he is speaking on a topic that has been 
raised purely by chance and to which he lends an expertise which strikes 
everyone and causes the specialist to marvel at his knowledge, or it may be 
that an everyday matter is mentioned incidentally by someone and is suddenly 
bestowed with fundamental universality. 




The Leader speaks to the German Folk. 


Here The Leader touches on the heart of matters more intimately and 
in greater detail than his public speeches permit, in order to lay it bare with a 
relentless logic. Only someone who has heard him speaking face to face like 
this can grasp the immensity of his rhetoric genius. 

Of his speeches to his Folk and to the world, one can in fact say that 
they are words which strike an audience such as history has never before seen. 
They are also words which ignite in the heart and which continue to have a 
lasting effect on the formation of a new international epoch. There is probably 
scarcely one man today in the whole of the civilised world who has not once 
heard the sound of his voice, whether he understood his words or not, and in 
whose heart of hearts the magic of his voice has not met with a response. Our 
Folk can consider themselves lucky to know that there is a voice above them to 
which the world listens, a voice which is blessed with the ability of turning 
words into thoughts, and setting an era into motion with these thoughts. This 
man belongs to those people who have the courage of saying yes and no 
without subsequently modifying what they have said by an if or a but. In a 
situation where, in every country of the world, millions and millions of people 
have been hit by bitter suffering, grave afflictions, and terrible sorrow, in which 
there is hardly one star in the dark clouds that hang over the skies of Europe, 
in which people are filled and driven by dulled longings which they lack the gift 
and grace of expressing, he stands over Germany as one amongst the 
uncounted millions silent in their torture to whom God has given the ability to 
say what we suffer! 



Dr Gobbels. 


The Leader In His Private Life — By SS Higher Group Leader Wilhelm Bruckner 



A walk on the Obersalzberg. 


It goes without saying that a man who is as entrenched in his 
political work as The Leader must sacrifice his private life to his work. And if 
ever he wants to free himself from the pressures of his official duties, the 
problems associated with politics nevertheless follow him to the furthest 
corners of the German Homeland, whether it be a small, quiet village in the 
dunes near the Baltic Sea, or Wachenfeld House on the Obersalzberg. They 
pursue him not only in the form of telephone calls and telegrams, letters and 
files. He can never banish from his heart the constant political work, his 



concern for Germany. It is with this concern uppermost in his mind that The 
Leader goes to bed late at night and awakes early in the morning. He is 
pursued by the difficulties concerning foreign affairs, the necessities of the new 
employment onslaught, difficulties in the domain of financial policy, necessities 
of assuring the wellbeing of the German Folk, problems of youth education, 
questions about German culture, decisions within the framework of the 
restoration of German military security, and so it goes unendingly. There is 
scarcely a conversation which does not lead immediately to the central political 
issues, scarcely an experience which does not at once recall important 
decisions. After all, everything in Germany begins with this man and ends with 
him. And if he seems to be relaxing for a few days in total seclusion, then he is 
probably only preparing himself for new and weighty decisions to be met, or for 
a new intensive work output. Indeed, even in his aeroplane he is met by radio 
telegrams from his Reich Leaders and Ministers. 

Thus the private life of The Leader is merged with his public life and 
his work for Germany. If one wants to talk about his private life, all that can 
actually be said is that it consists of transferring his political work from the 
offices of the Chancellery to less official rooms. 





He is allowed to look through the telescope. 



In an aeroplane. 




A comrade from the Front visits The Leader. 


Despite all this he finds time to concern himself with all aspects of art 
and science. His favourite relaxation after a stressful day's work is to listen to 
an opera or a symphony concert. Only then is he completely removed from the 
pressing issues of the day, and many a great creative thought has arisen from 
his absorption in the powerful realm of music. 

Even in the rooms of his official residence in the Chancellery, The 
Leader welcomes from time to time leading German artists who bring him the 
best creations of our time. On many occasions, after the artistic performances, 
the conversations about music and drama, poetry and novels, architecture and 
philosophy, continue on until late at night. There are few people who have not 
left his house stimulated and inspired after such an evening. 







■ - 













An encounter on the Obersalzberg. 


Besides music, the theatre and architecture. The Leader is 
particularly interested in film, as it is the most recent branch of creative art. 
Film equipment in the Great Hall of the Chancellery enables The Leader to see 
what is being produced by Germany and the rest of the world, between the 
pressing issues of the day. From his own knowledge of matters. The Leader has 
also stimulated many film producers in their work. 

Often The Leader invites to lunch visitors who have come to him for 
official talks, so that he can find the time to discuss with them in greater detail 
any issue which has come to his notice in the course of the talk. Thus there will 
frequently be at his luncheon table people from the most diverse work and 
interest groups. Officers and scientists, men from the world of business and the 
world of art, senior Party officials and old fighting companions from the War 
and the early days of the Movement. These people receive new information and 
inspiration not only from The Leader, but also from each other, in the course of 
their conversation. 












The Leader likes to use his weekends to see for himself the morale of 
the Folk, and to inform himself about the progress in the reconstruction work, 
without taking part in an official tour. Then he drives throughout the Districts 
of Germany in the car he had come to love in the Time Of The Struggle, and at 
almost every spot some memory from the time of his rise to power comes alive. 
For his entourage it is always a renewing and deeply moving experience to 
witness the incredible love of the Folk with which The Leader is met on such 
journeys. 


There are a number of places in Germany to which The Leader 
particularly likes to return for a short break. Above all, there is the house on 
the Obersalzberg which is known to all Germans, and which is so closely linked 
with the history of the Movement. On the Baltic Sea and the North Sea there 
are also a few places hidden among the dunes to which The Leader likes to go 
for a short rest, or to engage in important discussions. 











Off duty. 





Stew, also served for the Chancellor Of The Reich. 










A little visitor to The Leader on the Obersalzberg. 



On the G'schwandner Aim, near Garnisch. 





The Leader, during a summer vacation, in front of the Fruckerlehen near 
Berchtesgaden, where Dietrich Eckart lived for some time in 1923. 


Walks through the beech forests at sunset on the shores of a lake 
have often offered him a measure of relaxation, and at the same time resulted 
in important political decisions. In the course of such walks, children approach 
The Leader freely, reach out to take his hand, chat with him, and relate to him 
all their minor experiences which are nevertheless so important to them. 

Then it may happen that The Leader takes time off from his most 
important discourses to devote himself entirely to the joys and sufferings of 
such a child. 

In the larger seaports. Navy personnel gather around The Leader, and 
their accounts from the War, reports of submarine forays, and the battles at 
Skagerrak enliven a short, relaxing evening. It is exactly like this in the small 
garrisons in the country where The Leader often speaks in an exciting and 
impressive manner about his wartime experiences on the Western Front. 

Often when he is travelling. The Leader will stop at a particularly 
charming spot in the country for a picnic, whether it be on a bright sunny day 
in summer or a beautiful, warm moonlit night. It then often happens that fruit 
pickers and wood gatherers suddenly pass by and stop in amazement when 
they realise that it is The Leader they see here in a glade peeling an apple or 
eating a few sandwiches. He then waves to the hesitant onlookers, and invites 
them to share in his meal. 

Many people wonder why The Leader has chosen the Obersalzberg of 
all places for his home. However, anyone who has ever stood up there realises 
that there is probably no other place in Germany which, despite the mountains 
all around, offers such a far reaching and unimpeded view of the beauty of the 
world. In a gap in the mountains to the north, at the foot of the Gaisberg, there 
nestles the old diocesan town of Salzburg. On days when the Alpine Wind is 
blowing, the castle and the little town can be seen with the naked eye. With the 
aid of a telescope, all the details of the buildings can be seen even without the 
Alpine Wind which brings everything closer. To the left of the Obersalzberg 


there looms the massif of the Untersberg, whose changing colours evoke a 
different atmosphere every day. Still further to the left the eye then wanders 
over to the Watzmann and the giant mountains which surround it, and which 
finally appear to move closer in a wide arc and culminate in the Hoher Goll 
behind the Obersalzberg. 



Evening on the Obersalzberg. 



Four sturdy brothers. 




One of the faithful. 



The joy of motherhood. 





My Leader, may I present my grandchild. 


No day is like another here. At times the mists build up in the 
morning and stage a desperate battle with the sun high above them until they 
are defeated and forced to rise from the valleys, only to float as light white 
clouds against the azure sky around noon. At other times the day commences 
bright and sunny, and every last detail of the landscape stands out sharply and 
clearly to the onlookers. The Alpine Wind descends warmly from the heights 
and fills the surrounding valleys with its mild, yearning atmosphere. At yet 
other times, rain and snowstorms lash the mountains, and the wind roars 
around the small, modest country house. 






Hitler visits the townspeople. 


Here, amidst the magnificence of nature, which is a symbol of the 
human condition. The Leader resides when he is preparing his great speeches, 
which have given a new impetus or a new direction not only to events in 
Germany, but also to the political happenings in the world. Here the crucial 
discussions take place before the laws and statutes which will decisively affect 
centuries to come take shape. 

A German American of the Steuben Society grasped the meaning of 
this little country house during a visit to his old Homeland, and later expressed 
the following words: We Germans from America didn't recognise the new 
Germany. We knew only the old Germany and saw it again in the new country, 
when we visited the palaces and castles from times gone by. But now we have 
come to know this house, and in it we experience an obvious example of the 
contrast of the Germany created by Adolf Hitler to the old Germany. We also 
know now from what inexhaustible well he draws the material for his 
speeches. 



The Leader in front of his country house on the Obersalzberg. 



The Leader speaks to a wounded soldier. 





Old comrades. 


And it is true that here, far from the confusing bustle of everyday life, 
and guided by the indestructible splendour of the landscape, his searching 
mind finds the right paths for his Folk and the Fatherland. But The Leader 
cannot enjoy the magnificent beauty of nature like a holiday maker who has 
left behind all his business cares. The moment he arrives on the Obersalzberg, 
he is met with an imposing number of letters and files, telegrams and 
telephone calls, and with each mail delivery, new piles of work arrive. Almost 
daily his Ministers and Reich Leaders telephone to ascertain The Leader's 
opinion on some important and pressing matter. Often they arrive in person at 
Berchtesgaden to talk with The Leader during his short period of relaxation. 
Issues concerning Party matters, which had had to be postponed due to 
important political decisions in Berlin, are settled here, and many books of 
aesthetic and political literature, of domestic or foreign origin, which were 
waiting in vain to be read in the Chancellery, are studied by The Leader here in 
peace. His entourage has long since gone to sleep. There is a magnificent and 
deep stillness, and The Leader reads — these are his most enjoyable hours. On 
the following morning, however, the telephone exchange reports dozens of 
appointments which have come in, files lie open expectant before him, and the 
mail mounts up. Indeed, this is the way it is: When The Leader is on the 
Obersalzberg for the purpose of relaxation, the post office and the exchange in 
Berchtesgaden have their busiest time. And even The Leader's entourage have 
more than their fair share of work, because thoughts arrive thick and fast, and 
decisions are made in rapid succession. 

Before the communal breakfast. The Leader has already read the 
newspapers. He works through the papers himself rather than being presented 
with prepared excerpts. Then his Adjutants, Press Secretary and the remaining 
men from his entourage report briefly on what lies ahead for the day. Then 
everyone sits down for breakfast, and immediately afterwards he takes care of 
his appointments — visitors, Reich Leaders, Ministers, close coworkers, and 
Party members. In the meantime the mail is prepared and then presented to 
The Leader, who sketches out brief answers or dictates them at once himself. 
And so the morning passes rapidly. 



Welcome guests on the Obersalzberg are always his old comrades in 
arms: Party Comrade Goring, Party Comrade Dr. Gobbels, the Reich Treasurer 
Schwarz, the Minister Adolf Wagner, and also the Reich War Minister and many 
others. 


The busy morning is usually followed by a brief, or not so brief, 
midday walk, or a trip to the surrounding area. The Leader takes particular 
delight in hiking, summer and winter, to the Goll-Hausl, where once Dietrich 
Eckart lived, until death tore him from The Leader's side. 



By the Obersee near Berchtesgaden. 



In the summer holidays on the Obersalzberg. 


If the time is insufficient for an extended walk, and work must be 
continued straight after lunch, then at least one brief hour will often be found 
during the afternoon coffee break to walk over to the little mountain inn on the 
Hochlenzer, or to visit the house of Prime Minister Goring, if its host is present. 
Then Party Comrade Goring likes to extend an invitation to an archery contest, 
of which he is a master. 

Often, however. The Leader has only a few brief moments in the day 
which he then spends in the garden of his house with his devoted Alsatian 
dogs, or lost in thought in winter watching the birds sitting at the many feeding 
troughs and enjoying the seeds The Leader has spread out for them in the 
morning. There is only one unshakeable daily occurrence. Every day hundreds 
and thousands of Party Comrades gather below on the drive to see The Leader 
at the midday hour. The Leader, who knows full well that they have all come to 
Berchtesgaden not only to see him, but to express to him the love of all the 
Folk, will allow nothing to deter him from granting their most ardent wish. Each 
time it is once again a most startling picture to see the joy which breaks forth 
when The Leader walks down amongst them. Manual workers and professional 
workers alike have gathered here from all over Germany, and every day it is 
like another pilgrimage. Every one of them, the old and the young, walk past 
The Leader. Their eyes light up, their hands rise in greeting, and many of them 
are so seized by emotion that they have tears in their eyes. From the rows of 
people walking past can be heard cries which announce from which part of 
Germany they have come: from East Prussia, from Schleswig, from Oldenburg, 
from Saxony, from Hamburg, and so forth. Young Cubs and League Of German 
Girls cannot be held back by the cordons. Quick as a flash, they rush up to The 
Leader, hand him their carefully prepared flowers, and are overjoyed when The 
Leader exchanges a few words with them. They are even more overjoyed when 
he invites a few of them to lunch or to afternoon coffee. 

At mealtimes all his guests and coworkers sit harmoniously together, 
and often joyous laughter resounds through the room. These few moments are 






spent in a relaxed and peaceful manner. Frequently architects and artists visit 
and present their new plans to The Leader. The Leader takes pleasure in all 
aspects of the reconstruction of culture, and discusses at length the plans 
brought to him. Dr. Todt, the Inspector General For The Reich Autobahns, will 
also always receive The Leader's full attention for his plans and photographs. 
The Leader's old comrades in arms from the time of the World War are also 
always welcome guests on the Obersalzberg. 

If at times it seems that the work on the Obersalzberg will never 
come to an end. The Leader will then take a short, bracing walk to give him 
new vigour, and it is immaterial to him whether the hot summer sun is beating 
down, or crisp snow is covering the mountains, or rain is pelting down, or mists 
are obscuring the visibility. These walks are not always sheer pleasure for his 
entourage, who, in the cities, have grown out of the habit of mountain 
climbing. The Leader walks very quickly, and even fit people often find it 
difficult to keep pace with him. Consequently many Adjutants often have 
problems keeping up the tempo. While they are already exhausted and out of 
breath. The Leader continues briskly and effortlessly. 

These days of relaxation are short, and most of the time they are 
shortened even further by unexpected events. But what is certain is that 
nowhere does The Leader find a lifestyle so suited to him as in the few days 
which he spends here on the mountain. 

Just as in the course of thousands of years the mountains remain 
eternal, so will the work The Leader has begun here live on eternally in his Folk 
for thousands of years to come. 



The Leader As A Statesman -- By Dr. Joseph Gobbels 



New Year's Reception for the Diplomatic Corps, 1934. 


All human greatness has its origin in the blood. Instinct is its guide, 
and intuition its great saving grace. Intellect only ever contributes partially to 
the works of true genius; it is more concerned with checking the direction and 
meaning of these works, and revealing them later to the eye of the beholder. 
These laws apply above all to art, the highest and most noble activity of men, 
which brings men closer to their divine origin. They apply in the same way to 
the domain of great politics, which not in vain we call statesmanship, because 
such politics is in fact an art, as it has all the essential characteristics of artistic 
creation. The sculptor puts his hammer and chisel to the cumbersome stone to 
imbue it with divine breath: the raw marble becomes an artistic form. The 
painter uses the raw material of colour to recreate the noble picture of nature 
and reproduce it, as it were, a second time. The poet arranges the words of a 
basically formless language into a poem, a play, or an epic portrayal, in which 
he depicts the human passions of good and evil. 

The statesman has the raw material of the masses at his disposal. 
With the strength of his word and his work, he moulds them into a living and 
breathing body of Folk; his brilliant plans show the Folk the goal of the nation. 
They are all created from the brilliant display which finally is an inspiration 
whose instrument the true artist considers himself to be. In addition, there 
exists in all these domains the craftsmen, who also must have their place, and 
whose duties and responsibilities are sharply delineated. They learn their work 
diligently and industriously, and, if they belong to the better men in their 






occupation, acquire a wide and worthwhile knowledge of their craft, which they 
know how to use when required; but what they do remains an occupation and 
not a vocation. They are the talented in any artistic activity. The real artist, 
however, is a genius. 

Herein lies the difference between talent and genius; talent creates 
from experience, from knowledge, and perhaps also from the imagination and 
the intellect; genius, on the other hand, from divine grace. Geniuses turn 
worlds upside down and erect new worlds. They are the great guides of Folks; 
the times align themselves to geniuses. They set the course history takes. 

The saying that there is a child hidden inside every man applies 
particularly to the genius, because the genius acts from a childlike 
inhibitedness, and approaches things with the confident lack of self awareness 
with which children usually act. 

The brilliant statesman dares the impossible to make what is possible 
possible. His actual strength lies in the simplification of seemingly 
irreconcilable differences. Before the average intellect has even seen or 
recognised the tasks waiting to be solved, the great leader has already come to 
grips with their solution. 



Adolf Hitler, 2nd August, 1914, in Munchen. 





Visit to the Chancellery of the Reich (Prime Minister Gombos). 


The problem urgently facing us Germans after the Great War 
consisted of shaping a uniformly thinking, feeling and acting Nation from the 
conglomeration of States, Parties, Organisations and individuals. This problem 
did not initially come to light in the War; but the fact that it had not been 
solved finally cost us the War. For many centuries Germany had been excluded 
from world politics because of its internal disunity. We Germans have indulged 
our inner differences of opinion, whether they were of a religious, economic or 
social nature, and suffered terribly accordingly, while other nations, who 
recognised sooner than we did their destiny in world politics, began to take 
over the world. 

But it was not until the Great War that the continued impossibility of 
this situation was made clear. And yet, without learning from this terrible 
lesson, Germans did exactly the opposite of what history required of them. 
Never had particularism of every kind raged in Germany as in the time when 
we needed to rely most strongly on our internal unity. 

In the years after the War it seemed at times as if Germany were 
finally about to leave the great interplay of world powers and withdraw into 
provincial isolation. All the prerequisites for standardising the overall national 











mode of thinking were lacking; indeed, the so called Weimar Constitution at the 
time, whose slurping beneficiaries were the parliamentary parties, represented 
to a certain extent the perpetuation of this internal disunity. The Government 
withdrew itself from this task, turning its vigilance more within Germany rather 
than outside Germany. Its goal consisted of preserving and conserving the 
small remainder of internal freedom of movement and external sovereignty 
which had been left to us. 

For a brilliant statesman who appeared at this time, the first and 
most difficult test therefore consisted of recognising the fact that, within the 
Government itself, the restitution of the international standing of Germany was 
hopeless from the start, and as a result should not even be attempted. Because 
the Government itself has surrendered this international standing by signing 
the Versailles Treaty, and had even gone a step further by jealously watching 
over the preservation of this document, and considering any national 
movement against it as an attack on its own existence and punishing it 
accordingly. 

The true statesman could therefore at that time not be found in the 
parties or the Government, but outside the Government. This Government had 
to fall to make possible the process of the moral, social and economic 
restitution of the German Folk and, associated with this, the consolidation of a 
true Government which would reflect his ideals. In the fight against the 
Government, it therefore became a question of forming a Government within 
the Government in which all the laws could then be put to the test as far as the 
practical and organisational side of things were concerned. These laws would 
then later become the fundamental laws of the new Government. The issue was 
not simply replacing the Weimar theory with a new theory, however well 
thought out and well meant it was. An association of men had to be gathered 
around the new theory to give this theory life, colour, and real substance. The 
idea against the Weimar non Government had at its centre the necessity of a 
Government, even in opposition, in the non Government, and of a Folk within 
the Folk who would embrace it. Only according to these principles could the 
process of the regeneration of the German Nation be put in motion. 

Here began the statesmanlike work of The Leader. 

To begin with, we must clarify a number of principal decisions which, 
in a certain measure, became the actual origins of his overall political actions. 
Already as an unknown corporal in the World War speaking in the turmoil of 
the Revolution to Bavarian garrisons. The Leader made a series of resolutions 
which point to the absolutely certain and sovereign instinct of the brilliant 
statesman, and which, through the very fact that at the time they were 
understood by scarcely anyone, later became the actual origin of his 
phenomenal and fantastic rise. They also provided the confirmation for the 
correctness of the world view which was taking shape in his head. It would 
have been easy for him to join one of the existing parties. The attraction there 
was a quiet and assured livelihood, and opportunities for promotion of all 
kinds. He could have soothed his tortured conscience with the notion that one 
had to save what could still be saved, and that therefore it seemed necessary 



to choose the lesser evil. He did none of this. He refused to do it because none 
of the existing parties offered the guarantee, let alone the possibility, of 
overcoming the spirit within Germany, and yet, without the reunification of the 
Germans, a solution to the national German problem in the statesmanlike sense 
was out of the question altogether. Here already we see the instinctive sense of 
a gifted man who would rather take upon himself the seeming hopelessness of 
a desperate struggle starting with nothing against the Government, the power 
of money, the press, and the parties, than to burden the beginning of his work 
with a compromise. 



An historic meeting. Eden and Simon with The Leader. 


It was the fashion of the time to go along with the Government. 
There were two reasons for this: one was to identify with the Government, the 
other was to attempt to reform the Government from within. The Leader 
adhered to neither of the two, because he knew that this Government was 
wrong in its conception, and that it could not therefore be reformed, but rather 
had to be sidestepped, to enable the formation of a true Government. Later on, 
there were men and parties who, when they recognised, or professed to 
recognise, the impossibility of the reform of the Weimar system from within, 
began to take the lead in opposing the system from outside; but they had been 
burdened from the outset with the compromise of an albeit temporary peace 
treaty with the Weimar democracy. Only The Leader could refer his opposition 
from the first to the last days to the fact that he had never made a pact with 
the parliamentary regime, and therefore appeared to be the only one destined 
to give it its coup de grace in its final hour. 

Parties and politicians at that time never spoke to the Folk as a 
nation; they only ever addressed individual parts of the nation. The worker 
parties spoke to the workers, the bourgeois parties to the middle classes, the 
denominational parties to their denominations, and the farmer parties to the 
farmers. To the casual observer in the first meetings of the National Socialist 
German Workers' Party in Miinchen, where The Leader addressed scarcely one 











hundred people, it may at times have appeared grotesque that the call 
nevertheless was always to the nation. He spoke neither to the educated nor to 
the proletariat, and rejected buying the approval of the masses through cheap 
flattery. Today one must go back to these origins of the National Socialist 
Movement and the actual leadership of Adolf Hitler to understand the wonder 
of his statesmanlike show, which is already based in these origins. Because it is 
not time which has changed The Leader, but The Leader who has changed the 
times. What still seemed like a paradox at the time has today long since 
become self evident. And it became self evident not of itself, but due to the 
clear and uncompromising decision of a man and the tough and relentless 
struggle, until it had become established. 



After the New Year's Diplomatic Reception in 1936. 





The Leader and the Reich Foreign Minister, von Neurath. 


Adolf Hitler meets Mussolini in Venice in 1934. 








In the Chancellery: The Leader and his Chief Of Staff, Lutze. 


It would have been a cheap trick at the time to make social claims 
which could be all the wilder the further The Leader and his Movement became 
removed from the realisation of the promises. It can also be admitted that for 
the first few years it would perhaps have been easier to recruit followers in this 
way. The Leader refused to do this. He created for his Movement a 
philosophical platform which, to a certain extent, became the major basis of his 
Party and his Government. The essential characteristic of this philosophy was 
the combination of the national principal and the socialist principal which, in an 
extremely simple and easily intelligible way, joined together on a higher plane 
the actual driving forces of the time which were locked in a bitter feud. The fact 
that nothing needed to be changed as far as the programme and the 
philosophy, the flag and the name of the National Socialist Movement were 
concerned when it came to power shows clearly how far seeing and 
statesmanlike the foundations of the National Socialist rise were laid from the 
very beginnings of the Party. The Leader had seen to it that no compromises 
were made. It combined the greatest irreconcilability, as far as principles were 
concerned, with the greatest flexibility as far as methods and actions were 
concerned. From the first day of its existence, it led a life and death struggle 
against parliamentarianism, until it destroyed it. It did not evade the terror of 
the Marxist parties with cautious and cowardly speeches, but pitched brute 
force against brute force. If its first bold attempt at an attempted uprising to 
conquer power from the 8th to the 9th of November in 1923 failed, later 
historians will have to investigate not only what was achieved by this, but also 
what was hindered by this. And we can already say today that their judgement 
will completely justify the action The Leader took. How do bourgeois politicians 
usually behave in times after unsuccessful coups? They either flee abroad, or 
claim that they have not taken part. Not so with The Leader! He stood before 


his men, was the first among the accused, refused to step onto any golden 
bridge built by the court or the Government, offered no excuses, confessed 
openly that he had wanted to overthrow the Government, and that he would do 
it again whenever the opportunity presented itself. Thus he did what was 
obviously the most dangerous and devastating thing to do at the moment, and 
in doing so actually saved the Movement and his work. His conduct of the great 
trial before the People's Court in Miinchen is a statesmanlike act on the 
greatest scale. It shows all the elements of political action at its best. Here 
boldness was matched with logic, frankness with courage, contempt for danger 
with bold action. It was a last gamble where everything was won because 
everything had been risked. The self defence against the non Government of 
Versailles and Weimar was elevated here to a high, moral principle, and carried 
along in a wave of enthusiastic admiration hundreds of thousands and millions 
of men who had, up till then, only dreamed about it, or had longed for it. The 
Leader cannot be held responsible for the path the Party took during his 
imprisonment. The extent to which he recognised the tasks of a statesman 
which awaited him and his followers after his release is shown by the fact that 
he did not become involved in any of the attempts at unification initiated by 
parliament and which, on the surface, seemed to be similar to his own. Instead, 
he set about founding anew the old Movement along the principles that had 
been laid down at its inception. A tough struggle, full of sacrifices and 
privations, to renew the prestige of the Party thus began. For years it seemed 
as if the undertaking was hopeless. At this time the National Socialist German 
Workers' Party was not even considered to be worthy of the hate of its 
opponents. While to all external appearances little seemed to change, the 
internal, organic development of the Party gradually resulted in a 
reconstruction of the Movement and of its individual organisations. If one were 
to judge a statesman according to his ability to assemble together men of 
intelligence, character and vitality. The Leader need not fear this judgement. 
Rarely has any period of history seen such an abundance of real experts as 
ours. It is easy to determine today that these exist. It was more difficult, 
however, to choose them from the vast mass of his followers, to recognise their 
talents instinctively, and to allocate to them the position which corresponded 
to their abilities in the struggle of the Movement and later in the Government 
itself. 


While there were still only 12 representatives of the National Socialist 
Movement in the Parliament in 1928, this figure increased almost tenfold in the 
next two years. The Party once again stood before the public at large, and was 
thus faced with a decisive test. It could, as every other Party up to now, let 
itself be fobbed off with a few minor ministerial posts and take part in the 
regime; but it could also somehow continue the struggle it had begun and carry 
it through to the end under the motto: Everything or nothing! 



The Chancellor Of The Reich at the New Year's Reception with the French 

Diplomat, Francois-Poncet. 



New Year's Reception, 1935. The Leader speaks with the Doyen of the 

Diplomatic Corps. 


Again the statesmanlike instinct of The Leader led to the right 
decision. The struggle went on and found its particular trump during the 
German Army Trial in the Leipzig Central Court in the proclamation of the 
legality standpoint by The Leader himself. Probably no one in the regime had 
suspected at the beginning of this trial what a democratic newspaper in Berlin 
reluctantly stated at its end, namely, that the actual winner was Adolf Hitler, 
and that the highest German Court had moreover given him the opportunity to 
confirm his legality principle by an oath before the court and the face of the 
whole world. This had never before been granted him because of his previous 
record, but now he could always refer to it in the continuation of his struggle 
against the Republic. This was the deciding factor, and the very thing which 
distinguished The Leader from his adversaries. With this statesmanlike insight 
he had recognised the possibilities of the trial at its outset, and not, like his 





opponents, at its conclusion. He was obviously aware that he would have to 
carry through the principle of legality with the extremists of his own Party, but 
he also knew that this was absolutely necessary if the Party were to win 
unanimously. 



The Leader and the Polish Foreign Minister, Colonel Beck. 



The Reich Press Secretary, Dr. Dietrich, shows The Leader press reports. 


The gradual breaking up and systematic dissolution of the bourgeois 
parties were the next goal. Two years later, after untiring efforts, he succeeded 
in toppling the Briining Cabinet. The apparent tolerance to the Government of 
Papen went until the 13th August, 1932, and here again the supreme moment 
for the real statesman had come. For the final time it became a question of 
settling for half measures or wanting everything. Any ordinary politician would 
have chosen the first option. Dozens of examples from Germany's past have 
shown this. As a true statesman. The Leader chose the latter. He was rewarded 
for this great and daring decision in the November elections in 1932 with two 





million votes. Then, in a never before seen concentration of all his strength, he 
made one last onslaught against the regime in the Lippe elections in the 
beginning of January in 1933, and two weeks later he assumed power. 



The Reich Cabinet during the proclamation of the Defence Bill. 


The alliance between Hindenburg and Hitler was the first symbol of 
the reconstruction. Here tradition and revolution shook hands. The brilliant 
statesmanship of The Leader brought about a miracle in achieving a revolution 
of the greatest dimensions without major bloodshed by a reconciliation with 
the genuine traditional powers. Here is proof of a man of vision and instinct 
acting supremely to bring an innate law to its natural conclusion. Here, under 
the contempt of seemingly radical empty phrases, a grandiose change was 
effected, a world was turned upside down, and a new world was created. 

The miracle of German unification was the result. Having brought the 
traditional forces over to the Government on the 21st of March, 1933, Hitler 
then brought the German workers into the Government on the 1st of May, 

1933. The occupation of the trade union headquarters at the strategic and only 
possible moment was an almost inevitable consequence of this process of 
remoulding the nation, and the setting up of a four year plan to solve the 
urgent matters in German life was a far sighted and extensive project which 
allowed time to attend to matters calmly and without tension. If, in the time 
which followed. The Leader selected a very small but pressing number of 
matters facing the Government, and, by deploying any means at his disposal, 
set about finding a solution for them, his actions in doing this were those of a 
statesman without par. Never was a revolutionary on a grand scale as far 
removed from any trace of hysteria and haste as he was. Never has a history 
making politician worked as clearly and purposefully, and without great ado, as 
he did. And where in history has such a miracle been achieved under foreign 
pressure as here! 

Boldness and daring went hand in hand in The Leader's decision to 






withdraw Germany from the League Of Nations. What filled the doubting with a 
sense of hopelessness was done here with a supreme assurance because it was 
necessary and had to be risked. It was the act of a statesman to put this 
monumental decision in his first year to the vote of the Folk themselves. It was 
the act of a statesman to proclaim Germany's military freedom at the decisive 
hour, and to announce it to the world as an established fact, in the conviction 
that the time was ripe and that action was therefore necessary. Here we see 
his real mission. Here we see a man acting under a higher law. Here we see a 
man with an inspiration which does not come from the intellect, but from the 
blood. 



In the Reich Chancellery. 



English Frontline soldiers with The Leader. 





National Day Of Mourning, 1934. The function in the Berlin State Opera. 



A restful pause between assemblies. 







Reich President and Reich Chancellor on the 1st May, 1933. 



The Leader in front of the Imperial Palace in Goslar on the occasion of the 

Harvest Festival in 1934. 




The Foreign Military Attaches at the Party Day in Niirnberg. 


A German Nation which is once again in a position of protecting itself 
by its own means, which has established the continued existence of its Navy in 
an honest agreement with England, which today once again takes its place as a 
great power amongst other nations, which in increasing measure has aroused 
the admiration, or at least the envy, of the whole world, which is emerging 
more and more clearly as the most important element in world peace — these 
are the results of a statesmanlike development which led from the seven man 
Party in Miinchen to the great power that is the German Reich today. A host of 
decisions is involved in this development. Altogether they give a picture of a 
fantastic and meteoric rise which will undoubtedly be praised as the greatest 
political miracle of the twentieth century by later historians. Here we see the 
results of an infallible feeling for what is possible and what is impossible at the 
time. Here clarity of direction was combined with purposeful action. Here we 
see the workings of an incredibly pure political instinct which achieved 
miracles because it believed in miracles. 

Today Germany houses a different nation from the one it housed ten 
years ago. It owes its strength and its belief to the sure and unwavering 
leadership of a true statesman who not only knows what he wants, but also 
wants what he knows. He belongs to the few chosen men of history, because 
he is great enough to be an ordinary man, and ordinary enough to be great. 






A sitting of the Reich Governors in the Chancellory under the chairmanship of 

The Leader. 


The 



Leader welcomes a Japanese Navy delegation in 1934. 












Labour Day, 1934. Youth rally in the Berlin Lustgaten on the 1st of May. The 
Leader departs after his great speech to the youth. 








The Leader. 









The Leader And The German Worker — By Dr. Robert Lev 


The change which has taken place in the German Nation since it has been conquered by 
National Socialism can be seen most clearly in the attitude which the worker has assumed 
towards the new German Government, and in the esteem which the worker and his work 
have found in the Government. 






Young workers with The Leader in the Chancellery on the 1st of May, 1934. 


Workers as a social class came into being at a time when liberalistic thoughts 
became the prevalent ideology in Europe. Liberalism has always viewed work as something 
unpleasant, almost dishonourable. Its highest ideal was to live off the work of others. Man's 
most desirable goal no longer lay in helping to build the future of the Nation, contributing his 
labours and deriving joy in doing so, but in discarding as quickly as possible the unpleasant 
situation of having to work, and then living as a pensioner or from his interest, ideally also 
drawing more money from the management of his wealth and properties, or as a middleman 
in trade. It is obvious that such an attitude to life necessarily led to a downgrading of the 
work ethic, and we can reproduce the scale of worth of any work and its standing in the 
following way: At the top of the ladder there is the unemployment of the well to do, then 
work involving monetary or goods trade, then intellectual work, and, finally, manual work. 

This was really the dirtiest and most debasing thing which could happen to an 
individual, and whoever was unfortunate enough to have to work with his own hands to earn 
his living, was already fully degraded and excluded from the better circles of society. He was 
impossible. Just how deeply this liberalistic attitude poisoned popular sentiment is shown by 
the mere fact that even the worker himself, who day after day had to slave away at his job, 
saw himself almost as an outcast, and scraped together all his pennies to enable his son to 
become something better, perhaps a craftsman. The son in turn used every penny of his 
meagre earnings to send his son to a grammar school, or at least to some better school, 
however hard the son found Latin and mathematics. The father himself did not specifically 
say that he did this so that his son may one day have an easier life, or be better equipped for 
life, in short, that he may have things better than the father, but so that one day in the 
future he may be something better than the father. 

Can the insanity of this way of thinking be understood? This was the sort of 
insanity which was systematically supported by Marxism, which took great pains to reinforce 












further the inferiority complex of the German working man imposed on him from above by 
liberalistic arrogance. Marxism continually dinned into the worker the feeling that he was a 
disinherited person, a mere proletarian, and that his hatred should therefore be directed at 
the better class. 

What an execrable crime committed in the name of Liberalism and Marxism, caste 
spirit and class spirit, and class hatred! 

Under Marxist enticement, the worker thought he was improving his working 
conditions by refusing to work; under Liberal stultification, large numbers of educated 
people preferred to go hungry rather than dirty their hands with solid work. The German 
saying Work does not degrade! was corrupted to Work degrades! The propertied and well to 
do saw in the worker a lowly slave. The worker took his revenge by viewing employers as 
leeches and parasites, and treating them as such in his dealings with them. However, neither 
group noticed that their attitude and consequent dealings would soon destroy the Nation to 
which they both belonged for better or for worse. 

This is where the incredible work of Adolf Hitler begins. He recognised that it was 
not a question of either the haves or the have nots, the employer or the employed; and that 
Marxism was not to be wiped out without the eradication of an arrogant and reactionary 
Liberalism, and he instilled a completely new and at the same time age old set of values into 
the Nation. His short, lucid sentences made the Nation sit up and listen. At first, only a few, 
then, more and more, and finally everyone came to see that for a whole century they had 
been wandering about in the deepest, most terrible darkness. It was as if a blindfold had 
been taken from their eyes, and suddenly they were bestowed with a new insight. In the 
light of this new insight everything which up to now had been hostile, and had seemed to be 
an irreconcilable difference, became deadly enemies to this insubstantial void. However, The 
Leader taught one thing: You are nothing, your Nation is everything. When you work, you 
work for the nation. Work is therefore an honour. There is no distinction in work. The work 
of a General Director has no more intrinsic worth and is no better than the work of a street 
cleaner. It does not depend on what sort of work you do, but how you do your work. Anyone 
who does not work loses his honour in the National Community. Work is not degrading, but 
enobling, irrespective of whether it is achieved with the mind or the sweat of your brow. 
Disgrace is brought about only by leading a parasitic existence and showing contempt for a 
working National Comrade. 


With the workers in Siemensstadt. 



German workers love their Leader. 



Driving through a throng of well wishers. 





At the Blohm And Voss Shipyards in 1934. 


And these sentences did not remain mere theory. If perhaps in 1933 the German 
worker, mislead by Marxism, and the reactionary stultified Liberals were sceptical and 
believed that National Socialism may not have been totally serious with this philosophy of 
life, this attitude changed in no time. Today the German worker is the proudest follower of 
The Leader who rescued him from his proletarian existence, restored to him and his work the 
honour of which Liberalism and Marxism together had robbed him, who finally gave back to 
him what he had always been struggling for deep in his soul, namely, to be a respected man 
amongst his fellow men, to be worth just as much in his work as the next man, distinguished 
only by his achievement and his efficiency. 

When this came about, the German workers followed The Leader with great 
enthusiasm, each one of them unanimously stood behind the leading worker of the Reich, 
and even the liberals among the propertied class changed their ideas to the National 
Socialist way of thinking. In the third year of the National Socialist Reich, this new work 
ethic found its outward expression in the final stabilisation of the German Labour Front as an 
organisation which includes all creative German men, from the General Director to the 
apprentice. From this day on there are in Germany only German working men and German 
businesses. The nobility of Work reigns supreme in Germany. 

However, this could only be achieved because every single person in the German 
Nation learned a new way of thinking, and began to look at the world from the point of view 
of National Socialism. The Leader once said: Whoever wants to be a true Socialist must 
personally have suffered need. The German working masses know that The Leader himself 
was for many years a manual worker and personally experienced the pains which are 
associated with labouring from morning until evening, in sun, rain and wind, in frost and 
heat. Only such a man could think the thought behind National Socialism. He knew what he 
was talking about when he spoke of the honour of work, and the masses understood it 
exactly. Here is the mysterious bond which links the German worker with his Leader. He 
freed the worker from his slavelike existence, and gave him back the honour of the free man. 
Thus National Socialism today rests safely and soundly on the workforce. Thus it is therefore 




only a matter of course that on the national holiday of the German Nation on the 1st of May, 
The Leader should welcome in the Chancellery delegations of German workers, and in these 
delegations is represented the whole of the German workforce, white collar workers and 
blue collar workers. They come as guests of the Nation from all the Districts of the Reich, by 
aeroplane and by train, and they stay in the great hotels of the metropolis. They bring The 
Leader the gifts of German industry, the greetings of their comrades, and the assurance of 
their loyalty, their love and their faith. They all come face to face with him before they drive 
with him to the massive rallies on the Day Of German Labour. 

If, individually, there are still many things to be improved, if mistakes still occur 
here and there, and difficulties arise due to need and lack of judgement, if disappointments 
are still with us, if the material situation of the workforce has not yet improved, if in some 
areas there is still evidence of self interest and meanness, if there are still some people 
unwilling to accept the new gospel of the honour of work — these are all only minor, 
peripheral things. The worker is not concerned by this, because the word stands and the 
word must be left standing, the word of the nobility of Work. Only from such a way of 
thinking can the activity of the German Labour Front be understood. Previously, who would 
have concerned himself with the state of working conditions in which the German worker 
laboured for his nation? Today the Department Of Beauty Of Work has the responsibility of 
ensuring that the German working man carries on his work in dignified places, and not in 
ramshackle sheds. Through Strength Through Joy, the German worker has time for holidays 
and relaxation; today he wanders happily, and often for the first time, through his beautiful 
Fatherland; today he travels in his own ships to the magic of the southern seas and lands, to 
the exalted beauty of the north. 



Reich Party Day, 1935. The Leader with Dr. Ley inspecting a troop of workers. 


Today, like every German National Comrade, the worker enjoys the magnificent 
achievements of German drama and German music, the best German orchestras, the best 
German opera and theatre performances, and the best German films. He is entertained by 
programmes on the radio. He can take up every sort of sport. However, the content of his 
new existence is not characterised by hedonism, diversion and physical impulses, but by the 
noble and genuine pleasure he derives from his physical labours, from nature and culture. 
Whoever works hard should also be able to enjoy himself thoroughly, so that his value to the 



Nation increases. No longer does the scourge of unemployment cripple the nation. Millions 
have already returned to their place of work, and those still waiting are under the care of the 
whole Nation. Trustees ensure that the worker's rights and his honour are not affected, and 
the manager is just as responsible for the well being of his employees as his employers, 
working with him, are responsible for the prospering of the business in which they work 
together. Here the fundamental difference between National Socialism and the past is most 
clearly marked: everywhere in the past there were only presidents and chairmen, and then 
the common herd. There were chairmen of the boards, of the administration, of the parties, 
of the unions, of the employers groups, of social benefits committees and strike committees. 
Today we have The Leader of the whole Nation, and behind him a leader (or leaders), of 
whom each one has his particular field or a group of people. Previously, everyone chaired a 
meeting of others, everyone took to their chairs, and there was no goal or defined path. 
Today there is direction, a defined path and a goal; everyone has been broken up, and 
everyone marches behind The Leader. 



The Leader at the Automobile Exhibition of 1935 in Berlin. 




Laying of the foundation stone for the new Reich Bank, May, 1934 


In language and in speech, the whole difference between the two times is also 
expressed. 

Everyone, however, knows that he has only one man to thank for all this, and that 
man is Adolf Hitler, who created National Socialism, put the common good before self 
interest, put an end to class struggle from above and below, from the left and the right, by 
proclaiming the honour of work and of service to the Nation. So that this doctrine, which has 
made the German worker the upholder of the Government, may never again go astray, the 
National Socialist Labour Service has been created. Here every German National Comrade, 
before he is allowed to work for personal gain, must contribute with his own hands to the 
benefit of the Nation. 

The Leader dispelled from Germany arrogance and contempt, jealousy and hatred 
where work and possessions were concerned. He gave to his Folk pride and honour in being 
a worker, and the responsibility of serving the whole Nation. The German worker today is 
happy to be a free man in a free country. He is the leading worker in the world. Centuries to 
come will envy him this position. He, however, thanks from the bottom of his heart the man 
who gave him all this ~ The Leader. 



A visit to the Bavarian Motor Works. 








A rest on a country road. 



The Mercedes Benz racing car built at the instigation of The Leader. 








Greeting the troops. 



A visit to the industries of Rhineland-Westphalia. 




The International Automobile Exhibition in Berlin, 1935: The Protector Of The Automobile 

Industry. 






This is how the German farmers greet their Leader, Adolf Hitler. Buckeburg, 1935. 



Reich Chancellor Hitler. 




The Leader and support staff. 



The Leader and his favourite dog. 











The Leader And The Arts — By Dr. Joseph Gobbels 


Art is the most noble activity of the human soul and the human imagination. It is the 
concretisation of feeling. What the artist harbours in his heart, he expresses through art. 
Heightened feelings require heightened forms of expression. The artist is able to parade his inner 
spirit. He puts words to what the masses at large sometimes experience only as a vague and 
dulled longing; or he expresses it through his music, in stone or in marble. At all times art has 
elevated and shaken mankind. It has transported men out of the dreariness of their mundane 
existence into a better world. Indeed, whole eras of a new cultural and historical development 
have been transfigured and immortalised through art. 

This is also why artists, as divinely gifted beings who give meaning to the innermost 
secrets of human life, have always stood next to great men in all other fields. The singer 
accompanied the king has always been the most distinguished commandment of the really great, 
flourishing eras of human culture and history. 

This does not mean that rising historical eras need necessarily also include great artistic 
events. On the contrary: usually they tend to follow each other. Either a flourishing of the arts 
and sciences leads to great historical change, or great historical change leads to a flourishing of 
the arts and sciences. This may well be due to the fact that either one or the other draws the 
outstanding, dynamic men, so that these are either taken and used in the service of politics or in 
the service of art. As a result, any other potential which these men may have remains dormant 
and is never exploited. 



In the Berlin Philharmonic Hall. The Leader at a concert of the Philharmonic Orchestra conducted 

by the Director Of Music, Wilhelm Furtwangler. 








On the occasion of the transference of a valuable manuscript acquired by him. The Leader is 

shown the treasures of the Bavarian State Library. 


However, it is not possible to generalise in this regard. There have been statesmen who 
were worlds removed from any artistic aspirations, who were so completely interested in and 
caught up in technical and scientific matters, that they scarcely had any time, inclination or desire 
left to concern themselves with purely intuitive values. They lacked the profound capacity for 
understanding the actual nature of art which is necessary to become captured by it and to serve it 
with devotion and passion. 

There have also been many soldiers who were nothing more than soldiers, and who had 
no desire to be anything more. We are talking here about the outstanding organisers, instructors, 
educators and immortal corporals whose campaigns shook the world. Such statesmen and 
soldiers brought about historical developments which were not directly the result of artistic 
endeavours, and therefore only indirectly touched on the realm of art. 

Things are different with those statesmen and soldiers whose nature and whose work is 
based less on reason than on feeling, and who drew more on their imagination than on the 
rational consideration of their strengths. These are the true great men in the domain in historical 
creation. They are therefore closest to the artistic nature because they are made of the same 
elements. To generations to follow, their miraculous and inexplicable existence makes them 
appear to be the heralds and shapers of a destiny which ruled over them intuitively, and which 
will still be visible for centuries to come. 

In our own history, men like Frederick The First and Field Marshall von Moltke belong in 
this category of great historical figures. By nature and predisposition, they were sensitive artistic 
natures who stood as God's apprentices at the spinning wheel of time. Their forceful presence put 
a stamp on a period of evolution. It is not intended to downgrade the activities of those other 
statesmen and soldiers who were purely technical in their approach, and yet mastered their work 
to the last detail by their knowledge, diligence, energy and tenacity. Without Frederick Wilhelm I, 
the soldier and father of bureaucracy, as a precursor, a Frederick The Great would have been 
unthinkable. The former was necessary so that the latter could carry on his historical work. The 
former had to establish the Government which the latter shaped. The former had to found and 
train the army which the latter mobilised and led to its historic victory in hard and daring 
campaigns. 

In this connection, however, we must not overlook the fact that, when both elements 
are not united in the one man, the original feeling for form is to be estimated more highly in its 
historical worth than the mere feeling for organisation, and that the feeling for form and its 
origins in an artistic drive and stems mostly from deep and mysterious intuition. The Frederick 
who wrote poetry, and searched for wise, philosophical interrelationships, but who also sat in his 
dirty, threadbare uniform amongst his Grenadiers at the bivouac fires at Leuthen, could hold his 
flute just as elegantly as he could wield his rapier bravely and determinedly. 



The Prussian German Army has never been poor in such soldiers. The caricature of 
Prussian militarism which the world painted and held up to us could not have been further 
removed from the truth. Those soldiers who went through the school of the War Academy, or of 
the Great General Staff, were frequently not only military men but also philosophers of their craft. 
Nowhere has there been a clearer and more artistic stamp left on men than in these training 
institutions for the Army. 

German politics, however, have always been poor in such rousing and fascinating 
personalities. It has had good craftsmen who knew their trade, but whose capabilities were also 
exhausted in the execution of it. Frederick The Great, in his capacity as a soldier, shares this 
capacity with a vast number of like minded and similarly oriented men in our history. In his 
capacity as a statesman, on the other hand, he stands completely on his own. 

This was the great and unique feature which placed The Leader above those who have a 
purely aesthetic enjoyment of art. For him, art was not an escape from life, but an escape before 
life. He turned to art whenever things became difficult and unbearable, and he needed to draw 
force and strength from other areas in order to master life anew. Art is not weak, and therefore 
does not train people to be weak. Its strong rules make people strong and keeps them strong. 

Men who, possessed with a deep feeling for art, apply in the face of the nation great theories of 
politics and military strategy, are also acting as true artists, and for them politics and leading an 
army is therefore also an art. It is one form of art amongst the many others to which they feel 
deeply related and linked. 




Visit to the artist's studios in Miinchen. Here with Professor Wackerle and in the centre Professor 

T roost. 







A Visit to the Schiller House in Weimar in 1934. 


The Leader as a statesman belongs to these unusually rare figures in German Prussian 
history. His most profound characteristics arise from his artistic nature. He is by trade a master 
builder, and later was often to say with a smile that in his youth he once had the intention of 
building, yet without knowing at the time that fate would call on him to build not houses but a 
Government. His reconstitution of the Reich again shows in its original design the eternal laws of 
true architecture. His organisation of the Government is determined by a logic which appears to 
be self evident. It is carried out according to far sighted and well thought out planning without 
haste and tension, as under a master builder who knows Rome was not built in a day, and that he 
has been called on to work not for a restricted time, but for decades and centuries to come. This 
is exactly what distinguishes the new foundation of the Reich by The Leader from all previous 
attempts. It rests on permanence, and has an inherent architectural clarity, combining 
purposefulness and beauty in rare harmony. 

The Leader once, long before he came to power, said in one of his speeches: If the 
German artists knew what I will do for them later, they would stand behind me to a man! These 
words were lost in the wind at the time; without having to be reminded by impatient creditors. 
The Leader has been true to his word long before others dared to hope. 

Just how strong his inner need for art is should have been known and suspected when, 
at times, before he came to power, faced with extremely difficult political negotiations or wearing 
tactical battles, he would sit of an evening alone or with a few companions unnoticed somewhere 
in a box at the theatre. Here he would listen to the heroically intensified beats of a Wagnerian 
opera and hear in them the artistic harmony with his political nature. There are only a few people 
today who, to take an example, would have heard The Master Singers or Tristan as often as he 
has. He is a fanatical follower of art. He does not indulge in the bourgeois smugness of professing 
to understand a genius after having seen or heard him once. He is still filled with a deep and 
almost humble respect for the talent and greatness which dwell in an artistic genius. 



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The drawings of the frontline soldier Hitler: Ardoye in Flanders (summer, 1917). 




The drawings of the frontline soldier Hitler: Shelter in Fournes. 


This respect sees and appreciates the man and his work as an entity. It is necessary to 
have seen The Leader in the company of artists to understand the depth of his affinity with them. 
It is necessary to have had the opportunity of observing his untiring care for art and artists in his 
daily dealings to understand the meaning of both for him and his historic work. His respect for 
true artistic worth and work is, to an extent, a converted gratitude. What he means for the work 
of Richard Wagner in general, and for Bayreuth in particular, as a patron and directly involved 
friend and adviser is known only by those who have had the good fortune of being able to help 
him in his work. 

To the little circle which usually surrounds him, those hours in which The Leader, at a 
time when he had only just taken over the opposition leadership, quickly sketched on loose bits of 
paper grandiose plans for the architectural redesigning of Berlin and Miinchen, will remain 
unforgettable. Here everything was in the right place, and modern technology and thinking were 
combined with the latest architectural strength. Here, in prototype, there arose the face of these 
cities, cleansed and purified of the unsightly features which an era lacking in taste and style had 
imposed on them. 

The monumental buildings of the Party, the new layout of the Konigsplatz, the House Of 
German Art in Miinchen, the large scale reorganisation of the Reich capital city, already reflected 
in interim projects — these are the first visible acts of completion of this seemingly incredible 
preplanning at that time. It seems almost incomprehensible to an outsider that, not only did the 
inspiration and initiative for these monumental projects come from The Leader, but that it is The 
Leader himself who supervises and follows the execution of the plans in great detail and with 
expert precision. The Leader always has time for a building plan. How often did we observe him in 
the studio of that architectural genius who unfortunately died all too soon. Professor Troost, and 
see his enthusiasm for plans and models which are now step by step becoming a reality. How 
often did we accompany him to new construction sites during their various developmental stages 



and witness his great joy at the smallest detail which, purposefully and meaningfully, would form 
part of the whole in its completed form. 


Even the pictures which he painted in his youth radiate this spirit. They are meticulously 
executed to the last brush stroke, and reveal the precision and exactitude of the master builder. 

It is claimed that there are business minded imitators who are unparalleled in their mastery of 
the forgery and copying of such small works of art, but they are unable to deceive the true expert. 
A genuine picture by The Leader can be distinguished from a fake at first glance, because it has 
the imprint of The Leader, and contains in embryonic form all the artistic laws which appear in 
their full magnificence and monumental nature in his reconstruction of the State. 

The man who, in his youth in Vienna, went without countless meals so that he could buy 
standing room tickets to the Viennese Opera to hear Wagner or Mozart, it today attached with the 
same artistic passion to a painting or a piece of sculpture. A stroke of luck gave him the 
opportunity of acquiring Bocklin's Battle Of The Centaurs. The Leader has been seen sitting for a 
long time, motionless, filled with emotion and humility, in the face of the greatness of true 
artistry as exemplified by this picturesque creation of a genius. 

Who could doubt that these noble passions are the almost inevitable forms of 
expression of his artistic feelings, which are also evident in his historical work? Are not, for 
example, his speeches a record of this tridimensional and intuitive vision? Do they not, in their 
construction, their clarity of style, in the monumental nature of their chain of thoughts, their 
precision but also variety of expression, appear to be like a classical monument or like a Bach 
fugue? It is a poor view of a man to attempt to dissect his individual characteristics in an attempt 
to understand his personality as a whole. Here individual characteristics are united into a general 
picture, and its totality shows the contours of a man who feels and acts with the intuition of the 
artist, who in everything is and appears to be as he must be and must appear to be, and who, 
even if he wanted to, could not be or appear to be anything else. 



The Leader leaves an artist's studio in the Academy Of Fine Arts in Munchen. 



Visitors to the Festival at Bayreuth greet The Leader. 


From its very beginning The Leader imbued his Movement with that burning impulse to 
modern activity which later gave it the strength for its great victories. He did not subordinate it to 
technology, but consciously placed technology at its service. For The Leader has a positive 
attitude to technology. He uses the means and achievements of technology to the concentration 
of his will and his work. Even technology has its artistic side. Even a magnificently built bridge or 
a modern car constructed according to precise, almost classical lines, will always satisfy the 
sense of beauty in man. The highways which The Leader designed and which modern engineers 
built according to his plans are works of art of the 20th century. We can still see The Leader on a 
sunny Sunday afternoon standing in front of the bold and splendid arch of the Mangfall bridge. In 
his face were reflected the pride and satisfaction of the man who can feel the eternal artistry 
even in the most modern technological testimonials to our vital time. 

The Leader is the sworn enemy of amateurism; he is of the proud opinion that it is more 
worthwhile to read, see or hear what is good and great ten times than to waste time with ten 
different average or below average works. If he is shown a film which represents an artistic 
success, he will ask for it to be shown again a second time if the opportunity presents itself. 
Mediocre films are stopped after five or ten minutes. 

Is it a wonder then that all genuine artists love and worship him from the bottom of 
their hearts? For he is their friend and, where required, their protector. He cannot imagine a life 
without art. No royal patron was ever as receptive to the arts as he. Where art is great and 
promising he will lend an encouraging hand, and nothing will be further from his mind than to 
treat an artist with condescension. And he, who had to fight his way to art as a penniless building 
worker with severe material sacrifices, shows his generosity above all when it concerns bringing 
art to the Folk and the Folk to art. Ideas such as that of a National Theatre have become a reality 
with his support. The great German cultural organisation. Strength Through Joy, finds in him its 
most warm hearted friend, adviser and patron. His sense of beauty does not have that unpleasant 
aesthetic trait that is associated with the selfish sybarite. It is at the same time a sense of what is 
purposeful and universal. 

Not so long ago, statesmen from various countries visited him in Berlin, and for days on 
end they discussed with him in the course of tough negotiations the questions of European 
reconstruction. They scarcely suspected that the same man who, during the morning, noon and 
afternoon, defended the German right to existence and, in the manner of the economic or military 
specialist, had at his fingertips every figure and date to prove his point, would that same evening 
sit with them in his home and, deeply stirred and moved, listen to the quintet from the third act of 
the Mastersingers or a song by Schubert, Schumann or Wolf. Perhaps they thought that this man 
had suddenly become someone quite different, or that he had suddenly slipped a new, unknown 
hat onto his head; and yet, in reality, he remained the same man, a statesman whose personal 
interests were almost unfathomable, a man who encompassed all the traits and possibilities of 
the German Soul, an artist who moved amongst artists and therefore felt an affinity with them, 
because he also carried deep within him the artistic spark. Perhaps this hour gave to all those 
who were able to participate a deeper insight into the essential character of The Leader than 



countless technical discussions and conferences. Here again there has appeared that fascinating 
strength of a genuine personality which enabled the great Prussian king to fight and come 
through his decisive battles not despite the fact, but because of the fact, that he also wrote 
poetry, was an adherent of philosophy, constructed Sansouci, played the flute, and, if the tough 
business of government and the military left him time, gathered around his table the most refined 
and illustrious minds in Europe. Because here, from what seems to be contradictions and 
contrasts, is formed the final synthesis of a great human nature and work which will survive for 
centuries to come. Here art has been transposed into military and statesman matters; the same 
strength is found here, it is merely exercised in different areas. In doing so it uses the same 
motor energies which also stimulate and inspire art: imagination, instinct, inspiration, grace and 
motivation. 



A watercolour of the frontline soldier Hitler: The Ruins Of The Monastery In Messines (December, 

1914). 



A watercolour of the frontline soldier Hitler: House With White Fence. 


Perhaps only a later time will be able to measure exactly what this means for Germany, 
for our Folk and for its national fate. We, on the other hand, have had the good fortune of seeing 
and experiencing the work and effect of a true genius all around us. Here the artistic feeling of a 
great man has not arisen from the need for luxury or frivolity. Here it is need in the true sense of 
the word and therefore indispensable from existence, life and work. 

Perhaps The Leader is best understood when seen in these terms. This is because for 
him art is that mysterious power which ignites the human heart in all those grey hours, as life's 


wild dance crowds in on us to new love. His attachment to art and artists, his solicitude and 
indefatigable care, are only the payment and fulfilment of a debt and a duty which the poet has 
stated when he says: Blessed art, I thank you! 



A watercolour of The Leader from the year 1914: The Courtyard Of The Old Residence In 

Miinchen. 






The Buildings Of The Leader — By Architect Albert Speer 



The Leader leaves the construction site of the House Of German Art. 


It has often been the case in history that a Head Of Government 
would to a great extent support the arts and, in particular, architecture. Thus a 
rococo prince of the 18 th century would have castles and gardens built on 
which to feast his eyes, and give free rein to the architects of his time. 

The Leader also builds as a Head Of Government; but he will never be 
able to build in this same tradition, because his great buildings, which are 
beginning to appear today in many places, are to be an essential expression of 
the Movement for thousands of years to come, and therefore a part of the 
Movement itself. The Leader, however, created this Movement, came to power 
through its strength, and even today still determines to the smallest detail its 
final form. He can therefore not build as a Head Of State in previous centuries, 
nor as a benevolent client, even less as a patron, of the arts — he must build as 
a National Socialist. As such he determines, just as he determines the will and 
expression of the Movement, the clarity and purity of the lines of the building, 
the severity of its appearance, the quality of its materials, and, most 
importantly, the new inner purpose and with it the inner content of his 
constructions. 

Building is no mere pastime for The Leader. It is a serious concern, 
destined to give expression in stone to the will of the National Socialist 
Movement. 

It will be unique in the history of the German Folk that, at the 
decisive turning point, its Leader began not only with the greatest 
philosophical and political reorganisation of our history, but at the same time 
also set about the task of creating buildings with the superior knowledge of the 
master builder. These buildings were to bear witness to the political will as 



well as to the cultural greatness of our time for thousands of years to come. 

After long centuries of confusion, the will of one man has established 
a clarity and severity in building which, in its continued development, will have 
as its consequence a completely new style of architecture. 

Just how closely The Leader since his youth has felt attached to 
architecture, he wrote in 1924 in My Struggle: 

As soon as my interest in social issues had been awakened, I began 
to study them with great thoroughness. It was a new and up to now unknown 
world which disclosed itself to me. That I should zealously at the same time 
serve my love of architecture was a matter of course. Architecture seemed to 
me, next to music, the queen of the arts: my preoccupation with it could under 
such circumstances not be regarded as work but as the greatest joy. I would 
read and draw into the early hours of the morning without getting tired. Thus 
my belief that my beautiful dream would become reality, even if it took many 
long years, was strengthened. I was firmly convinced that I would one day 
make a name for myself as a master builder. 

He himself tells how important these impressions from his years in 
Vienna were in the first chapter of My Struggle: 

At this time I formed a philosophy of life and a conception of the 
world which became the rigid foundation for my actions. To that which I 
thought out for myself at that time, I have only had to learn a few more 
additional things, but there was nothing I had to change. To the contrary. 
Today I strongly believe that in general all my creative thoughts had already 
manifested themselves in my youth, in so far as such thoughts exist at all. 

This love of architecture which The Leader developed in his youth has 
never since left him. However, through war and revolution, the foundations of 
State and national life in Germany were so shaken that Hitler, who even as a 
soldier began to become more and more preoccupied with political issues, 
decided to become a politician: He said: Was it not ridiculous to want to build 
houses on such a foundation? He was totally serious in his conviction that he 
should become a politician, and it was a difficult decision to say farewell to 
architecture, the art to which he always remained faithful, with which he 
always continued to occupy himself, and which up to now has been his great 
love. 


In the first turbulent years of his political struggle and during the 
early formation of the Movement, he also gave the final artistically clear form 
to all its symbolic means of expression. He designed the Swastika Flag of the 
Movement — and with it the National Flag of the German Folk; he determined 
the National Eagle of the Party — and with it the National Emblem of the 
German Reich; he was responsible for the ensigns of the SA and the SS; he 
developed a new structuring of his many rallies, and thereby determined the 
basic idea according to which all the buildings on the Reich Party Day site are 
erected. 








te: 









Design for the Congress Hall on the Reich Party Day site in Niirnberg. 



Rostrum in the Luitpold Arena of the Reich Party Day site in Niirnberg. 


In the course of many thorough discussions, he designed and 
determined Niirnberg at the Party rallies; not only the guidelines and 
programmes, but, in the course of lengthy considerations, he also laid down 
exact arrangements for the setting up of the individual subdivisions of the 
Party, for the deployment of the flags, and for the decoration of the various 
rooms. In Niirnberg sketches and drawings by The Leader from this time are 
still carefully preserved. 

At a time when all his energies are called on to achieve the great 
goal, his preoccupation with art is and remains not work but the greatest joy. 

At the right time, fate led to his meeting with his architect, Paul 
Ludwig Troost, with whom he soon formed a friendship based on an affinity of 
minds. What Dietrich Eckart was to The Leader as far as the exchange of ideas 
of a philosophical nature was concerned. Professor Troost soon became for him 
as far as architecture was concerned. 

The first building to arise through the unique combination of these 
two men, and also the first small construction of the Movement, was the Brown 
House in the BriennerstraBe in Miinchen. It was only a renovation, but for that 
time, as The Leader sometimes related later, a massive undertaking. 


Here one can already see everything that was to be expressed even 
more distinctly in the buildings which were to be constructed after he came to 
power: severe and austere, but never monotonous. Simple and clear, and 
without false decoration. Ornamentation used sparingly, but in the right place, 
so that it could never be considered as superfluous. Material, form and lines 
combine to create an impression of nobility. 



A picture of the Index Room in the Brown House, Miinchen. 



The Leader in Miinchen. 




























The Leader and Rudolf Hefi inspect the construction of The Leader House in 

Miinchen. 






The Brown House in Miinchen. 



The plans for this renovation were made in the same simple studio 
owned by Master Builder Troost in the back room of a house in the 
TheresienstraBe in Miinchen, where later the plans for the Konigsplatz in 
Miinchen, for the House Of German Art, and for many of The Leader's other 
buildings were to be made. These plans were to form the basis of a new style of 



architecture. 


The Leader has never received the plans for these important buildings 
in his official rooms. For years he has gone to Professor Troost's studio in his 
free time to engross himself totally on the spot and free from his political work 
in the plans of future constructions. The Leader does not occupy himself solely 
with the major overall plans; he surveys every individual detail and every new 
assembly of materials, and much is improved by his stimulating suggestions. 
These hours of mutual planning are, as The Leader has often confessed, hours 
of purest joy and great happiness. They are a form of relaxation of the most 
noble kind in the course of which, again and again, he finds renewed strength 
for other plans. Here he has the opportunity, in the few free hours which 
politics permit him, to dedicate himself to his love of architecture. 

Many years before he came to power. Hitler had discussed with 
Troost plans for buildings which only now are being executed. Already in the 
winter of 1931/1932 he talked over with him the future formation of the 
Konigsplatz in Miinchen, and many splendid drafts have been the result of 
these meetings. And even before he came to power, as a result of these many 
discussions, the Square already existed in its present shape in plans and 
models. 


When the Glass Palace burned down in Miinchen in 1932, and an 
inconsequential design for its reconstruction was put forward by the 
Government of the time. The Leader had one additional concern besides his 
many others, and that was that this imperfect plan would be started before he 
came to power. If one compares the model of this earlier design with the model 
of the now completed House Of German Art built according to the design of 
Paul Ludwig Troost, then one can see more clearly than anywhere else from 
which other ideal world The Leader draws his buildings. 

In the irreplaceable artist Paul Ludwig Troost, The Leader had found 
his architect. Troost seized The Leader's intentions, and always managed to 
give them the right architectural expression. 

In his great speech at the cultural rally of the Reich Party Day in 
1935, The Leader unveiled a memorial to Professor Troost with words that 
could not be more moving for an architect of our time. He said: 

We should be happy and proud that, by some strange chance, the 
greatest architect Germany has ever known since Schinkel was able to erect in 
the new Reich and for the Movement his first and unfortunately only 
monumental works in stone, as memorials of the most noble and truly 
Germanic tectonics. 

It is a pleasure for The Leader to see the plans of a new building 
arise; it is just as great a pleasure for him to be able to experience personally 
the actual progress of these buildings. 

Whenever he wanders through his building sites, often accompanied 
by only a few employees, he is the complete expert. His numerous questions of 


a technical nature, either about the foundations, the strength of the walls, or 
about problematic details of construction, are clearly put and usually 
unintentionally touch on some existing unsolved difficulty. Often it is in this 
area of engineering construction, when, after long consultations, all the 
experts are doubtful of a solution, that he comes up with a suggestion which 
usually proves to be logical and easily executed. 



The foyer of the German Opera House in Charlottenburg 





























The Leader in a pensive mood. 







The Leader in Potsdam, 1932. 



The Leader, Professor Gall, and Architect Speer inspect the building progress of 

the House Of German Art. 




A meeting on the new Alpine Road 


Every new step in the construction and every new detail in the 
building receives his thorough attention and appreciation. However. All this 
pleasure in details never prevents him from seeing the imposing alignments 
which distinguish all buildings. 

The buildings of The Leader are constructed according to technically 
proven principles from natural stone. Natural stone and Nordic clinker bricks 
are our most durable building materials. What may initially appear to be the 
most expensive proves to be the cheapest in the long run. In all technical 
considerations, unlimited long lastingness is always the prime and most 
decisive principle to follow. For the buildings of The Leader are designed to 
stand as a testimonial to our great time for thousands of years. Once the 
immortal buildings of the Movement and of our Government have arisen in all 
the towns in Germany, they will be buildings of which every individual will be 
able to be proud, and of which he will known that they belong to the public at 
large and therefore also to him. It is not the warehouses and administrative 
buildings of banks and big companies which give the towns their character, but 
the buildings of The Leader, created by him and designed by him. 




About the appearance of our cities in the past and in the future The 
Leader has written: 

In the 19th century our cities began to lose more and more their 
character of places of culture, and sink to mere housing settlements. When 
Miinchen numbered only 60000 inhabitants, it looked as if it were to become 
one of the first German centres of art; today almost every factoryladen suburb 
has reached this figure, if not multiplied it several times, without being able to 
lay the least claim to having anything of real value as its own. These suburbs 
and towns are mere collections of apartment blocks and tenement houses and 
nothing more. How any particular attachment to such a town is to be formed 
under such deplorable conditions is a puzzle. No one will feel particularly 
attached to a town which has nothing more to offer than any other town, which 
lacks any sign of individuality, and in which everything was done to avoid 
anything to do with art. But this is not all. Even the great cities are becoming 
relatively poorer and poorer in real works of art as the size of their population 
increases. What recent times have added to the cultural content of our cities is 
completely insufficient. All our cities live off the glory and the treasures of the 
past. Our cities today have no monuments which dominate the cityscape and 
which could in any way be described as a symbol of the era. This, however, was 
the case in the cities of antiquity, where almost each one had a particular 
monument of which it could be proud. The particular features of an antique 
town were not found in its private buildings, but in its public monuments, 
which were not destined for the moment but for eternity, because they were to 
reflect not the riches of a single owner, but the greatness and importance of all 
the citizens. Even the Middle Ages in Germany upheld the same leading 
principle, even though its conception of art was quite different. What in 
antiquity was expressed in the Acropolis or the Pantheon, could now be 
glanced in the forms of the Gothic cathedral. The comparison between public 
and private building today has indeed become lamentable. If Berlin's fate were 
to become that of Rome, then all our descendants would have to admire as the 
most imposing works of our time would be the warehouses of a certain number 
of Jews and the hotels of a number of companies, the buildings which express 
most characteristically the culture of today. Thus our cities today lack the 
outstanding emblem of the National Community, and one should therefore not 
be amazed if the National Community sees no emblem of itself in its cities. 

The great buildings of The Leader on the Konigsplatz, the House Of 
German Art in Miinchen, and the Party buildings in Niirnberg, must be 
understood in this sense. They are a start, but therefore nonetheless 
fundamental, and it is the same with the residential buildings of The Leader. 

We are standing at the beginning of a new development. 

The fact that one always initially thinks of the great buildings when 
The Leader's buildings are being discussed is no doubt consistent with the 
meaning The Leader gives to the creations of architecture. 

This, however, should not lead people to assume that The Leader's 
work in the domain of architecture is exhausted with these buildings. 


To the contrary. 


From his own speeches, we know the crucial worth he places on 
shaping the social conditions of all Germans in such a way that every individual 
can be proud of what the community as a whole has achieved. The great 
importance the questions of living conditions assumes in this matter has 
already been stressed by The Leader in My Struggle. 

In his years in Vienna, he became acquainted at first hand with the 
poor living conditions of the working class families. He writes: 

What I had suspected before, I then learned to understand quickly 
and thoroughly: the question of the nationalisation of a Folk is firstly the 
question of the creation of healthy social conditions as the basis for the 
education of the individual. 

Official statistics on completed dwellings (new or converted 
buildings) in the Reich show: 

1932 — 159,121 

1933 -- 202,113 

1934 -- 319,439 

These figures speak more loudly than words of the extent the 
creation of healthy housing has increased under the Government of The Leader. 
This increase will continue and will rise even more sharply once the great 
building projects which are necessary for our security have been completed. In 
The Leader's own words, they are urgent, and therefore cannot be postponed. 

Then the monumental buildings of National Socialism will rise above 
the healthy houses and clean factories of our cities like the Gothic cathedrals 
above the gables of the houses of the town dwellers of the Middle Ages. 

Here also the tasks at hand are immensely great, but The Leader gave 
us all the courage required when he said in his speech in the cultural rally of 
the Reich Party Day: 

People grow in stature in the execution of such higher tasks, and we 
do not have the right to doubt that, when the Almighty gives us courage to 
demand immortal things, he will give our Nation the courage to achieve 
immortal things. 


Adolf Hitler And His Roads — By Inspector General Doctor Of Engineering Fritz 

Todt 


Those who have come to know The Leader as a statesman, as an 
orator, as the Leader of the Movement and in his other capacities noted in the 
previous essays of this book, will, on reading the title of this essay, be faced 
with the question: Does this statesman, this politician, the Head Of State Of 
The German Reich in this eventful time, really have such a personal interest 
and the time required to become personally involved in such an abstract and 
technical concern as road construction? The following paragraphs have been 
written to portray The Leader's attachment to his roads. 


THE IDEA 


As long ago as his time in the Landsberg Fortress, The Leader spoke 
about the necessity and his intention one day to have roads built which would 
fully meet the technical requirements of the motor vehicle and which would 
connect the individual Districts of Germany with each other. In the 14 years of 
his political struggle. The Leader has used the motor vehicle almost exclusively 
in his travels, and thereby has come to know the German country roads 
between the north and the south, the east and the west. People have never 
ceased to be amazed at how well The Leader knows whole stretches of road, 
their features, their construction, suitable rest spots and other details. The 
Leader values travelling overland by motor vehicle particularly because no 
other means of transport enables the traveller to experience such closeness 
with the Folk and the landscape. Someone once tried to calculate how many 
kilometres The Leader had covered on German country roads in the 14 years of 
his political struggle. It would certainly have amounted to between 500000 and 
700000 kilometres, probably more. The distance covered by The Leader on the 
German country roads in motor vehicles is therefore 12-15 times as long as the 
circumference of the Earth. The idea of constructing a connected network of 
roads purely for motor vehicles arose on these trips, and was completely 
formed by the time he took over power. 





In summer, 1935, at the Mangfall Bridge. 


Twelve days after his appointment as Chancellor Of The Reich, The 
Leader attended the opening of the automobile exhibition on the 11th of 
January, 1933. In his first official speech as Chancellor Of The Reich, he 
announced, besides other measures aimed at promoting motorisation, the 
commencement of a plan for the large scale construction of roads, and added: 

Just as the horse and cart once paved its way, and the railway built 
the necessary tracks, so must motor traffic receive the highways it requires. If 
in the past attempts were often made to measure the standard of living of a 
nation in terms of the number of kilometres of railway track, in the future the 
number of kilometres of roads designed for motor traffic will become the 
indicator used. 

Scarcely three months passed after that 11th February, days filled 
with the consolidation of the power he had assumed on the 30th January, to 
the 1st May, the first National Labour Day in the young National Socialist Reich. 





With this spring day in nature the sun also rose higher again for the German 
Nation. The Leader spoke about this, and about the departure of the 
divisiveness which had existed previously, the elimination of unemployment, 
the honour of work, the beginning of communal work which, orientated to one 
will, is the prerequisite and basis for the strengthening of a nation. Towards 
the end of this first speech about the Reich which was beginning to be built. 

The Leader uttered these words: 

We are mounting a programme which we do not want to leave for 
posterity to conclude, the programme of the construction of our roads, a 
gigantic task which requires thousands of millions. We shall clear away all the 
obstacles against it and begin the task on a grand scale. 

With these words, the 1st May had also become a Day Of 
Development for the road construction programme. From the idea of The 
Leader the will became reality. 

In the weeks which followed. The Leader received experts in road 
construction from Germany and from outside Germany, and was instructed by 
them. He then requested of the Cabinet a Law for the realisation of his plans. 
The obstacles he had hinted at in his speech of the 1st May were surmounted in 
the course of a series of meetings. On the 28th of June, Cabinet passed the Law 
pertaining to the setting up of the undertaking called Autobahns Of The Reich. 

A few days later the Inspector General For The German Road System was 
appointed by the Chancellor Of The Reich at a short reception lasting scarcely 
three minutes. 


INAUGURATION OF THE INSPECTOR GENERAL 


Probably the hottest summer day of the year 1933 in Berlin was the 
day of the 5th of July. After weeks of summer heat, the buildings of the capital 
city had retained so much warmth that the short nights brought no relief. As on 
every other day, the Chancellor Of The Reich began to receive people at ten 
o'clock in the morning in the Reich Chancellery. These receptions took place 
day after day with a short break at noon, and continued until late into the 
evening. Ministers, District Leaders, worker delegations, industrialists, 
expatriate Germans and many others alternated with each other to talk to The 
Leader. Many indeed promised in the anteroom to limit their discussion to no 
more than ten minutes, but The Leader himself would take up the subject 
matter, give his opinion, elaborate on the questions, and involved himself in 
the last discussion late in the evening in just as lively a way as he involved 
himself in the first. 



The opening of the first section of the Reich Autobahn Munchen-Landesgrenze. 








One of The Leader's highways. 


The Leader had first asked to see the newly appointed Inspector 
General at one o'clock in the afternoon for his inauguration. However, as so 
often occurred, the schedule was upset in the course of the morning by many 
discussions which ran overtime. The appointment was changed to 7 p.m. with 
the explanation: The Chancellor would like to see you last so that he has time 
for you. 


When the Inspector General presented himself after the second last 
visitor shortly before 9 o'clock in the evening, the Chancellor said: Come along, 
we're going into the garden — I strongly feel the need for some fresh air right 
now. During the walk, which lasted one and a half hours, in the garden of the 
Reich Chancellery, The Leader introduced his Inspector General to his ideas, 
spoke of coming developments in the traffic system, of the inadequacy of all 
those measures which were designed to meet only the immediate traffic needs, 
of far sighted building and construction, warned the Inspector General of 
obstacles and difficulties, gave reasons for certain technical details, laid down 
exactly the minimum breadth of the roadway, the construction of which was to 
meet the highest demands, determined the major lines for the main network, 
and finally dismissed the Inspector General with the emphatic words: I believe 
in the necessity of this measure and in the correctness of this beginning, and 
you must believe in it just as firmly as I do and act decisively accordingly. 


THE FIRST CUT OF THE SPADE, FRANKFURT AM MAIN, 23RD SEPTEMBER, 1933 


In two and a half months of intensive work, plans and designs were 
drawn. For the beginning of this great undertaking, which was to stretch over 
the whole of Germany, only Frankfurt am Main came into question. Here a 
preliminary survey years ago had already looked into the possibility of a 
roadway purely for motor vehicles from Hamburg to Basel via Frankfurt. These 
preparations made for a rapid conclusion to the work on the blueprints. At the 


beginning of September, the plans for the first section from Frankfurt to 
Darmstadt were finished. The first cut of the spade and with it the opening of 
the construction of this great undertaking were set down for the 21st of 
September. In the first meetings with the Inspector General, Hitler had already 
determined that he himself would open the construction of this undertaking. 

For years the number of unemployed had risen in Frankfurt until there were 
approximately 80000 in 1932. Now, in the immediate vicinity of this city, this 
great construction of The Leader was to start. Thousands of workers were to be 
given lasting jobs which were to bring back confidence and belief into the lives 
of the workers and their families. At seven o'clock in the morning, the first 700 
workers left the Employment Office. In the central square the District Leader 
and the Inspector General handed out the tools. From there the workers 
continued on towards the Main, their new place of work, singing and cheering. 

The Leader's plane landed at 10 o'clock. His trip through Frankfurt 
was fraught with great difficulties: The SA men who formed the barrier cheered 
The Leader on and the inhabitants of Frankfurt, both old and young, again and 
again broke through the barrier, so that the trip from the airport to the 
construction site took more than an hour. 

The place where the first spade was to sink into the ground was no 
festival ground but a construction site. In front of the embankment from which 
The Leader spoke stood the workers and their families. The guests of honour 
were a little cramped for space. But here it was the workers who were the 
guests of honour. The Leader spoke: 

We are today standing at the beginning of an immense task. Its 
significance not only for German transport and communications, but for the 
German economy in its broadest sense, will only be fully appreciated in the 
decades to come. In decades to come traffic will be dependent on these new 
great roads which we will build through the whole of Germany. I know that this 
day of festivities will pass, and that times will come when rain, frost and snow 
will make work trying and difficult for each one of you. But it is necessary, the 
work must be done. No one will help us if we do not help ourselves. 

The Leader concluded his speech with the words: 

Go now to your work! The construction must begin today. Let the 
work commence! And before many more years have passed, this immense work 
will testify to our willpower, our diligence, our abilities and our determination. 
German workers, to your work! 

To the cheers of the workers. The Leader seized his spade after these 
words, and stepped up to the construction platform. A train rolled forward 
pulling its large two cubic metre carriages filled high with earth. Slowly and 
thunderously the carriages tipped out the earth which was to build the six 
metre high wall at the embankment. With steady hands The Leader dug his 
spade into the heavy pieces of earth. Again and again he dug his spade into the 
mound. This was no symbolic digging, this was real earth work! A number of 
workers realised that The Leader would probably not stop until the two cubic 
metre mound had been properly levelled. They jumped forward with their 


shovels to help. The Leader continued to shovel with them until the mound of 
earth had been spread in an orderly fashion and the first beads of perspiration 
fell from his forehead onto the earth. The Leader laughed and stopped 
shovelling with his two unknown work colleagues when nothing more was left 
to shovel, and then walked through the work sites where the remaining 700 
workers had begun their work in the meantime. 



The Leader's interest in road construction: inspection of the Alpine Road 




Flight around Germany. 




His roads lead Adolf Hitler to his Folk. 


Did you see how The Leader even shovelled away the earth from the 
tracks at the end so that the carriages could move out again? Like a real 
labourer. He can really work, I scarcely managed to keep up, one of the two 
later related. 

In the week after that first dig of the spade, a Supervisor approached 
the Site Manager of the Reich Autobahn. Herr Oberbaurat, we must put a fence 
around the spot where The Leader shovelled. Our workers remove handfuls of 
the earth after they have finished work and take it home in their bags. Even the 
women and the children take home souvenirs. Thus The Leader's work and the 
attitude of the workers have ennobled work, which up till then had fallen into 
disrepute as the dirtiest work of all. Many worker families today in Frankfurt 
treasure a small parcel of earth more carefully than any valuable possession. 


THE LEADER'S PARTICIPATION IN THE WORK 


The Leader is regularly informed of the progress of the work by the 
Inspector General. In the course of these briefings The Leader intervenes 
decisively in many details to influence the basic attitude of the coworkers to 
this work according to his will. In these discussions over the details, it has 
happened again and again that a decision made by The Leader has proved itself 
to be the only possible solution in the course of time. An example of this was 



the decision about the lines of the section on the southern bank of the 
Chiemsee in Upper Bavaria. Between this lake and the rising mountains, there 
is a moor which is several kilometres wide. The crossing of this moor had 
caused severe difficulties for the railroad. The first design of the line for the 
Reich Autobahn avoided the moor in a wide arc to the side of the bank towards 
the south. The Leader did not agree to this line, which offered the road neither 
a view of the lake nor a view of the mountains. He requested that further and 
more thorough investigations should be made to determine whether a 
possibility could still be found to put the road closer to the lake. At his 
instigation further extensive drilling was carried out in the vicinity of the lake. 
To everyone's great surprise these further investigations revealed a rocklike 
ledge close to the lake. This ledge was just wide enough to enable the road to 
be built close to the side of the lake in accordance with The Leader's wishes. 

In the construction of the great bridgeheads. The Leader has also 
repeatedly made the final choice. One of the first great bridges to be tackled 
was the Mangfall Bridge near Miinchen, with a length of approximately 300 
metres and a height of approximately 60 metres above the base of the valley. 
From a contest which resulted in about 70 entrants. The Leader decided on the 
design to be used, and thereby determined the type of major bridge which 
afterwards was to be built at various other places. The lines and shapes of the 
constructions which The Leader himself determined are clear and simple, and 
at the same time ambitious and daring. Besides the shape, his decision is 
greatly influenced by the question of the soundness of the construction. Cheap 
construction parts, such as hollow pillars and pylons, are rejected by The 
Leader as they raise doubts about the unlimited durability. His constructions, 
like all his ideas, do not serve the moment, but the future: What we build must 
still be standing long after we have gone. The decision of The Leader can also 
from time to time be a rejection. The rejection is then pronounced and justified 
clearly. In one case The Leader interrupted the continuing work on an 
unsuccessful construction, and a telephone conversation with the Inspector 
General resulted in the immediate reemployment of all concerned. 

For the German Alpine Road, The Leader also determined the bases of 
the routes himself and in repeated cases decided on different details. 


MODEL CAMPS FOR WORKERS ON THE REICH AUTOBAHNS 


The commencement of construction work in all parts of the Reich in 
the course of 1934 required workers to be housed partly in huts. These 
workers' camps were first constructed, as they had been built for many years 
before, in the building and construction trade. In summer these camps were 
only just satisfactory. When winter approached, it became urgent to remedy 
the existing situation, as these camps were inadequate for the workers of Adolf 
Hitler's roads. A number of reminders to this effect to the industry were only 
partly satisfactory. In was difficult to remedy the unsatisfactory nature of this 
accommodation in a quick and satisfactory way after long years of workers 
having tolerated it. Finally the Inspector General brought the matter to the 


attention of The Leader to seek instructions. When The Leader learned that the 
accommodation in the huts of the workers on his roads left much to be desired, 
he set changes in motion in the space of a few hours with his customary 
uncompromising energy which we have seen in similar instances. With the 
assistance of the Labour Service, model camps were erected in the whole of 
Germany within a few weeks. The worker on the roads of Adolf Hitler is housed 
here in clean quarters. Meals are taken in larger rooms. Every camp has 
washing and shower facilities, with hot and cold water and a communal room 
for relaxing after work. The Leader himself drew the details for these camps in 
sketches. Through The Leader's intervention in the autumn of 1934, the 
housing of the German worker has reached a standard which no other 
European country can boast of even approaching. 




' ! S51 

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_■■ 



Emhi. 



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P’ ! ‘r - ■ ■ jJ 


Opening of the Reich Autobahn Frankfurt-Darmstadt in 1935. From left to right: 


Reich Minister Of War von Blomberg, The Leader, Inspector General Dr. Todt, 



President Of The Reich Bank Dr. Schacht, Director General Of The Reich Railway 

Dr. Dorpmuller, Reich Minister Dr. Gobbels. 


THE LEADER AT CONSTRUCTION SITES AND FINISHED ROADS 


The inspection of a construction site or a stretch of road which has 
just been finished gives The Leader immense joy. The Leader shows an interest 
in all aspects of the work: the workers, the manner of construction, the 
housing of the workers; and he also has a keen interest in the positioning of 
the road with respect to the landscape. The Leader wants his roads to be bold 
and spacious, but at the same time in harmony with the landscape. The 
workers are usually very surprised when he suddenly walks out amongst them. 
Many have dropped their picks in surprise. Then, however, their eyes light up 
with the purest joy to know that The Leader has come to their work. The 
feeling of happiness and joy which prevails at a construction site when the 
faces of hundreds of grown men express their delight in a way we have only 
ever seen in children in front of a Christmas tree is totally unimaginable. As a 
rule the workers stay at their spots and, after their initial surprise, continue to 
work. In doing so they show their capacity for work. The Leader speaks with 
individuals, particularly with older workers. 60-70 year olds are no exceptions 
at these sites. To one 70 year old The Leader said near Darmstadt: When I am 
as old as you, I would like to still be able to work as you are doing now. 

The first trips over completed stretches of road inspire The Leader. 
The traffic counts interest him, particularly as they confirm the interest of 
private and commercial motor travel in the new roads. The stretch from 
Heidelberg to Frankfurt am Main was christened by The Leader with a picnic. 

He came for the first trip a few days before the section was opened to traffic on 
the way from Mittelbaden after the Rheinland. Having been advised by the 
Inspector General, The Leader determined that a rest stop should be made at a 
suitable picnic spot. In the magnificent autumnal beech forest. The Leader's 
cavalcade left the Autobahn, and Kannenberg, the Provisions Master, produced 
a splendid repast in the woods. After such a trip over a section of road which 
has just been completed, one later hears from those who had been present just 
how enthusiastically The Leader speaks about his roads. 

Thus the roads of Adolf Hitler come into being in close connection 
with their creator. The immense importance of these completed roads for the 
future development of transport and communications has been repeatedly 
emphasised by The Leader himself: In a few years, these roads will be one of 
the most powerful means of promoting an increase in motor traffic, and with it, 
in productivity, the extent of which is still inconceivable today, but also an 
annual attraction for many hundreds of thousands of foreigners, because, after 
the completion of the Autobahns, Germany will be able to lay claim to having 
by far the most modern network of highways in the world (15th February, 

1935, at the opening of the Automobile Exhibition). 


Far beyond the borders of Germany, countries are observing the road 
construction of our Leader. Almost weekly, official and private groups of 
foreign guests come to visit the construction sites or the completed stretches 
of the Reich Autobahns. The enthusiasm and admiration with which they 
observe The Leader's gigantic work are expressed in their letters and their 
newspapers. From the many foreign press agencies one has written: 

Just as the pyramids tell of the history of the Pharaohs, and the 
Roman roads testify to the power of the Roman Emperors, so the magnificent 
highways will serve to remind the German Nation of the most outstanding 
figure in its history, a National Comrade, once without name and position, who 
from nothing and without external help created a new Reich merely through his 
own strength and imposed his will on the fate of the whole Nation. 



The Leader travels on the Rhein to attend the transfer of the Saar in 1934, on 

the Ehrenbreitstein. 













Viewing the SS troops. 




Braunschweig March, 1931. 









Sftnc. 






Our Hitler: A Radio Broadcast -- The German Folk On The Leader's Birthday -- 

By Dr. Joseph Gobbels 



In the city of the Party rallies. At the window of the hotel Deutscher Hof in 

Niirnberg. 


However often The Leader must show himself to thousands, at times 
hundreds of thousands, of people at mass gatherings, at receptions or at state 
functions as the representative of the Party and the German Nation, and 
converse with them, just as often The Leader consciously avoids all 
demonstrations and honours which are aimed only at him and him alone. It is 
this attitude which has led to his spending his birthdays in some little village or 
in a little town in Germany which previously had been generally unknown. Just 
how strongly The Leader impresses his closest colleagues by his very humane 
and very personable nature can be felt in the radio speeches which Reich 
Minister Gobbels has given to the German Nation on all radio stations on the 
occasion of The Leader's birthdays. The text of the third speech on the 20th of 
April, 1935, particularly merits being recorded within the covers of this work. 

Ladies and gentlemen, my National Comrades! Two years ago 







already, on the 20th April, 1933, after Adolf Hitler had been in power for a 
mere three months, I gave an address to the German Nation on the radio on 
the occasion of The Leader's birthday. Just as then, it is not my intention today 
to read out to you a glowing editorial. I leave that to better stylists. Nor shall I 
endeavour to honour the historical work of Adolf Hitler. On the contrary: Today, 
on the occasion of The Leader's birthday, it is time, I think, to present to the 
whole nation Hitler, the man, with all the charm of his personality, the 
mysterious magic and the immense strength he radiates. There is probably no 
longer anyone on the face of this earth who does not know him as a statesman 
and as a superior national leader. Only a few, however, have had the privilege 
of being in his presence daily, seeing him at close hand and, I may add, 
consequently getting to understand and love him all the more. These few alone 
have understood the miracle of how and for what reason it is possible that a 
man, who a mere three years ago still had half the nation against him, today 
has been elevated above all doubt and above all criticism by the entire nation. 

If Germany now has found an unshakeable unity, then it is in the conviction 
that Adolf Hitler is the man of destiny who has been called upon to raise the 
nation up again out of its most terrible internal divisiveness and the 
humiliation imposed on it from without to the freedom its Folk have longed for. 

The fact that one man through his work, which has at times 
necessitated hard and unpopular decisions, has captured the hearts of the 
whole nation, is one of the deepest and most so wonderful secrets of our time. 
This cannot be explained merely by the force of his achievements, because it is 
the very Folk who have sacrificed the most, and those who must still make 
sacrifices in the cause of national reconstruction, who were most moved by his 
broadcast, and who are the most sincere and ardent in their love for him as The 
Leader and as a man. This is the result of the immense charm of his personality 
and the magic of his pure and unspoilt humanity. 

This humanity, as it is revealed most vividly to those closest to him, is 
to be the subject of this speech. 

Like every genuine humanity, so this one is simple and clear in its 
being and in its action. This is revealed just as much in the smallest as in the 
greatest things. The simple clarity which is foremost in his political dealings, is 
also the ruling principle of his whole life. It is totally inconceivable to imagine 
him posing. His Folk would not recognise him again in a pose. His daily menu is 
the simplest and most modest that one can imagine. Its presentation does not 
change whether he is dining with a few close friends or with important State 
visitors. When recently at a reception for the Districts Leaders of the Winter 
Assistance Scheme, an elderly Party member asked him to sign a menu as a 
souvenir after lunch, he hesitated for a moment, and then laughed and said: It 
really doesn't matter. Here the menus never change, and anyone may have a 
look at them. 

Adolf Hitler is one of the few State leaders who, with the exception of 
a single distinguished war medal which he won as an ordinary soldier for his 
immense personal bravery, never wears medals and decorations. This shows 
his restraint, but also his pride. There is no one on Earth who could be more 


distinguished than he himself. Every sign of obtrusiveness he finds unpleasant; 
but wherever he has to represent his Government and his Nation, he does so 
with a composed and impressive dignity. And behind everything he is and does 
are the words which the great soldier Schlieffen wrote about his work: More 
essence than appearance! In him, diligence and an untiring tenacity which 
reach out far beyond normal human strength, combine in the pursuit of set 
goals. A few days ago when I landed again in Berlin at one o'clock in the 
morning, he was still sitting fresh and engrossed in his work alone in his 
apartment. He had me report for close to two hours about the construction of 
the Reich Autobahns, a topic which seemed totally removed from the weighty 
problems of foreign policy with which he had been dealing the whole day from 
early in the morning until late at night. Before the last Party Day in Niirnberg, I 
was his guest for a week on the Obersalzberg. Every night until six or seven in 
the morning, there was light to be seen at his window: The Leader was 
dictating the great speeches which he gave a few days later at the rally of the 
Reich Party Day. No law is accepted in Cabinet which he has not thoroughly 
studied to the last detail. He is the most thorough and well informed military 
expert; every piece of artillery and every machine gun he has a specialist's 
knowledge of. Only those who are familiar with the finest details can inform 
him in such matters. 

His work pattern is clear and precise. Nothing is more distasteful to 
him than nervous haste and hysteria. He knows better than anyone else that 
there are a hundred and one problems which need to be solved. Of these, 
however, he chooses two or three pressing ones which he has identified as the 
general problems, and refuses to let himself be distracted by the gravity of the 
remaining ones as he attends to them. He knows that by solving the few very 
great problems, problems of lesser importance often tend to solve themselves 
as a result. 

In attacking the problems themselves, he shows on the one hand the 
firmness which is required to carry through the principles, and the flexibility 
which seems to be necessary in implementing the methods. 



Last visit to Hindenburg before his death in July, 1934. 


The Leader is nothing less than a stickler for his principles and a 
worshipper of dogmas; however, principles and dogmas never come off badly 
because he approaches them with the superior adaptability of his methods and 
procedures. His goals have never changed. What he is doing today is what he 
wanted to do in 1919. However, in accordance with the situation at hand, he 
has always been able to change the methods which he used in the past to 
achieve these goals. When he was offered the office of Vice Chancellor in 1932, 
he refused plainly and bluntly. He had the feeling that the time was not yet 
ripe, and that the ground on which he was to be placed was too narrow for him 
to remain standing on. When on the 30th of January, 1933, a wider door was 
opened to him, he strode through courageously, even if it was not total 
responsibility which he was given. He knew that the foundation on which he 
was now standing was sufficient for him to begin the struggle for absolute 
power from there. Those who claimed to know better at the time understood 
neither one nor the other; today they need to offer their apologies humbly 
because he was superior to them not only in tactics but also in the strategic 
carrying out of principles whose champions they had set themselves up to be in 
arrogant short sightedness. 



Funeral service for Field Marshal von Hindenburg in the Courtyard Of Honour of 
the Tannenburg Memorial: The Leader's obituary. 


Last summer two photograph appeared in the press which show The 
Leader's solitariness in a most startling way. The first shows him saluting a 
march past of the Army from the window of the Chancellery the day following 
the 30th of June, when he was forced to wash treason and mutiny away with 
bloodshed. His face was almost paralysed by the incisive bitterness of the 
difficult hours he had just experienced. The second photograph shows him 
leaving the house of the Reich President after a last visit to the dying Field 
Marshall. His face is overshadowed by pain and sadness at the merciless death 
which was to rob him of his fatherly friend within the next few hours. It was 




with an almost prophetic foresight that, on New Year's Eve, 1934, he had 
already told a few of his close friends of the great dangers ahead for 1934, and 
that Hindenburg would be torn from our sides in the course of the year. Now 
the unavoidable had happened, and in the drawn features of one individual is 
expressed the pain of a whole nation. 

This whole nation not only admires him but loves him with all their 
heart because its Folk feel that he belongs to them, is flesh of their flesh and 
spirit of their spirit. This is expressed even in the smallest and most trivial 
things of everyday life. There is, for example, in the Reich Chancellery a 
respectful camaraderie which ties the last SS Man in the escort command 
irrevocably with The Leader. On trips everyone sleeps in the same hotel and 
under the same conditions. Is it a wonder then that it is the most modest 
people in his entourage who are the most devoted to him?! They have the 
instinctive feeling that there is no pretence, and that everything about The 
Leader is natural and comes from deep within his soul. 

A few weeks ago, about 50 young girls, German nationals living 
outside the Reich who had spent a year in the Reich on courses and now had to 
return sad to their homelands, asked in the Chancellery if they could briefly see 
The Leader. He invited them all to dine with him, and listened for hours as they 
talked about their homes and their modest lives. As they were leaving they 
suddenly joined in the song When Everyone Becomes Unfaithful, and huge 
tears ran down their cheeks. In the midst of them stood the man who had 
become the embodiment of an eternal Germany for them, and who now sent 
them on their difficult way with warm and friendly words of consolation. 



V - Wk 

The Leader on his 47th birthday. 




On the morning of the 15th of January, 1935: The Leader thanks District Leader 

Burckel on the occasion of the Saar Victory. 


He came from among the Folk, and he has remained one of them. He, 
who spends two days in 15 hour conferences with the statesmen of the world 
ruler England, negotiating with polished dialogue and a masterly control of the 
arguments and figures over the fate of Europe, speaks in the same completely 
natural way to men of the Folk. By a friendly, informal Du, he restores at once 
the self confidence of a war comrade who approaches him with trepidation, and 
has probably been deliberating for days as to how he should address him and 
what he should say to him. The smallest children walk up to him with a friendly 
and trusting nature because they sense that he is their friend and their 
protector. In fact, the whole Folk love him because they feel safe in his hands, 
like a child in the arms of its mother. 

This man is fanatically possessed by his cause. He has sacrificed his 
happiness and his private life for it. There is nothing else for him than his work 








which fills him and which he serves as the most faithful worker in the Reich 
with deep humility. 

An artist becomes a statesman, and in his historical construction his 
great artistry is revealed again. He requires no external honours; his most 
lasting and immortal honour is his work itself. We, who have had the fortune of 
being daily in his presence, shine only in his light, and want only to be his 
obedient followers in the train led by his banners. Often enough he has said in 
that small circle which is comprised of his oldest combatants and his closest 
friends: It will be terrible one day when the first amongst us dies , and his 
empty place will no longer be able to be filled. May a kindly fate grant that his 
place remains filled for as long as possible, and that for many more decades to 
come the Nation under his leadership will be able to continue along its path to 
new freedom, greatness, and power. This is the most sincere and fervent wish 
which the whole of the German Folk lay at his feet today in gratitude. And like 
us, who stand gathered closely around him, so at this hour may the last man in 
the furthest village join in saying: 

What he was is what he is, and may he always remain what he is: Our 

Hitler! 


Buckeberg, 1934. 





The Work Army. Reich Party Day, 1935. 


Reich President von Hindenburg and Reich Chancellor Hitler. 








Adolf Hitler entertains prominent citizens of the Free State Of Bavaria. 












Farmers with the Chancellor. 



Reich Party Day, 1935: The Labour Soldiers. 













The Leader And The Defence Force — By Lieutenant Colonel Fortsch 



Germany's present. 


Adolf Hitler was a soldier in the German Army. He was so on a 
voluntary basis, and with every fibre of his being in the greatest war which an 
Army ever had to fight, in the hail of bullets of raging world battles, in dirt and 
mud and clouds of gas, in the very front line which for four long years bled to 
death for the Homeland. 

He was a keen observer. He understood what the November 
Revolution could not, and was incapable of, understanding if it were not to 
have its activity immediately revealed as outrageous treason: that a Folk 
cannot work if they are unable to protect the workplace of even their smallest 
son from enemy attack, that it cannot cultivate the earth if the sword does not 
guarantee the plough. He also saw what the Old Army was lacking, and how it 
had been sinned against in the liberal era of 1914 by the Reich Parliament. 

Thus two basic facts revealed themselves to him: the restoration of 
German military freedom, and, at the same time, the creation of a new German 
Defence Force, strong enough to defend the German borders from any attack, 
and secondly, basing the formation of the Defence Force on old idea of 
universal conscription and on the principle that military service is a service of 
honour to the Nation. It is therefore not accorded to anyone unworthy or 





inimical to the Folk, nor should there be any preferential treatment or special 
considerations granted to any individuals. 


With inner sympathy and great satisfaction. The Leader saw that the 
Reich Defence succeeded, amidst the pacifism and defeatism, the treason and 
the dilapidation of the November Republic, in keeping the German Defence 
Force in form and even shaping from it a strong and useful weapon within the 
framework of the existing possibilities. 



v 



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} 

E: ■■ 





Coastal protection: marine artillery defending the coast. 


Already in the early stages there began as a result a liaison between 
the Reich Defence and The Leader of the National Socialist German Workers' 
Party. Particularly the younger Officers soon realised that here was a man who 
was the only one capable of rebuilding the German Army once again. 

A few days after the 30th of January, 1933, The Leader, who had just 
been made Chancellor, assembled in the Ministry Of The Reich Defence all the 
higher ranking Commanders. In detail he revealed to them the essential 
features of National Socialist politics. He assigned to them their tasks, and put 
them clearly into the picture concerning what he demanded of the Defence 
Force, and what its duties would be in a National Socialist Germany. The public 
at large heard nothing of this discussion. It was only two years later that the 
new German Defence Force emerged to see the light of day. 

When Adolf Hitler wrote his work My Struggle, he remembered the 
Old Army in which he had served for four years as an ordinary soldier, and then 
later as a Lance Corporal, and he remembered it with words which show today 
and always the great pride in the German Defence Force: The Army was the 
most powerful school in the German Nation, and it was not in vain that the 
hatred of all its enemies was directed expressly against this umbrella of 
national survival and freedom. No more splendid memorial can be dedicated to 
this single institution than the realisation of the truth that it was slandered, 
hated, fought, but also feared, by anyone and anything inferior. What the 
German Folk owe the Army may be briefly summarised in a single word: 
everything. The Army taught absolute responsibility at a time when this quality 
had already become rare; furthermore, it taught personal courage in an era 
when cowardice threatened to become a rampant illness, and the willingness to 
make sacrifices for the common good was already considered almost stupidity. 
The only people thought to be clever seemed to be those who knew best how to 
protect themselves alone and to promote their own best interests. It was the 
school which still taught the individual German not to look for the well being of 
the Nation in the hypocritical phrases of its international alliances, but in the 
strength and unity of its own national traditions. The Army taught decisiveness. 


whereas in the rest of the community indecisiveness and doubts began to 
determine the dealings between the people. In an era when know it alls were 
setting the tone everywhere there was a lot to be said for upholding the 
principle that a command was always better than none at all. In this one single 
principle there was still a robust, unspoilt healthiness which had long since 
become lost in the rest of our life if the Army and its training had not ensured 
the continuing renewal of this elemental force. The Army taught idealism and 
devotion to the Fatherland and to its greatness. It taught that there was a 
united Folk and not separate social classes, and here perhaps its one flaw 
showed, namely, the institution of a yearly voluntary service. The highest 
achievement which can be attributed to the Army of the Old Reich, however, 
must be that at a time of general outvoting of heads, it placed the heads above 
the majority. The Army upheld the belief in personality against the Jewish 
democratic notion of a blind worship of figures. Thus it also taught what the 
present required most urgently: men. In the swamp of a general softness and 
lack of masculinity, there shot out from among the ranks of the Army every 
year 350000 vigorous young men who, in their two year training, had lost the 
softness of youth, and whose bodies had become as hard as steel. The young 
man, however, who during this time had practiced obedience, could now learn 
to command. The soldier who had done his military service could be recognised 
by his very step. This was the highest school of the German Nation, and it was 
not in vain that upon it was concentrated the grim hatred of those who, out of 
jealousy and greed, desired and wished for the impotence of the Reich and the 
defencelessness of its citizens. What many Germans were too blind to see or 
refused to see due do ill will was recognised by the rest of the world: The 
German Army was the most powerful weapon in the service of freedom in the 
German Nation and the nourishment of its children. 








Announcement of the freedom of the Defence Force, 1935. 


In one respect, however. The Leader's opinion of the Old Army could 
not apply to the new Defence Force as it had to exist after the Treaty Of 
Versailles. This was because it was not formed according to the will of the Folk. 
Its form was forced upon it from without. Barely two in a thousand in the 
population were allowed to undertake military service. Therefore the Defence 
Force no longer exercised the extensive, educative effect it once had. 

Thus it was a matter of course for The Leader to ensure that this 
professional Army was once again replaced by a true Folk's Army. Every soldier 
knew this as well, and therefore it cannot be surprising that the decision of von 
Hindenburg, the Reich President at the time, to entrust The Leader with the 
office of Chancellor, was greeted with enthusiasm particularly by the Defence 
Force, because if any power in Germany at all could free the Army and Navy 
from the oppressive shackles of Versailles, then it was the power of this 
Chancellor behind whom marched the strongest political Movement of the Folk. 

However, even in the ranks of the Reich Defence, it was clearly 
realised that this act of liberation could not be child's play, and that the 
greatest difficulties would be encountered. But there was at the same time an 
unshakeable belief that The Leader and only The Leader would be in the 
position of bringing about this act. 

When his decision of the 14th of October, 1933, to turn his back on 
the League Of Nations became known, every soldier's heart leapt for joy 
because everyone understood that now the restoration of German military 
freedom had been achieved. 

It is no coincidence that, since that memorable Potsdam Day, the 
German Army marched next to the SA and the formations of the Party on all 
German holidays. This new Army, which is a true Folk's Army, and which knows 
no differences of background, wealth or social position, just as the Party has 
never taken these into account, belongs to the Folk. It belongs in the midst of 
the Folk, and thus does not consider it a command but a matter of course that 
it should be amongst the Folk on these holidays, whether it be the 1st of May or 
the Harvest Festival, whether it be festive or mournful occasion, or whether it 
be the great Niirnberg Folk Day. Everywhere the Defence Force stands shoulder 
to shoulder with the National Comrades. 

Thus even in his great Reich Parliament speech of the 30th of 
January, on the anniversary of the National Socialist Revolution, The Leader 
could say about the relationship of the Defence Force to the Party the following 
words: 


It is a unique historical occurrence that, between the powers of the 
revolution and the leaders of a most highly disciplined Defence Force, there 
should be such a warm and close association as there is between the National 
Socialist Party and me as its Leader on the one hand, and the Officers and 
Soldiers of the German Reich Army and Navy on the other hand. The Defence 


Force and its leadership has stood in complete loyalty and allegiance to the 
new Government. The fact that the Defence Force has no special existence, but 
is a National Socialist Defence Force, goes without saying in a National Socialist 
Government, but even in external matters this is expressed with pride and joy 
by the fact that every man who serves in it, from the Commander In Chief to 
the last recruit, wears the National Emblem of the National Socialist Movement 
on his uniform. 



The launching of the armoured ship Admiral Graf Spee. 



The Leader amidst his Blue Boys. 










A visit to the Fleet. 


The Leader has repeatedly emphasised this, and has described the 
Party and the Defence Force as the two pillars on which the construction of the 
National Socialist Third Reich is founded. With great clarity he explained that 
the Party was the political will bearer of the Nation, and the Defence Force the 
weapon bearer. Consciously and entirely of its own free will, the Defence Force 
developed totally in the National Socialist sense in the new Government, and 
allied itself to the Government for better or for worse. It is a straight line from 
the introduction of the comradely greeting with the Divisions of the National 
Socialist German Workers' Party, through the participation on all the festivities 
of the Party and the Government, to the introduction of the National Emblem of 
the Movement into the Defence Force, its participation in the Party Days, to the 
raising of the Naval Ensign decorated with the Swastika. And the Duties Of The 
German Soldier have been written in the National Socialist spirit just as the 
Oath Of Allegiance also expresses this: 


I swear to God this holy oath, of absolute obedience to The Leader of the German 
Reich and the German Folk, the Commander In Chief of the Defence Force. I also 
swear as a courageous soldier that I will be prepared at any time to risk my life for 
this oath. 


The Reich Minister Of War, from the first day he assumed office, had left no 
doubts that the National Socialist world view would also have to be the irrevocable basis 
for the life of the German Defence Force. During his addresses to the troops and on all 
other occasions, he alluded to this again and again and stated that the vow of loyalty to 
The Leader and his work was honourable and sacrosanct. The Defence Force grew in the 
Government of the German rebirth. The Reich War Minister himself once put this into 
words in an essay in the Folkish Observer: It came as what it was, as the innerly 
organised, disciplined means of power in the hands of its leadership. It serves this 
Government, which it supports from deep conviction, and it stands to this leadership 









which gave back to it the first and foremost right not only to be the bearer of its 
weapons but also to be the bearer of an unlimited trust on the part of the Folk and the 
Government. Today a military view of things penetrates the whole of the German Folk. 
The strength in which the Defence Force is carried streams as an elemental force from 
the source of a strong belief in Germany and its right to survival. Today the soldier 
stands consciously in the middle of the political life of a united Folk. Military service has 
once again become a service of honour to the German Folk. The Defence Force has 
stood up to the difficult test of discipline in Germany's darkest time, under incredible 
strain at times, and has won out. The action groups of the trenches of the World War 
which Hitler made as the foundation of the new National Community became the 
starting point of the great tradition which the Defence Force inherited from the Old 
Army. It stands in close association with the whole of the Folk, proudly wearing the 
National Emblem of Germany's rebirth on its steel helmets and uniforms, in military 
discipline and loyalty behind the leadership of the Government, The Leader of the Reich, 
Adolf Hitler, who once came from our ranks, and will always remain one of us. 



The first swearing in of recruits of the Folk's Army at the Feldherrnhalle in Munchen on 

the 7th of November, 1935. 











The Reich Party Day at Niirnberg, 1935: The Navy during the march past on the Day Of 

The Defence Force. 

Here one can read the very secret which binds The Leader with the new 
Army. It is the same secret which binds The Leader and the worker, The Leader and the 
farmer, The Leader and the political fighter, because each one can say with conviction: 
He is one of us. The Leader comes from the farm, he was a worker like millions and 
millions of his National Comrades, and, as an ordinary soldier, he lay in the trenches 
during a four year war for the continued existence of Germany, again just as millions 
and millions of Germans did. He was a soldier, a courageous soldier, who risked his life 
as a dispatch rider in the midst of the hell that was the barrages, and when today the 
old soldiers from the World War sit together with The Leader, then they talk about this 
time as they all risked their lives for the Fatherland, and this now unites them in an 
immense friendship. They all know to whom they have sworn their personal oath, 
namely, to the comrade from the Great War, and in him to the legacy of all the fallen. 
This is what makes the Defence Force a National Socialist body even from within: The 
Leader is its leader. He will always remain the soldier who is prepared to ward off the 







enemy with his own life, and who therefore also has the right to demand this of others. 
He is aware of the needs and worries a soldier has, he knows what he wants and what 
must be kept from him, and he knows this not from reports and hearsay, but from his 
own great experience. Thus it is obvious that for the Defence Force today there is no 
greater pride than to be associated with this man, and when the troops parade before 
him their eyes light up, their step becomes more determined, and every muscle tenses 
to its greatest strength. The Commanders, however, know that the new Defence Force 
owes its existence principally and solely to this man who in tough political negotiations 
and with rigorous attention to detail created the possibility of reestablishing German 
military sovereignty and restoring the old right of the free German man to military 
service. 


However, The Leader always impresses on the young soldier that this civil 
right to serve the Folk entails enormous responsibility, and as much as the Defence 
Force will find in him every support for what it requires, so he asks expressly that every 
soldier be aware that it is the sacrifices of the whole Nation which allow him to carry out 
this civil right and bounden duty. Thus after the magnificent military spectacle on the 
Reich Party Day in 1935 in Nurnberg The Leader spoke these fine words to his soldiers: 
Whenever you have to make personal sacrifices in matters of obedience, fulfilment of 
duties, subordination, hardness, endurance and efficiency, do not forget, my soldiers, 
that the whole of the German Folk also make great sacrifices for you. We make these 
sacrifices in the conviction that no war is needed to reward us for them. You need 
conquer no glorious title for the German Army — this it already possesses — you need 
only to keep it. Germany has not lost its military honour, and least of all in the last war. 
It is up to you to ensure that the trust of the Nation will always be yours as it once was 
the Army's whose helmet from its glorious past you now wear. Then the German Folk 
will love you, will believe in its Army, and make every sacrifice gladly and joyfully in the 
conviction that in doing so the peace of the Nation will be maintained and the upbringing 
of the Folk guaranteed. This is the plea of the Nation, its expectation of and request to 
you. And I know you will fulfil this request, the expectation and this plea, because you 
are the new soldiers of the new German Reich. 

Thus The Leader and the Defence Force, the Defence Force and the Folk are 
one, just as the Folk and The Leader are one, bound not only by oaths and promises, 
but through the common striving and the common will towards a free and united, strong 
National Socialist Reich. 










Bombers over Nurnberg 







The new tank weapon. 








On the Day Of The Defence Force, 1935: The Leader with his Commanders In Chief: 
from left to right: Air Chief Marshall Goring of the Airforce; Field Marshall von Blomberg 










On board a warship, The Leader visited the Norwegian Fjords. 


4 



The greyhounds of the Baltic: A German Schnellboot. 





















The Leader visits the Schleswig-Holstein in the port of Hamburg. 






The Leader And German Youth — By Baldur von Schirach, Lead Of The Hitler 

Youth 



Party Rally Of Freedom: the youngest drummers in the Nation. 


The Leader is paid homage by our youth in all parts of the Reich, and 
to the concept of Adolf Hitler today belongs the picture of an inspired and 
devoted youth which cheers him on and serves him. We have become 
accustomed to it as to something totally natural. Whether on his journeys he 
drives through an uninterrupted Guard Of Honour formed by this youth, or 
whether he is surrounded by it during the great festive occasions of the 
Movement, its marches and rallies, young people are always there where The 
Leader is, always and everywhere declaring their support for him. This picture 
to which we Germans have become so accustomed always appears to the 
foreigner as something marvellous; the mythical concurrence of The Leader of 








the Nation with the young generation belongs to those inexplicable things 
which the foreigner calls the German miracle. There is, in fact, hardly a better 
expression for this occurrence of complete unity, not only of all classes, ranks, 
and religions, but also of all the generations of our Folk. And this seems a 
miracle to us Germans ourselves: the fact that The Leader succeeded in 
committing all age groups of our Folk to a common ideal, which each person 
tries to follow in his own way, that is, with the strength over which he prevails. 
The younger ones and the very young follow it with that passion and power of 
enthusiasm which has always characterised a forwards striving German youth; 
the older people and the aged with the calm clarity of purpose, constancy and 
mature strength which characterises their years. Thus Adolf Hitler raised an 
entire Folk to serve an idea. The ten year olds are the upholders of his work 
and heralds of his will with convictions which are just as strong as those of the 
thirty to forty year olds. Indeed, it is particularly these youngsters who feel 
especially drawn to the figure of The Leader because they sense with the 
unmistakable certainty of their instinct that The Leader has dedicated his 
thoughts and concerns to them above all. They know that he serves the future, 
which they themselves represent. 

Germany has suffered greatly, particularly in its more recent past, 
from the conflict between the younger and the older generations. This conflict 
was felt in almost every family, particularly in the decade after the Great War. 

It is pointless to try to examine who should bear the blame here. Only this 
much will be said in this respect, and that is, that the blame for the obvious 
lack of respect and discipline which the youth at the time displayed did not rest 
solely on the youth itself. These young people lacked completely any models in 
the older generation. The so called statesmen of the time could arouse no 
enthusiasm in relation to their personality and their work, and were rejected or 
despised; thus all that remained to them were the unsatisfactory and false 
models provided by the film stars and sports heroes. Should one reproach the 
young people of that time because they could not fulfil the expectations of their 
elders? Does not every educator know that young people require great and 
above all heroic models in order to be able to take the direction which is 
necessary for the Folk? Men, whose heroic participation in the World War 
should have been able to place the young people under an obligation, were 
derided and abused by the press and even by influential figures in the 
Government, and the heroic ideal could be mocked publicly as an ideal of 
stupidity and go unpunished. In such circumstances it seems obvious that 
young people lost all sense of standards and manners. Because many members 
of the older generation behaved in a contemptible way, the young people 
concluded that all older people were contemptible. Because cowardice was 
praised, they believed in the cowardice of all men, and completely lost their 
sense of right and wrong, reasonable limits and laws: The great sex trials 
against young people at that time, as well as the general crime rate of young 
people in the post War years, are still alive in our memories. They show us with 
horrifying clarity what can happen even to young people in Germany when they 
have no leadership. 



She says her little poem. The Leader on one of his election campaigns in 1932 


Again 



and again The Leader is seen in pictures surrounded by children. To the 

right is Baldur von Schirach. 


Adolf Hitler has tried from the first day of his work to lead young 
people back again to himself. The fact that this attempt has succeeded to an 
extent that even the greatest optimists had never expected is due exclusively 
to his inexhaustible willpower and persistence. It is all too easy for the 
superficial observer of the years of struggle of the National Socialist Movement 
to overlook the painstaking attention to detail which, next to the great slogans 
and battles of the Movement, was required for its foundation and construction. 
Nor was the National Socialist Youth Movement merely handed to The Leader; 
it did not arise, as many people seem to think, merely as a result of appeals in 
the press and speeches, but, as in all branches of the Movement, here also The 
Leader strove unceasingly for years and years to formulate the guidelines of its 
construction until he announced the fundamental sentence according to which 
his youth leaders had to work. When Hitler had implanted the saying: Youth 
must be led by youth, a new era in the history of the education of mankind had 
begun. Only a genius can simultaneously with one saying close off the past and 


open the future. With his slogan about youth education, Adolf Hitler won all the 
young people of his Nation to his cause. It is immaterial that at first this basic 
principle of The Leader was barely understood; indeed that there were people 
who tried to mock it and make it sound contemptible as they did all 
programmatic utterances The Leader made. It is just as irrelevant that the 
Youth Movement, whose structure was determined by this rule, comprised only 
a few thousands. The only important and essential thing is that Adolf Hitler, 
from the spirit of the young people and with a capacity for understanding them 
such as no statesman or educator before him had possessed, set up and 
announced a programme which -- we felt already at that time — was to build 
from the tiny community at the time the greatest Youth Movement in the world. 

Apart from Adolf Hitler, all statesmen of the past and the present 
have seen the leadership of the youth exclusively from the older generation, in 
so far as they considered the leadership as a general task which belonged to 
their generation. This had been handed down to them as a matter of course, to 
which they gave no further thought. The older people relieved the younger 
people of responsibility and leadership within their own sphere of life. Large 
scale governmental youth organisations in other countries are conceived and 
run in this way; Adolf Hitler, contrary to all the methods of educating the youth 
up to now, has placed on the shoulders of the youth itself the responsibility for 
its actions. It was he who proclaimed responsibility as an educative force. 

It belongs to the most moving testimonials to the inner worth of 
German youth that it did not disappoint The Leader's trust, but, on the 
contrary, endeavoured to justify a trust which it only ever regarded as an 
honour and a duty. Thus it proceeded according to The Leader's guidelines and, 
working painstakingly and advancing step by step, has developed into a 
powerful community which has no comparison anywhere in the world. All this 
was accomplished without the compulsion of a law, without instruction by a 
Minister, exclusively through the inner strength of the idea which propelled it. 
One should try to imagine the significance of the fact that, even before the 
takeover of power by National Socialism, The Leader knew that the 
overwhelming majority of German youth was behind him! The Reich Youth Day 
in Potsdam took place three months before The Leader's appointment as 
Chancellor, and is still the greatest youth march which the world has ever seen. 
The communist and social democrat youth organisations were already finished 
before the 30th January, 1933, and this was not because of brutal force, but 
due to the mental conquest of its members by the National Socialist world 
view. This distinguishes the Hitler Youth most strongly from the youth 
organisations of other countries: it was not allocated its tasks as an 
afterthought, but fought along in the decisive battle for power, made its 
sacrifices in this battle, and in the spring of 1936 depended on a voluntary 
allegiance which in the age groups of the ten to fourteen year olds alone 
comprised far over 90 percent of all young people. 



Children's hands 



Young Germany greets The Leader in the election campaign. 







Hitler Youth as guests on the Obersalzberg. 


Adolf Hitler even today follows up the work of his Youth Movement in 
all its facets. Year after year he receives in the Chancellery the boys and girls 
who have won the Reich Training Competition to offer his personal 
congratulations, and checks the buildings for youth groups by asking to be 
shown the models of youth hostels and their designs, and giving assistance in 
word and deed from his vast building experience. Often he makes contact with 
the young people themselves when, in Berchtesgaden or in Berlin, he invites 
home a group from the Young Folk or the League Of German Girls whom he has 
met on the way. He entertains the surprised guests with coffee and cake, 
listens to the songs they sing and the tales they tell of their travels. The 
Leader's birthday is perhaps the strongest expression of this close relationship 
between him and his youth. On this occasion there are on the long tables of the 
Chancellery thousands of little presents which boys and girls all over the Reich 
thought up to please their Fuhrer: handicrafts and original postcards, pieces of 
embroidery and travel books, all these things announce more eloquently than 
any words how much the thoughts of the young generation revolve around this 
man who has given our youth an existence in freedom, and it is before these 
simple little gifts that The Leader pauses longer than before the more valuable, 
sophisticated ones. The presents of the Pups seem to delight him the most on 
his birthday. In reality, they have been made of the most valuable material: the 
love of the youth, of which Adolf Hitler is the recipient in a measure no one 
before him has been. 




The 9th November in Miinchen. Hitler Youth in front of the Brown House before 


their festive acceptance into the Party. 


The Hitler Youth is the only institution to bear The Leader's name. 
This connection between the youth of our Folk and the leader of the Reich is 
the symbol for the deep and close relationship between Adolf Hitler and the 
youngest sector of our Nation. Today every boy and every girl once again has 
the educative model to whom they feel committed and whom they try to 
emulate, and the individuals as well as the community, have thus given 
themselves over to a common ideal. Reassured, the German Folk can glance 
into their future. The mistakes of the past have been overcome. The time of the 
generation problems is over. If once the youth groups of the political parties 
opposed each other in bitter feuds, today all young people stand united, and 
there where once the past saw the wealthy and the poor locked in bitter class 
struggle, the present sees the trusting alliance of young people whose socialist 
feeling of being alive is stronger than any feeling of selfishness. What some 
time ago seemed to be still impossible and even utopian to contemplate, has 
today become an overwhelming reality. Certainly these young people also had 
to make sacrifices in order to be able to fashion this reality. Many youth 
alliances of the past which honestly tried to reach a greater goal had to be 
abandoned to achieve the great community of all young people. And the Hitler 
Youth itself had to bury many a dead comrade in order to be able to attain that 
final and complete unity without which no community on this Earth can exist. 
But the young fallen of this youth died in the belief in The Leader and his future 
Reich and the millions of young survivors are tied together in the same belief. 
They all feel themselves to be the upholders of the duty with which The Leader 



has entrusted them, and they feel at one with him in their service to the 
greatness of the Reich. The work of Adolf Hitler can never perish because all 
young people in Germany have declared themselves prepared to serve this 
work dutifully and loyally for their lifetime, and then to hand it over to those 
who will come after them. 

With such determination they greet the coming millenium. 



Party Rally Of Power, 1934. In the stadium with the youth. 





After The Leader gave her his autograph, she has the additional good fortune of 

being photographed with him. 






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