THE LIGHTNING 

AND 

THE SUN 

by 

SAVITRI DEVI 


Calcutta, 
Temple Press, 

1958 


To the god-like Individual of our times; 
the Man against Time; 
the greatest European of all times; 
both Sun and Lightning: 

ADOLF HITLER, 

as a tribute of unfailing love and loyalty, for ever and ever. 




“The foolish disregard Me, when clad in human semblance...” 


The Bhagavad-Gita, IX, verse 11. 


“ Was der Tod der Elf einmal bedeuten wird, vermogen heute nur wenige zu 
ahnen — noch weniger kann ich dariiber schreiben. Wir stehen mitten in 
einer grossen Zeitenwende. Was wir alle durchmachen sind ihre 
Geburtswehen. Alles scheint negativ — und einmal wird dann doch Neues 
and Grosses geboren werden....” 


RUDOLF HESS 

(From a letter to his wife, written on the 28th 
October, 1946, — twelve days after the hanging 
of the Martyrs of Nuremberg). 



CONTENTS 


PREFACE —p ix 
PARTI 

TIMELESS PERFECTION AND CYCLIC EVOLUTION 

CHAPTER I: The Cyclic View of History — p. 1 
CHAPTER II: Time and Violence — p. 20 

CHAPTER III: Men in Time, Above Time and Against Time — p. 36 

PART II 

THE LIGHTNING: GENGHIS KHAN 

CHAPTER IV: The Child of Violence — p. 59 

CHAPTER V: The Will to Survive — p. 63 

CHAPTER VI: The Will to Conquer — p. 87 

CHAPTER VII: From the Danube to the Yellow Sea — p. 108 

PART III 

THE SUN: AKHNATON 

CHAPTER VIII: “The Beautiful Child of the Living Aton” — p. 129 
CHAPTER IX: The Heat-and-Light-Within-the-Disk — p. 135 
CHAPTER X: The Seat of Truth — p. 159 
CHAPTER XI: Too Late and Too Early — p. 196 

PART IV 

BOTH SUN AND LIGHTNING: ADOLF HITLER 

CHAPTER XII: The Late-born Child of Light — p. 213 
CHAPTER XIII: The Struggle for Truth — p. 218 
CHAPTER XIV: The World Against its Saviour — p. 269 
CHAPTER XV: Gods on Earth — p. 354 

PART V 

EPILOGUE: KALKI, THE AVENGER 

CHAPTER XVI: Kalki, the Avenger — p. 41 lix 



PREFACE 


This book, — begun in Scotland in the spring of 1948, and written, at 
intervals, in Germany, between that date and 1956, — is the result of life¬ 
long meditations upon history and religions, as well as the expression of life¬ 
long aspirations, and of a scale of moral values, which was already mine 
before the First World War. 

It could be described as a personal answer to the events of 1945 and of 
the following years. And I know that very many people will not like it. But I 
have not written it for any other purpose than that of presenting a conception 
of history — ancient and modem — unassailable from the standpoint of 
eternal Tmth. I have therefore endeavoured to study both men and facts in 
the light of that idea of the succession of Ages, from pristine Perfection to 
inevitable chaos, which pertains not merely to “Hinduism,” but to all forms 
of the One, universal Tradition, — the Hindus being, (perhaps) but those 
who have retained somewhat more of that Tradition than less conservative 
people. 

It may sound ironical that so intense a yearning after faithfulness to 
Tradition should have led me to an interpretation of historic personalities so 
different from that of most people who profess interest in things of the spirit. 
The endless future alone will tell who has understood divine Wisdom the 
best: those people or myself. 


SAVITR1 DEVI 


Calcutta, 21st of July, 1958 



PARTI 

TIMELESS PERFECTION 

AND 


CYCLIC EVOLUTION 



1 


CHAPTER I 

THE CYCLIC VIEW OF HISTORY 


The idea of progress — indefinite betterment — is anything but 
modem. It is probably as old as man’s oldest successful attempt to improve 
his material surroundings and to increase, through technical skill, his 
capacity of attack and defence. Technical skill, for many centuries at least, 
has been too precious to be despised. Nay, when displayed to an 
extraordinary degree, it has, more than once, been hailed as something 
almost divine. Wondrous legends have always been woven, for instance, 
round such men as were said to have, by some means, been able to raise 
themselves, physically, above the earth, be it Etana of Erech who soared to 
heaven “borne upon eagle’s wings,” or the famous Icams, unfortunate 
foremnner of our modem airmen, or Manco Capac’s brother, Auca, said to 
have been gifted with “natural” wings which finally fared hardly better than 
Icams’ artificial ones. 1 

But apart from such incredible feats of a handful of individuals, the 
Ancients as a whole distinguished themselves in many material 
achievements. They could boast of the irrigation system in Sumeria; of the 
constmction of pyramids revealing, both in Egypt and, centuries later, in 
Central America, an amazing knowledge of astronomical data; of the bath¬ 
rooms and drains in the palace of Knossos; of the invention of the war- 
chariot after that of the bow and arrow, and of the sand-clock after that of 
the sun-dial, — enough to make them dizzy with conceit and over-confident 
in the destiny of their respective civilisations. 

Yet, although they fully recognized the value of their own work in the 
practical field, and surely very soon conceived the possibility — and perhaps 
acquired the certitude — of indefinite technical progress, they never 
believed in progress as a whole, 


1 While Icarus fell into the sea, the Peruvian hero was turned into stone on reaching the 
top of the hill destined to become the site of the great Temple of the Sun, in Cuzco. 



2 


in progress on all lines, as most of our contemporaries seem to do. From all 
evidence, they faithfully clung to the traditional idea of cyclic evolution and 
had, in addition to that, the good sense to admit that they lived (inspire of all 
their achievements) in anything but the beginning of the long-drawn, 
downward process constituting their own particular “cycle” — and ours. 
Whether Hindus or Greeks, Egyptians or Japanese, Chinese, Sumerians, or 
ancient Americans, — or even Romans, the most “modem” amongst people 
of Antiquity, — they all placed the “Golden Age,” the “Age of Truth,” 1 the 
mle of Kronos or of Ra, or of any other Gods on earth — the glorious 
Beginning of the slow, downward unfurling of history, whatever name it be 
given, — far behind them in the past. 

And they believed that the return of a similar Age, foretold in their 
respective sacred texts and oral traditions, depends, not upon man’s 
conscious effort, but upon iron laws, inherent to the very nature of visible 
and tangible manifestation, and all-pervading; upon cosmic laws. They 
believed that man’s conscious effort is but an expression of those laws at 
work, leading the world, willingly or unwillingly, wherever its destiny lies; 
in one word, that the history of man, as the history of the rest of the living, is 
but a detail in cosmic history without beginning nor end; a periodical 
outcome of the inner Necessity that binds all phenomena in Time. 

And just as the Ancients could accept that vision of the world’s 
evolution while still taking full advantage of all technical progress within 
their reach, so can — and so do, — to this day, thousands of men brought up 
within the pale of age-old cultures centred round the self-same traditional 
views, and also, in the very midst of the over-proud industrial cultures, a few 
stray individuals able to think for themselves. They contemplate the history 
of mankind in a similar perspective. 

While living, apparently, as “modem” men and women, — using 
electric fans and electric irons, telephones and trains, and aeroplanes, when 
they can afford it, — they nourish in their hearts a deep contempt for the 
childish conceit and bloated hopes of our age, and for the various recipes for 
“saving, mankind,” which zealous philosophers and politicians thmst into 
circulation. They know that nothing can “save mankind,” for 


1 


Satya Yuga, in the Sanskrit Scriptures. 



3 


mankind is reaching the end of its present cycle. The wave that carried it, for 
so mane millenniums, is about to break, with all the fury of acquired speed, 
and to merge once more into the depth of the unchanging Ocean of 
undifferentiated existence. It will rise; again, some day, with abrupt majesty, 
for such is the law of waves. But in the meantime nothing can be done to 
stop it. The unfortunate — the fools — are those men who, for some reason 
best known to themselves, — probably on account of their exaggerated 
estimation of what is to be lost in the process — would like to stop it. The 
privileged ones — the wise — are those few who, being fully aware of the 
increasing worthlessness of present-day mankind and of its much-applauded 
“progress,” know how little there is to be lost in the coming crash and look 
forward to it with joyous expectation as to the necessary condition of a new 
beginning — a new “Golden Age,” sunlit crest of the next long drawn 
downward wave upon the surface of the endless Ocean of Life. 

To those privileged ones — amongst whom we count ourselves, — 
the whole succession of “current events” appears in an entirely different 
perspective from that either of the desperate believers in “progress” or of 
those people who, though accepting the cyclic view of history and therefore 
considering the coming crash as unavoidable, feel sorry to see the 
civilisation in which they live rush towards its doom. 

To us, the high-resounding “isms” to which our contemporaries ask; 
us to give our allegiance, now, in 1948, are all equally futile: bound to be 
betrayed, defeated, and finally rejected by men at large, if containing 
anything really noble; bound to enjoy, for the time being, some sort of noisy 
success; if sufficiently vulgar, pretentious and soul-killing to appeal to the 
growing number of mechanically conditioned slaves that crawl about our 
planet, posing as free men; all destined to prove, ultimately, of no avail. The 
time-honoured religions, rapidly growing out of fashion as present-day 
“isms” become more and more popular, are no less futile — if not more: 
frameworks of organised superstition void of all true feeling of the Divine, 
or — among more sophisticated people — mere conventional aspects of 
social life, or systems of ethics (and of very elementary ethics at that) 
seasoned with a sprinkling of out-dated rites and symbols of which hardly 
anybody bothers to seek the original meaning; devices in the hands of clever 



4 


men in power to lull the simpletons into permanent obedience; convenient 
names, round which it might be easy to rally converging national aspirations 
or political tendencies; or just the last resort of weaklings and cranks: that is, 
practically, all they are — all they have been reduced to in the course of a 
few centuries — the lot of them. They are dead, in fact — as dead as the old 
cults that flourished before them, with the difference that those cults have 
long ceased exhaling the stench of death, while they (the so-called “living” 
ones) are still at the stage at which death is inseparable from corruption. 
None — neither Christianity nor Islam nor even Buddhism — can be 
expected now to “save” anything of that world they once partly conquered; 
none have any normal place in “modern” life, which is essentially devoid of 
all awareness of the eternal. 

There are no activities in “modern” life which are not futile, save 
perhaps those that aim at satisfying one’s body’s hunger: growing rice; 
growing wheat; gathering chestnuts from the woods or potatoes from one’s 
garden. And the one and only sensible policy can but be to let things take 
their course and to await the coming Destroyer, destined to clear the ground 
for the building of a new “Age of Truth”: the One Whom the Hindus name 
Kalki and hail as the tenth and last Incarnation of Vishnu; the Destroyer 
Whose advent is the condition of the preservation of Life, according to 
Life’s everlasting laws. 

We know all this will sound utter folly to those, more and more 
numerous, who, despite the untold horrors of our age, remain convinced that 
humanity is “progressing.” It will appear as cynicism even to many of those 
who accept our belief in cyclic evolution, which is the universal, traditional 
belief expressed in poetic form in all the sacred texts of the world, including 
the Bible. We have nothing to reply to this latter possible criticism, for it is 
entirely based upon an emotional attitude which is not ours. But we can try 
to point out the vanity of the popular belief in “progress,” be it only in order 
to stress the rationality and strength of the theory of cycles which forms the 
background of the triple study which is the subject of this book. 

* * * 

The exponents of the belief in “progress” put forth many arguments to 
prove — to themselves and to others — that our 



5 


times, with all their undeniable drawbacks, are on the whole, better than any 
epoch of the past, and even that they show definite signs of improvement. It 
is not possible to analyse all their arguments in detail. But one can easily 
detect the fallacies hidden in the most wide-spread and, apparently, the most 
“convincing” of them. 

All the advocates of “progress” lay enormous stress upon such things 
as literacy, individual “freedom,” equal opportunities for all men, religious 
toleration and “humaneness,” progress in this last line covering all such 
tendencies as find their expression in the modern preoccupation for child- 
welfare, prison-reforms, better conditions of labour, State aid to the sick and 
destitute and, if not greater kindness, at least less cruelty to animals. The 
dazzling results obtained, of recent years, in the application of scientific 
discoveries to industrial and other practical pursuits, are, of course, the most 
popular of all instances expected to show how marvellous our times are. But 
that point we shall not discuss, as we have already made it clear that we by 
no means deny or minimise the importance of technical progress. What we 
do deny is the existence of any progress at all in the value of man as such, 
whether individually or collectively, and our reflexions on universal literacy 
and other highly praised “signs” of improvement in which our 
contemporaries take pride, all spring from that one point of view. 

We believe that man’s value — as every creature’s value, ultimately 

— lies not in the mere intellect but in the spirit: in the capacity to reflect that 
which, for lack of a more precise word, we choose to call “the divine,” i.e. 
that which is true and beautiful beyond all manifestation, that which remains 
timeless (and therefore unchangeable) within all changes. We believe it with 
the difference that, in our eyes, — contrarily to what the Christians maintain 

— that capacity to reflect the divine is closely linked with man’s race and 
physical health; in other words, that the spirit is anything but independent 
from the body. And we fail to see that the different improvements that we 
witness to-day in education or in the social field, in government or even in 
technical matters, have either made individual men and women more 
valuable in that sense, or created any new lasting type of civilisation in 
which man’s possibilities of all round perfection, thus conceived, are being 



6 


promoted. The Hindus seem to be, to-day, the sole people who, by tradition, 
share our views; and they have, in course of time, failed to maintain the 
divine order — the rule of the natural ruling castes. And we, the only people 
in the West who have tried to restore it in modem times, have been 
materially mined by the agents of those forces of false equality that the 
modem world calls forces of “progress.” 

Progress? — It is true that, to-day, at least in all highly organised 
(typically “modern”) countries, nearly everybody can read and write. But 
what of that? To be able to read and write is an advantage — and a 
considerable one. But it is not a virtue. It is a tool and a weapon; a means to 
an end; a very useful thing, no doubt; but not an end in itself. The ultimate 
value of literacy depends upon the end to which it is used. And to what end, 
is it generally used to-day? It is used for convenience or for entertainment, 
by those who read; for some advertisement, or some objectionable 
propaganda, — for money-making or power-grabbing — by those who 
write; sometimes, of course, by both, for acquiring or spreading disinterested 
knowledge of the few things worth knowing; for finding expression of or 
giving expression to the few deep feelings that can lift a man to the 
awareness of things eternal, but not more often so than in the days in which 
one man out of ten thousand could understand the symbolism of the written 
word. Generally, to-day, the man or woman whom compulsory education 
has made “literate” uses writing to communicate personal matters to absent 
friends and relatives, to fill forms — one of the international occupations of 
modem civilised humanity — or to commit to memory little useful, but 
otherwise trifling things such as someone’s address or telephone number, or 
the date of some appointment with the hair-dresser or the dentist, or the list 
of clean clothes due from the laundry. He or she reads “to pass time” 
because, outside the hours of dreary work, mere thinking is no longer intense 
and interesting enough to serve that purpose. 

We know that there are also people whose whole lives have been 
directed to some beautiful destiny by a book, a poem — a mere sentence — 
read in distant childhood, like Schliemann, who lavishly spent on 
archaeological excavations the wealth patiently and purposely gathered in 
forty years of dreary toil, all for they sake of the impression left upon him, 



7 


as a boy, by the immortal story of Troy. But such people always lived, even 
before compulsory education came into, fashion. And the stories heard and 
remembered were no less inspiring than stories now read. The real 
advantage of general literacy, if any, is to be sought elsewhere. It lies not in 
the better quality either of the exceptional men and women or of the literate 
millions, but rather in the fact that the latter are rapidly becoming 
intellectually more lazy and therefore more credulous than ever — and not 
less so; — more easily deceived, more liable to be led like sheep without 
even the shadow of a protest, provided the nonsense one wishes them to 
swallow be presented to them, in printed form and made to appear 
“scientific.” The higher the general level of literacy, the easier it is, for a 
government in control of the daily press, of the wireless and of the 
publishing business, — these almost irresistible modem means of action 
upon the mind — to keep the masses and the “intelligenzia” under its thumb, 
without them even suspecting it. 

Among widely illiterate but more actively thinking people, openly 
governed in the old autocratic manner, a prophet, direct mouthpiece of the 
Gods, or of genuine collective aspirations, could always hope to rise 
between secular authority and the people. The priests themselves could 
never be quite sure of keeping the people in obedience for ever. The people 
could choose to listen to the prophet, if they liked. And they did, sometimes. 
To-day, wherever universal literacy is prevalent, inspired exponents of 
timeless truth — prophets — or even selfless advocates of timely practical 
changes, have less and less chances to appear. Sincere thought, real free 
thought, ready, in the name of superhuman authority or of humble common 
sense, to question the basis of what is officially taught and generally 
accepted, is less and less likely to thrive. It is, we repeat, by far easier to 
enslave a literate people than an illiterate one, strange as this may seem at 
first sight. And the enslavement is more likely to be lasting. The real 
advantage of universal literacy is to tighten the grip of the governing power 
upon the foolish and conceited millions. That is probably why it is dinned 
into our heads, from babyhood onwards, that “literacy” is such a boon. 
Capacity to think for one’s self is, however, the real boon. And that always 
was and always will be the privilege of a minority, once recognised 



8 


as a natural elite and respected. To-day, compulsory mass-education and an 
increasingly standardised literature for the consumption of “conditioned” 
brains — outstanding signs of “progress” — tend to reduce that minority to 
the smallest possible proportions; ultimately, to suppress it altogether. Is that 
what mankind wants? If so, mankind is loosing its raison d’etre, and the 
sooner the end of this so-called “civilisation” the better. 

What we have said of literacy can roughly be repeated about those 
two other main glories of modern Democracy: “individual freedom” and 
equality of opportunities for every person. The first is a lie — and a more 
and more sinister one as the shackles of compulsory education are being 
more and more hopelessly fastened round people’s whole being. The second 
is an absurdity. 

One of the funniest inconsistencies of the average citizen of the 
modem industrialised world is the way in which he criticises all institutions 
of older and better civilisations, such as the caste-system of the Hindus or 
the all-absorbing family-cult of the Far East, on the ground that these tend to 
check the “liberty of the individual.” He does not realise how exacting, — 
nay, how annihilating — is the command of the collective authority which 
he obeys (half the time, unknowingly) compared with that of traditional 
collective authority, in apparently less “free” societies. The caste-ridden or 
family-ridden people of India or of the Far East might not be allowed to do 
all that they like, in many relatively trifling and in a few really all-important 
matters of daily life. But they are left to believe what they like, or rather 
what they can; to feel according to their own nature and to express 
themselves freely about a great number of essential matters; they are allowed 
to conduct their higher life in the manner they judge the wisest for them, 
after their duties to family, taste and king have been fulfilled, The individual 
living under the iron and steel rule of modern “progress” can eat whatever he 
fancies (to a great extent) and marry whom he pleases — unfortunately! — 
and go whenever he likes (in theory at least). But he is made to accept, in all 
extra-individual matters, — matters which, to us, really count, — the beliefs, 
the attitude to life, the scale of values and, to a great extent, the political 
views, that tend to strengthen the mighty socio-economic system of 
exploitation 



9 


to which he belongs (to which he is forced to belong, in order to be able to 
live) and in which he is a mere cog. And, what is more, he is made to believe 
that it is a privilege of his to be a cog in such an organism; that the 
unimportant matters in which he feels he is his own master are, in fact, the 
most important ones — the only really important ones. He is taught not to 
value that freedom of judgement about ultimate truth, aesthetical, ethical or 
metaphysical, of which he is subtly deprived. More still: he is told, — in the 
democratic countries at any rate, — that he is free in all respects; that he is 
“an individual, answerable to none but to his own conscience,” ... after years 
of clever conditioning have moulded his “conscience” and his whole being 
so thoroughly according to pattern, that he is no longer capable of reacting 
differently. Well can such a man speak of “pressure upon the individual” in 
any society, ancient or modern! 

One can realise to what an extent men’s minds have been curved, both 
by deliberate and by unconscious conditioning, in the world in which we live 
to-day, when one encounters people who have never come under the 
influence of industrial civilisation, or when one happens, oneself, to be lucky 
enough to have defied, from childhood onwards, the pernicious pressure of 
standardised education and to have remained free amidst the crowd of those 
who react as they were taught to, in all fundamental matters. The cleavage 
between the thinking and the unthinking, the free and the slaves, is 
appalling. 

As for “equality of opportunities,” there can be no such thing anyhow, 
really speaking. By producing men and women different both in degree and 
in quality of intelligence, sensitiveness and will-power, different in character 
and temperament, Nature herself gives them the most unequal opportunities 
of fulfilling their aspirations, whatever these might be. An over-emotional 
and rather weak person can, for instance, neither conceive the same ideal of 
happiness nor have equal chances of reaching it in life, as one who is bom 
with a more balanced nature and a stronger will. That is obvious. And add to 
that the characteristics that differentiate one race of men from another, and 
the absurdity of the very notion of “human equality” becomes even more 
striking. 

What our contemporaries mean when they speak of “equality of 
opportunities” is the fact that, in modern society 



10 


— so they say — any man or woman stands, more and more, as many 
chances as his or her neighbour of holding the position and doing the job for 
which he or she is naturally fitted. But that too is only partly true. For, more 
and more, the world of to-day, — the world dominated by grand-scale 
industry and mass-production, — can offer only jobs in which the best of the 
worker’s self plays little or no part if he or she be anything more than a 
merely clever and materially efficient person. The hereditary craftsman, who 
could find the best expression for what is conveniently called his “soul” in 
his daily weaving, carpet-making, enamel work, etc., even the tiller of the 
soil, in personal contact with Mother Earth and the Sun and the seasons, is 
becoming more and more a figure of the past. There are less and less 
opportunities, also, for the sincere seeker of truth — speaker or writer — 
who refuses to become the expounder of broadly accepted ideas, products of 
mass-conditioning, for which he or she does not stand; for the seeker of 
beauty who refuses to bend his or her art to the demands of popular taste 
which he or she knows to be bad taste. Such people have to waste much of 
their tine doing inefficiently — and grudgingly — some job for which they 
are not fitted, in order to live, before they can devote the rest of it to what the 
Flindus would call their sadhana — the work for which their deeper nature 
has appointed them: their life’s dedication. 

The idea of modern division of labour, condensed in the oft-quoted 
sentence “the right man in the right place,” boils down, in practice, to the 
fact that any man — any one of the dull, indiscriminate millions — can be 
“conditioned” to occupy any place, while the best of human beings, the only 
ones who still justify the existence of the more and more degenerate species, 
are allowed no place at all. Progress.... 

* * * 

Remain the “religious toleration” of our times and their “humaneness” 
compared with the “barbarity” of the past. Two jokes, to say the least! 

Recalling some of the most spectacular horrors of history — the 
burning of “heretics” and “witches” at the stake; the wholesale massacre of 
“heathens,” and other no less repulsive manifestations of Christian 
civilisation in Europe, conquered 



11 


America, Goa, and elsewhere, — modern man is filled with pride in the 
“progress” accomplished, in one line at least, since the end of the dark ages 
of religious fanaticism. However bad they be, our contemporaries have, at 
any rate, grown out of the habit of torturing people for such “trifles” as their 
conception of the Holy Trinity or their ideas about predestination and 
purgatory. Such is modem man’s feeling — because theological questions 
have lost all importance in his life. But in the days when Christian Churches 
persecuted one another and encouraged the conversion of heathen nations by 
means of blood and fire, both the persecutors and the persecuted, both the 
Christians and those who wished to remain faithful to non-Christian creeds, 
looked upon such questions as vital in one way or another. And the real 
reason for which nobody is put to torture, to-day, for the sake of his or her 
religious beliefs, is not that torture as such has become distasteful to 
everybody, in “advanced” twentieth-century civilisation, not that individuals 
and States have become “tolerant,” but just that, among those who have the 
power of inflicting pain, hardly anybody takes any vivid, vital interest in 
religion, let alone in theology. 

The so-called “religious toleration” practised by modem States and 
individuals springs from anything but an intelligent understanding and love 
of all religions as manifold, symbolical expressions of the same few 
essential, eternal tmths, — as Hindu toleration does, and always did. It is, 
rather, the outcome of a grossly ignorant contempt for all religions; of 
indifference to those very tmths which their various founders endeavoured 
to re-assert, again and again. It is no toleration at all. 

To judge how far our contemporaries have or not the right to boast of 
their “spirit of toleration,” the best is to watch their behaviour towards those 
whom they decidedly look upon as the enemies of their gods: the men who 
happen to be holding views contrary to theirs concerning not some 
theological quibble, in which they are not interested, but some political or 
socio-political Ideology which they regard as “a threat to civilisation” or as 
“the only creed through which civilisation can be saved.” Nobody can deny 
that in all such circumstances, and specially in war time, they all, perform — 
to the extent they have the power, — or condone — to the extent they have 
not, themselves, the opportunity of performing, — 



12 


actions in every respect as ugly as those ordered, performed or tolerated in 
the past, in the name of different religions (if indeed the latter ugly be). The 
only difference is, perhaps, that modem cold-blooded atrocities only become 
known when the hidden powers in control of the means of herd-conditioning 
— of the press, the wireless and the cinema, — decide, for ends anything but 
“humanitarian,” that they should be, i.e. when they happen to be the enemy’s 
atrocities, not one’s own — nor those of one’s “gallant allies” — and when 
their story is, therefore, considered to be “good propaganda,” on account of 
the current of indignation it is expected to create and of the new incentive it 
is expected to give the war-effort. Moreover, after a war, fought or supposed 
to have been fought for an Ideology — the modern equivalent of the bitter 
religious conflicts of old — the horrors rightly or wrongly: said to have been 
perpetrated by the vanquished are the only ones to be broadcasted all over 
the world, while the victors try as hard as they can to make believe that their 
High Command at least never shut its eyes to any similar horrors. But in 
sixteenth century Europe, and before; and among the warriors of Islam, 
conducting “jihad” against men of other faiths, each side was well aware of 
the atrocious means used, not only by its opponents for their “foul ends,” but 
by its own people and its own leaders in order to “uproot heresy” or to “fight 
popery,” or to “preach the name of Allah to infidels.” Modem man is more 
of a moral coward. He wants the advantages of violent intolerance — which 
is only natural — but he shuns the responsibility of it. Progress, that also. 

* * * 

The so-called “humaneness” of our contemporaries (compared with 
their forefathers) is just lack of nerve or lack of strong feelings — increasing 
cowardice, or increasing apathy. 

Modem man is squeamish about atrocities — even about ordinary, 
unimaginative bmtality — only when it happens that the aims for which 
atrocious or merely bmtal actions are performed are either hateful or 
indifferent to him. In all other circumstances, he shuts his eves to any 
horrors — especially when he knows that the victims can never retaliate (as 
it is the case with all atrocities committed by man upon animals, 



13 


for whatever purpose it be) and he demands, at the most, not to be reminded 
of them tog often and too noisily. He reacts as though he classified atrocities 
under two headlines: the “unavoidable” and the avoidable. The 
“unavoidable” are those that serve or are supposed to serve modem man’s 
purpose — generally: “the good of humanity” or the “triumph of 
Democracy.” They are tolerated, nay, justified. The “avoidable” are those 
which are occasionally committed, or said to be committed, by people whose 
purpose is alien to his. They alone are condemned, and their real or supposed 
authors — or inspirers — branded by public opinion as “criminals against 
humanity.” 

Which are, anyhow, the alleged signs of that wonderful “humaneness” 
of modem man, according to those who believe in progress? We no longer 
have to-day, — they say — the horrid executions of former times; traitors 
are no longer “hung, drawn and quartered,” as was the custom in glorious 
sixteenth century England; anything approaching in ghastliness the torture 
and execution of Francis Damien, upon the central square of Paris, before 
thousands of people purposely come to see it, on the 28th of May, 1757, 
would be unthinkable in modern France. Modern man also no longer 
upholds slavery, nor does he (in theory, at least) justify the exploitation of 
the masses under any form. And his wars — even his wars! monstrous as 
they may seem, with their elaborate apparatus of costly demoniacal 
machinery — are beginning to admit, within their code, (so one says) some 
amount of humanity and justice. Modern man is horrified at the mere 
thought of the war-time habits of ancient peoples — at the sacrifice of 
twelve young Trojans to the shade of the Greek hero Patrocles, not to speak 
of the far less ancient but far more atrocious sacrifices of prisoners of war to 
the Aztec war-god Huitzilopochtli. (But the Aztecs, though relatively 
modem, were not Christians, nor, as far as we know, believers in all-round 
progress). Finally — one says — modern man is kinder, or less cmel, to 
animals than his forefathers were. 

Alone an enormous amount of prejudice in favour of our times can 
enable one to be taken in by such fallacies. 

Surely modem man does not “uphold,” slavery; he denounces it 
vehemently. But he practises it nevertheless — and on a wider scale than 
ever, and far more thoroughly than 



14 


the Ancients ever could — whether in the Capitalistic West or in the 
Tropics, or (from what one hears outside its impenetrable walls) even in the 
one State supposed to be, to-day, the “workers’ paradise.” There are 
differences, of course. In Antiquity, even the slave had hours of leisure and 
merriment that were all his own; he had his games of dice in the shade of the 
columns of his master’s portico, his coarse jokes, his free chatter, his free 
life outside his daily routine. The modem slave has not the privilege of 
loitering, completely carefree, for half an hour. His so-called leisure itself is 
either filled with almost compulsory entertainment, as exacting and often as 
dreary as his work, or — in “lands of freedom” — poisoned by economic 
worries. But he is not openly bought and sold. He is just taken. And taken, 
not by a man in some way at least superior to himself, but by a huge 
impersonal system without either a body to kick or a soul to damn or a head 
to answer for its mischief. 

And similarly, old horrors have no doubt disappeared from the records 
of so-called civilised mankind, regarding both justice and war. But new and 
worse ones, unknown to “barbaric” ages, have crept up in their place. One 
single instance is ghastly enough to suffice. The long-drawn trial not of 
criminals, not of traitors, nor regicides, nor wizards, but of the finest leading 
characters of Europe; their iniquitous condemnation, after months and 
months of every kind of humiliation and systematical moral torture; their 
final hanging, in the slowest and crudest possible manner — that whole 
sinister farce, staged at Nuremberg in 1945-1946 (and 1947) by a pack of 
victorious cowards and hypocrites, is immeasurably more disgusting than all 
the post-war human sacrifices of the past rolled in one, including those 
performed according to the well-known Mexican ritual. For there, at least, 
however painful might have been the traditional process of killing, the 
victims were frankly done to death for the delight of the tribal god of the 
victors and of the victors themselves, without any macabre mock-pretence of 
“justice.” And they were, moreover, taken from all ranks of captured 
warriors, not malignantly selected from the elite of their people only. Nor 
did the elite of the vanquished people represent, in most cases, — as it 
actually did in the shameful trial of our progressive times — the very elite of 
their continent. 



15 


As for such unthinkable atrocities as took place in France end in 
Spain, and many other countries, from the Middle Ages onwards, one would 
find quite a number of episodes of the recent Spanish civil war — not to 
mention the no less impressive record of horrors performed, still more 
recently, by the “heroes” of the French resistance , during the Second World 
War, — to match them and, more often than not, to outdo them. 

And, curiously enough, — although (they say) they “hate such things” 
— a considerable number of men and women of to-day, while lacking the 
guts to commit horrible actions personally, seem to be just as keen as ever 
on watching them being performed or, at least, on thinking of them and 
gloating over them, and enjoying them vicariously, if denied the morbid 
pleasure of watching. Such are the people who, in modem England, gather 
before the prison gates whenever a man is to be hanged, expecting goodness 
knows what unhealthy excitement from the mere fact of reading the 
announcement that “justice has been done” — people who, if only given an 
opportunity, would mn to see a public execution, nay, a public burning of 
witches or heretics, no doubt as speedily as their forefathers once did. Such 
are also millions of folk, hitherto “civilised” and apparently kind, who reveal 
themselves in their proper light no sooner a war breaks out, i.e. no sooner 
they feel encouraged to display the most repulsive type of imagination in 
competitive descriptions of what tortures every one of them “would” inflict 
upon the enemy’s leaders, if he — or more often she — had a free hand. 
Such are, at heart, all those who gloat over the sufferings of the fallen enemy 
after a victorious war. And they are also millions: millions of vicarious 
savages, mean at the same time as cruel — unmanly — whom the warriors 
of the so-called “barbaric” ages would have thoroughly despised. 

* * * 

But more cowardly and more, hypocritical, perhaps, than anything 
else, is “progressive” modern man’s behaviour towards living Nature, and in 
particular towards the animal kingdom. Of that I have spoken at length in 
another book, 1 and 


1 


“Impeachment of Man,” written in 1945-46, and yet unpublished. 



16 


I shall, therefore, here, be contented with underlining a few facts. 

Primitive man, — and, often, also, man whose picturesque civilisation 
is anything but “modem” — is bad enough, it is tme, as far as his treatment 
of animals is concerned. One only has to travel in the least industrialised 
countries of southern Europe, or in the Near and Middle East, to acquire a 
very definite certitude on that point. And not all modem leaders have been 
equally successful in putting an end to age-old cmelties to dumb) beasts, 
whether in the East or in the West. Gandhi could not, in the name of that 
universal kindness which he repeatedly preached as the main tenet of his 
faith, prevent Hindu milk-men from deliberately starving their male calves 
to death, in order to sell a few extra pints of cow’s milk. Mussolini could not 
detect and prosecute all those Italians who, even under his government, 
persisted in the detestable habit of plucking chickens alive on the ground 
that “the feathers come off more easily.” There is no getting away from the 
fact that kindness to animals on a national scale does not ultimately depend 
upon the teachings of any superimposed religion or philosophy. It is one of 
the distinctive characteristics of the tmly superior races. And no religious, 
philosophical or political alchemy can turn base metal into gold. 

This does not mean to say that a good teaching cannot help to bring 
the best out of every race, as well as out of every individual man or woman. 
But modern industrial civilisation, to the extent it is man-centred — not 
controlled by any inspiration of a super-human, cosmic order — and tends to 
stress quantity instead of quality, production and wealth, instead of character 
and inherent worth, is anything but congenial to the development of 
consistent universal kindness, even among, the better people. It hides 
cruelty. It does nothing to suppress it, or even to lessen it. It excuses, nay, it 
exalts any atrocity upon animals, which happens to be directly or indirectly 
connected with money-making, from the daily horrors of the slaughter¬ 
houses to the martyrdom of animals at the hands of the circus-trainer, the 
trapper (and, also, very often, of the skinner, in the case of furry creatures) 
and of the vivisector. Naturally, the “higher” interest of human beings is put 
forward as a justification, — without people realising that a humanity which 
is prepared to buy amusement or luxury, “tasty food,” or even 



17 


scientific information or means of healing the sick at such a cost, as that, is 
no longer worthy to live. The fact remains that there has never been more 
degeneracy and more disease of all descriptions among men, than in this 
world of compulsory or almost compulsory vaccination and inoculation; this 
world which exalts criminals against Life — torturers of innocent living 
creatures for man’s ends, such as Louis Pasteur, — to the rank of “great” 
men, while condemning the really great ones who struggled to stress the 
sacred hierarchy of human races before and above the over-emphasised and, 
anyhow, obvious, hierarchy of beings, and who, incidentally, built the only 
State in the West whose laws for the protection of dumb creatures reminded 
one, for the first time after centuries (and to the extent it was possible in a 
modem industrial country of cold climate) of the decrees of Emperor Asoka 
and Harshavardhana. 1 

Such a world may well boast of its tender care for prize dogs and cats 
and for pet animals in general, while trying to forget (and to make better 
civilisations forget) the hideous fact of a million creatures vivisected yearly, 
in Great Britain alone. It cannot make us overlook its hidden horrors and 
convince us of its “progress” in kindness to animals, any more than of its 
increasing kindness to people “irrespectively of their creed.” We refuse to 
see in it anything else but the darkest living evidence of that which the 
Hindus have characterised from time immemorial as “Kali Yuga” — the 
“Dark Age”; the Era of Gloom; the last (and, fortunately, the shortest) 
subdivision of the present Cycle of history. There is no hope of “putting 
things right,” in such an age. It is, essentially, the age so forcefully though 
laconically described in the Book of books — the Bhagavad-Gita — as that 
in which “out of the cormption of women proceeds the confusion of castes; 
out of the confusion of castes, the loss memory; out of loss of memory the 
lack of understanding; and out of this, all evils”; 2 the age in which falsehood 
is termed “truth” and tmth persecuted as falsehood or mocked as insanity; in 
which the exponents of tmth, the divinely inspired leaders, the real friends of 
their race and 


I refer to the laws against cruelty to animals that were, in my eyes, one of the glories of 
the National Socialist regime in Germany. 

2 The Bhagavad-Gita, Transl. of E. Burnouf, I, 47 and foil. 



18 


of all the living, — the god-like men, — are defeated, and their followers 
humbled and their memory slandered, while the masters of lies are hailed as 
“saviours”; the age in which every man and woman is in the wrong place, 
and the world dominated by inferior individuals, bastardised races and 
vicious doctrines, all part and parcel of an order of inherent ugliness far 
worse than complete anarchy. 

This is the age in which our triumphant Democrats and our hopeful 
Communists boast of “slow but steady progress through science and 
education.” Thanks very much for such “progress”! The very sight of it is 
enough to confirm us in our belief in the immemorial cyclic theory of 
history, illustrated in the myths of all ancient, natural religions (including 
that one from which the Jews — and, through them, their disciples, the 
Christians — borrowed the symbolical story of the Garden of Eden; 
Perfection at the beginning of Time.) It impresses upon us the fact that 
human history, far from being a steady ascension towards the better, is an 
increasingly hopeless process of bastardisation, emasculation and 
demoralisation of mankind; an inexorable “fall.” It rouses in us the yearning 
to see the end — the final crash that will push into oblivion both those 
worthless “isms” that are the product of the decay of thought and of 
character, and the no less worthless religions of equality which have slowly 
prepared the ground for them; the coming of Kalki, the divine Destroyer of 
evil; the dawn of a new Cycle opening, as all time-cycles ever did, with 
“Golden Age.” 

Never mind how bloody the final crash may be! Never mind what old 
treasures may perish for ever in the redeeming conflagration! The sooner it 
comes, the better. We are waiting for it — and for the following glory — 
confident in the divinely established cyclic Law that governs all 
manifestations of existence in Time: the law of Eternal Return. We ore 
waiting for it, and for the subsequent triumph of the Truth persecuted to-day; 
for the triumph under whatever name, of the only faith in harmony with the 
everlasting laws of being; of the only modem “ism” which is anything but 
“modem,” being just the latest expression of principles as old as the Sun; the 
triumph of all those men who, throughout the centuries and to-day, have 
never lost the vision of the everlasting Order, 



19 


decreed by the Sun, and who have fought in a selfless spirit to impress that 
vision upon others. We are waiting for the glorious restoration, this time, on 
a world-wide scale, of the New Order, projection in time, in the next, as in 
every recurring “Golden Age,” of the everlasting Order of the Cosmos. 

It is the only thing worth living for — and dying for, if given that 
privilege, — now, in 1948. 


Written in Edinburgh, on the 9th April, 1948, — the 707th anniversary 
of the famous battle ofLiegnitz. 



20 


CHAPTER II 

TIME AND VIOLENCE 


From the few facts that I have recalled in the preceding chapter, it is 
pretty clear that there are no cruelties in ancient history — no Assyrian 
horrors, no Carthagenian horrors, no old Chinese horrors, — which the 
inventiveness of our contemporaries of East and West, aided by a perfected 
technique, has not outdone. But cruelty — the violence of cowards — is 
merely one expression of violence among many, though admittedly the most 
repulsive one. Aided and encouraged by more and more staggering scientific 
achievements, which can be put to use for any purpose, man has, throughout 
history, become more and more violent, — and not less and less so, as 
people fed on pacifist propaganda are often inclined to think! And, which is 
more, it could not have been otherwise; and it cannot be otherwise at any 
period of the future, until the violent and complete destruction of that which 
we call to-day “civilisation” opens for the world a new “Age of Truth”; a 
new Golden Age. Until then, violence, under one form or another, is 
unavoidable. It is the very law of Life in a fallen world. The choice given us 
is not between violence and non-violence, but between open, unashamed 
violence, in broad daylight, and sneaking, subtle violence — blackmail; 
between open violence and inconspicuous, slow, yet implacable persecution, 
both economic and cultural: the systematic suppression of all possibilities 
for the vanquished, without it “showing”; the merciless “conditioning” of 
children, all the more horrible that it is more impersonal, more indirect, more 
outwardly “gentle”; the clever diffusion of soul-killing lies (and half- lies); 
violence under the cover of non-violence. The choice is also between 
selfless ruthlessness put to the service of the very Cause of truth; violence 
without cruelty, applied in view of bringing about upon this earth an order 
based on everlasting principles, that transcend man; violence in view of 
creating, or maintaining, a human State in harmony with Life’s highest 
purpose, and violence applied to selfish ends. 

The two parallel alternatives are indeed one and the same. 



21 


For it is a fact that, the more disinterested be its aims and the more selfless 
its application, the more frank and straightforward violence is; while, on the 
other hand, the more sordid be the motives for which it is in reality used, the 
more it is, itself, hidden, nay, denied; the more the men who resort to it boast 
of being admirers of non-violence, thus bluffing others and sometimes also 
themselves; acting as deceivers and being deceived — caught in the network 
of their own lies. 

As time goes on and as decay sets in, the keynote of human history is 
not less and less violence; it is less and less honesty about violence. 

* * * 

Only an “Age of Truth,” in which all is as it should be — a world in 
which the social and political order on earth is a perfect replica of the eternal 
Order of Life — can be nonviolent. And in the eloquent legends of all old 
nations, ideal society at the dawn of Time is said to have been naturally so. 
There was, then, nothing to be changed; nothing for which to shed one’s 
own or other people’s blood; nothing to do but to enjoy in peace the beauty 
and riches of the sunlit earth, and to praise the wise Gods — the “devas,” or 
“shining Ones,” as the ancient Aryans called them — Kings of the earth in 
the truest sense of the word. Every man and woman, every race, every 
species was, then, in its place, and the whole divine hierarchy of Creation 
was a work of art to which and from which there was nothing either to add 
or to take away. Violence was unthinkable. 

Violence became a necessity from the moment the sociopolitical order 
in this world ceased to be the undistorted reflexion of the eternal cosmic 
Order; from the moment a man-centred spirit, exalting indiscriminately the 
whole of humanity at the expense of glorious living Nature, on one hand, 
and at that of the naturally superior individuals and naturally privileged 
races, on the other, arose, in opposition to the life-centred Tradition which 
had been sanctioning, for no one knows how many happy millenniums, the 
harmonious, divinely ordained hierarchy of peoples, animal species and 
vegetable varieties; from the moment a vicious tendency to uniformity — 
ultimately 



22 


leading to disintegration — set in, in opposition to primeaval Unity within 
infinite, disciplined diversity. From that moment onwards, we repeat, 
violence became the law of the world, for good and for evil. The only way to 
avoid resorting to it was, henceforth, either to cut one’s self off, entirely, 
from the world, as it is, to turn one’s back to life and to move about in an 
artificial, dream-like time — the illusion of an illusion — or else, to live 
outside Time altogether. Pretty few individuals were sufficiently foolish to 
take the first course, and fewer still sufficiently evolved and, at the same 
time, sufficiently indifferent, to take the second. 

But violence is not a bad thing in itself. True, it set in as a necessity 
only after the world had become, to a great extent, “bad” i.e., unfaithful to its 
timeless archetype; no longer in keeping with the creative dream of the 
universal Mind, that it had once expressed. The very appearing of violence 
was a sign that the “Age of Truth” was irretrievably closed; that the 
downward process of history was gaining speed. Yet, violence cannot be 
judged apart from its purpose. And the purpose is good or bad; worth its 
while, or not. It is worth its while when those who pursue it do so, not 
merely unselfishly — with no primordial desire of personal glory or 
happiness, — but also in keeping with an Ideology expressing timeless, 
impersonal, more-than-human truth; an Ideology rooted in the clear 
understanding of the unchanging Laws of life, and destined to appeal to all 
those who, in a fallen world, still retain within their hearts an invincible 
yearning for the perfect Order as it really was and will again be; as it cannot 
but be, at the dawn of every recurring Time-cycle. Any purpose which is 
intelligently, objectively consistent with the war-aims of the undying Forces 
of Light in their age-old struggle against the forces of Darkness, i.e., of 
disintegration, — that Struggle illustrated in all the mythologies of the 
world, — any such purpose, I say, justifies any amount of selfless violence. 
Moreover, as the “Era of Gloom” in which we are living proceeds, darker 
and darker and fiercer and fiercer year after year, it becomes more and more 
impossible to avoid using violence in the service of truth. No man, — no 
demi-god — can bring about, to-day, even a relative amount of real order 
and justice in any area of the globe, without the help of force, specially if he 
has 



23 


but a few years at his disposal. And, unfortunately, the further this world 
advances into the present age of technical wonders and human abasement, 
more the great men of inspiration are submitted to the factor of time , as soon 
as they attempt to apply their lofty intuitive knowledge of eternal truth to the 
solution of practical problems. They just have to act, not only thoroughly, 
but also quickly, if they do not want to see the forces of disintegration nip 
their priceless work in the bud. And whether they like it or not, thoroughly 
and quickly means, almost unavoidably, with unhesitating violence. One can 
say, with more and more certainty as the “Dark Age” goes on, that the god¬ 
like men of action are defeated, at least for the time being, not for having 
been too ruthless (and thus for having roused against themselves and their 
ideas and their collaborators the indignation of the “decent people”), but for 
not having been ruthless enough — for not having killed off their fleeing 
enemies, to the last man, in the brief hour of triumph; for not having silenced 
both the squeamish millions of hypocrites and their masters, the clever 
producers of atrocity-tales, by more substantial violences, more complete 
exterminations. 

From all this it is quite clear that, to condemn violence 
indiscriminately is to condemn the very struggle of the Forces of Life and 
Light against the Forces of disintegration, — struggle, all the more heroic 
and all the more desperate, also, as the world rushes on towards its doom. It 
is to condemn that struggle which, at every one of its age-long, varying 
phases, and even through temporary disaster, has been securing for the 
world, beyond its deserved doom, the glorious new Beginning, which the 
few alone deserve. Within the bondage of Time, specially within this “Kali 
Yuga,” one cannot be consistently non-violent without contributing, 
willingly or unwillingly, knowingly or unknowingly, to the success of the 
forces of disintegration; of what we call the death-forces. 

* * * 

As for that violence which is used to forward the war-aims of the 
death-forces, it is, and has always been twofold: directed on one hand 
against Life itself— first, against the whole of innocent living Nature, then, 
against the vital interests of higher mankind, in the name of “the common 
plan” — and, on the 



24 


other, against those particular men who, more and more conscious of the 
tragic realities of a darkening age, put up a stand in favour of the recognition 
of Life’s eternal values and of the restoration of order upon its true, eternal 
basis. 

In the attempt to bring about the triumph of the worthless and the slow 
but steady disintegration of culture, in fact, less and less violence is needed. 
The world evolves naturally towards disintegration, with accelerated speed. 
It might have been, once, necessary to push it on along the slippery path. It 
has no longer been so, for centuries. It rolls on to its own doom, without 
help. In that direction, therefore, the champions of disintegration enjoy an 
easy task. They only have to follow and flatter the vicious tendencies of the 
increasingly despicable majority of men, to become the world’s darlings. 
But in their war against the few, but more aware and practical exponents of 
the higher values, — the upholders of the natural hierarchy of races; the 
worshippers of light, of strength, of youth; — they are (and are bound to be) 
more and more violent, nay, more and more relentlessly cruel. Their hatred 
grows, as history unfolds, as though they knew — as though they felt, with 
the sharpness of physical perception, — that every one of their victories, 
however spectacular it be, brings them nearer the final redeeming crash in 
which they are bound to perish, and out of which their now persecuted 
superiors are bound to emerge as the leaders of the New Age, — the 
supermen at the beginning of the next Time-cycle, — more like gods than 
ever. Their hatred grows, and their ferocity too, as the redeeming crash 
draws nigh, and, along with it, the dawn of the universal New Order, as 
unavoidable as the coming of spring. As the history of the last three years 
has shown , 1 — as the history of darkest Europe (and of proud, unfortunate 
Japan) would show to-day, if only its hidden horrors were revealed — 
nothing surpasses in violence the persecution of the world’s best men and 
women by the agents of the death-forces, during the last period of the “Era 
of Gloom.” Like the children of Light, these too — though for contrary 
reasons, — act under the inexorable pressure of time. They have but a few 
years to try to stamp out the undying, divine Ideology; to crush as many of 
its votaries as they can, 


This chapter was written in 1948. 



25 


before they are, themselves, ground to dust in a fratricidal war of demons 
against demons. 

They are in a hurry — not, as the heroic “elite,” out of generous 
impatience; not out of any longing to see the “Age of Truth” re-established 
before its time, but out of feverish lust; out of the will to snatch from the 
world, for themselves, all the material advantages and all the satisfactions of 
vanity they possibly can, before it is too late. And as time goes on, their 
hurry amounts to frenzy. The one obstacle that stands in their way and still 
defies them — that will always defy them, till the end — is precisely that 
proud elite that disaster cannot discourage, that torture cannot break, that 
money cannot buy. Whether consciously or unconsciously, whether they be, 
themselves, thoroughly wicked, or just blind, through congenital stupidity, 
the workers of disintegration wage war upon the men of gold and steel, with 
unabated, hellish fury. 

But theirs is not the frank, unashamed violence of the inspired 
idealists striving to bring forth, speedily, a lofty sociopolitical order too good 
for the unworthy world of their times. It is a sneaking, creeping, cowardly 
sort of violence, all the more effective that it is, outwardly, more 
emphatically denied, both by the scoundrels who apply it, or condone it, and 
by the well-meaning fools who actually believe that it does not exist. It is 
prompted by such feelings as one cannot possibly exhibit, even in a 
degenerate world, without running the risk of defeating one’s own purpose: 
by bare hatred, rooted in envy — the hatred of worthless weaklings for the 
strong, for no other reason that they are strong; the hatred of ugly souls 
(incarnated, more often than not, in no less ugly bodies) for the naturally 
beautiful ones; for the noble, the magnanimous, the selfless, the real 
aristocracy of the world; the hatred of the unhappy, and, even more so, of the 
bored, — of those who have only their pockets to live for, and nothing at all 
to die for, — for those who live, and are ready to die, for eternal values. 
Such is, more and more, the wide-spread violence of our times, less and less 
recognised, in its subtle disguise, even by the people who actually suffer 
through it. 

The Ancients knew better than our contemporaries who were their 
friends and who were their enemies. And this is natural. In a world rushing 
to its doom, there is bound to 



26 


be increasing ignorance — ignorance precisely of those things one should 
know the best, in order to survive. The Ancients suffered, and knew whom 
to curse. Modem men and women, as a rule, do not know; do not really care 
to know; are too lazy, too exhausted, too near the end of their world to take 
the trouble to enquire seriously. And clever rascals, themselves the authors 
of all the mischief, incite them to throw the blame of it upon the only people 
whose unfailing wisdom and selfless love could have saved them, had they 
but wanted to be saved; upon that hated elite that stands against the current 
of Time, with the vision of the glorious new Beginning beyond the doom of 
the present-day world, clear and bright before its eyes. The whole amount of 
nonsense written and spoken since the end of the Second World War (and 
already before its end, in the newspapers and from the radio stations 
controlled by the Democratic Powers) about the sufferings of the European 
people, is the latest glaring instance of this broad-scale systematic lying, 
more and more common as the forces of disintegration become, with time, 
both more successful and snore sneaking. Europe lies in ruins — the 
consequence of six years of inhuman bombing. The United Nations did the 
bombing, in order to stamp out National Socialism — the only thing that 
could have restored order and sanity in Europe, if absolute selflessness, 
coupled with genius, were able to turn the tide of time, in a doomed world. 
And now the people are told that National Socialism is responsible for all the 
evils that bombing has occasioned, and that its inspired Founder is the 
greatest selfish megalomaniac who ever trod this earth. Some people believe 
it — even in Germany; or were prepared to believe it in 1945 before they got 
a taste of the substitute which the Democracies offered them in the place of 
the much criticised regime. Most people believe it in the rest of Europe. The 
cunning rogues, utterly dishonest about violence, who set the tune to this 
propaganda, have an easy task: they work in the sense of Time : for disorder, 
leading to disintegration; for the destruction of all that is still strong and 
valuable in present-day humanity; of all that is destined to survive, in spite 
of all, their coming destruction. And they exploit the very characteristics of 
a decaying epoch: the hatred of all obvious discipline and of all visible and 
tangible (and responsible) leadership, allied to increasing 



27 


conceit, increasing imbecility, and, consequently, increasing gullibility. 

* * * 

We have spoken of two sorts of violence. Nowhere is the difference in 
the very nature of the two more apparent, perhaps, than in the attitude of the 
upholders — or condoners — of each, towards living creation outside 
mankind. 

The frank and courageous violence, which any idealist with real 
vision is snore or less bound to use as soon, as he attempts to translate his 
intuition of eternal truth into action, in a stubbornly degenerate world, bent 
on its own destruction, that violence, we say, is never exercised — and can, 
logically, never be exercised, save, perhaps, in certain cases of vital 
emergency, — against any living creatures other than people. Its only 
purpose is to crush, as quickly and completely as possible, all resistance to a 
socio-political order imposed too soon to be appreciated by all those whom 
it affects. As we shall see, it does not, in fact, affect human beings alone. It 
concerns, and must concern, also, in the long run, all the living. If it did not, 
it would not be an order based upon everlasting truth, and the violence 
displayed to impose it would not he justified. But human beings alone can 
and do oppose such an order. They alone arc, therefore, to the extent they 
become obstacles to its establishment or continuation, the victims of the 
necessary violence of those whose duty it is to defend it. As a consequence 
of the fact that they have nothing to do with the shaping of human society, 
innocent animals are never tormented by men who believe that, if at all, 
torture can only be excused when applied to forward such impersonal 
political ends as are in harmony with eternal principles. 

Such men can never tolerate the infliction of pain upon living 
creatures for the sake of researches destined, in the minds of the torturers 
and of their supporters, to alleviate the sufferings of diseased humanity or to 
satisfy a mere lust for “scientific” information. For if they really be the 
exponents of Golden Age ideals, — men of action, with an awareness of 
everlasting Truth and a burning love of perfection, — they cannot possibly 
share, either about humanity or about disease, or about the 



28 


morbid craving for idle knowledge at any cost, the common prejudices 
which have been developing, for centuries, as a result of growing 
degeneracy in this world. They cannot possibly believe that every human 
life, however debased, is necessarily worth saving. And they must believe 
that the best way to stamp; out disease is not so much to find out new 
treatments as to teach men and women to live healthier lives, and, before all, 
to strengthen the naturally privileged races through a systematical, rational 
policy, applied, in the first place, to the basic art of breeding. And they must 
feel a sane contempt for all forms of useless research, let alone for that 
criminal curiosity about the mystery of life, which has turned hundreds of 
men like Pavlov, or Voronoff — or Claude Bernard — into down right 
monsters. 

There is more. The very Ideology of the strong naturally goes hand in 
hand with repulsion for every form of cruelty towards helpless and beautiful 
beasts. Nietzsche has exalted kindness as the highest virtue of the superman 
— “the last victory of the hero over himself.” And kindness that does not 
embrace all life is no kindness at all. Kindness that prompts man to “love his 
enemies” without prompting him a fortiori to love the innocent creatures of 
the earth, which did him no willful harm; kindness that urges him to spare 
the former’s lives while allowing him to chase and eat the latter, and to wear 
their skins, is either hypocrisy or imbecility. The Ideology of the strong 
rejects that two thousand year-old contradiction, with utter contempt. 

This is so true that the only people who have, in our times, striven to 
create a socio-political order upon the basis of such an Ideology, and that, 
through the most frankly acknowledged ruthlessness; the people who uphold 
the most consistently that healthy, necessary violence which is inseparable 
from any selfless struggle against the forces of decay, — the makers of 
National Socialist Germany, are precisely the ones who have the most 
sincerely stressed love of all living Nature in their educational system, and 
done whatever they could to protect by law both animals 1 and forests; it is so 
true, that the 

1 In National Socialist Germany, not only was the horrid “kosher” killing of animals 
forbidden, but traps were also not allowed. Animals killed for food had to be dealt with 
by means of an automatic pistol bringing instantaneous death. And cruelty to any beast 
was severely punished. (I know of the case of a person having spent three and a half years 
in a concentration camp for having killed a pig “in a cruel manner.”) 



29 


Leader who inspired them — Adolf Hitler, now so shamelessly slandered 
and so bitterly hated by a worthless world, — not only abstained from flesh 
in his own daily diet, but is, as far as I know, the only European ruler who 
ever seriously contemplated the possibility of a continent without 
slaughterhouses and actually intended to make that dream a reality as soon 
as he could. 1 

Contrast this with the treatment of creatures at the hands of the 
majority of those people who deny the superior individuals and races the 
right to be ruthless in their heroic struggle against Time; of those who would 
like us to believe they “love their enemies” and have a genuine horror of 
atrocities! We have seen, we see every day, how the hypocrites treat their 
enemies — when they catch them. And we know what atrocities they can 
perform on human beings — or order, or at least condone, — when it suits 
their purpose. They treat animals no better. They take the hidden crimes 
daily committed against them in this increasingly wicked world, as a matter 
of course, just as they do those committed against the men and women 
whom they look upon as “dangerous fanatics,” “war criminals” and so forth. 

Of course, they find good excuses for their attitude, — one always 
does; logic was granted to man in order that he might justify himself in his 
own eyes, whatever monstrosity he might choose to support. But their 
premises are entirely different from those of the selfless people who fight 
with consistent ruthlessness for ideals in harmony with the perfect cosmic 
order. Their basic argument is “the interest of humanity” — 
indiscriminately; the “interest of humanity” as a whole; of “the majority” of 
human beings, good bad and indifferent; and of 


1 “An extended chapter of our talk was devoted by the Fiihrer to the vegetarian question. 
He believes more than ever that meat-eating is wrong. Of course, he knows that, during 
the war, we cannot completely upset our food system. After the war, however, he intends 
to tackle this problem also. Maybe he is right. Certainly the arguments he adduces in 
favour of his standpoint are very compelling.” 

—The Goebbels Diaries, edit. 1946 (Entry of the 26th of April 1942) 



30 


human beings alone. Their ideals — expression of the downward tendency 
of Time, which is hurrying man to his doom — are anything but Golden Age 
ideals. 

Which humanity indeed do our kind-hearted agents of the dark forces 
struggle to “save,” at the cost of untold suffering inflicted upon healthy, 
innocent and beautiful creatures in the torture-chambers of “science”? Surely 
not the strong and proud elite of mankind, waiting for its Day to start a new 
historical Cycle, upon the ruins of the present world. Such men and women 
as belong to that healthy minority need no such laboriously discovered 
medicine, and would not accept it, even if they did. No. The majority of our 
contemporaries who support the infliction of pain upon living creatures for 
the sake of “research” are concerned with the relief of “suffering” humanity. 
They are full of that morbid love for the sick and the cripple, for the weak 
and the disabled of every description, which Christianity has once made 
fashionable and which is, undoubtedly, one of the most nauseating signs of 
decay in modem man. Whether they be professed Christians or not, they all 
cling to the silly belief that it is a “duty” to save, or at least to prolong, at 
whatever cost, any human life, however worthless — a duty to prolong it, 
just because it is human. As a consequence, they are prepared to sacrifice 
any numbers of healthy and beautiful animals, if they imagine that it can 
help to patch up the failing bodies of people who, most of them, would not 
have been allowed to live or, rather, would never have been born, in a well- 
conceived and well-organised society. In their eyes, a human idiot is worth 
more than the most perfect specimen of animal or plant life. Indeed, as our 
species degenerates, its conceit grows! And that conceit helps to keep men 
satisfied, though they be completely cut off from the vision of glorious, 
healthy perfection that dominated the consciousness of the world in its youth 
and that still is, and will remain till the end, the inspiring vision of a 
decreasing minority. 

The account of the atrocities committed upon innocent animals in 
order to find out means to combat disease in a more and mote contaminated 
humanity, or even means to encourage 



31 


vice in a daily greater number of outspent degenerates, 1 would fill volumes. 
That of similar abominations performed out of mere scientific curiosity, 
would also. This is not the place to expatiate upon that gruesome subject. 
Yet, when one remembers that people who excused those and other horrors, 
nay, who approved of them — who admired such a fellow as Pasteur, and 
who had never spoken a word against other ones such as Claude Bernard or, 
in this century, Pavlov, — when one remembers, I say, that such people had 
the cheek to sit as judges in 1945, 1946, 1947, 2 etc., and, with the consent of 
the world, to sentence to death German doctors, rightly or wrongly charged 
with having performed far less cruel experiments upon active or potential 
enemies of all they loved and stood for, then one is disgusted at the depth of 
hypocrisy that mankind has reached in our times. For never, perhaps, has 
such a theatrical exhibition of indignation over particular acts of violence 
gone hand in hand with such universal toleration of acts of violence by far 
more horrible. 


* * * 

That general dishonesty about violence, which has been steadily 
increasing from the dawn of history onwards, is manifest to-day in the way 
people deliberately conceal from themselves and from others all the horrors 
which they condone but cannot possibly justify. 

Many of the atrocities performed on animals with a view to add to 
medical knowledge are so gruesome that, in spite of their alleged 
“justification,” it is “in the interest of science” — and in the interest of the 
commercial concerns dealing in patent medicines, — not to allow the public 
to know about them. And the public is deliberately kept in ignorance — 
induced to believe that the horrors do not really exist, or that they are not, in 
reality, half as blood-curling as they sound. A fortiori, the numberless 
cruelties committed for the sake of sheer curiosity or for the sake of luxury, 
or amusement, are all the more hidden — subtly denied. Thousands of well- 
meaning 


We refer, here, to Voronoff s experiments performed upon live monkeys, with a view to 

give back sexual potency to old men. 

2 

During the infamous Nuremberg Trial and other similar ones. 



32 


fools who talk about “moral progress” in our times have no idea whatsoever 
of what goes on (behind the screens) in scientific institutes, in the fur trade 
and in circuses. 

Thousands of equally well-meaning and equally foolish people, who 
take for granted whatever they are given to read and enquire no further; have 
also no idea of the horrors perpetrated by their compatriots in other people’s 
countries as colonists or as members of occupying armies, nay, no idea of 
what goes on in their own country, behind prison bars, in torture-chambers 
for political investigation, and in concentration camps. Indeed, in England 
and in other democratic nations, many are under the impression that their 
government never tolerated such things as concentration camps and torture- 
chambers for human beings. Only “the enemy” had them — so they believe. 
Years ago, they would have thought nothing of admitting that “everybody 
has them”; must have them; that one cannot run a war without those 
unpleasant but extremely useful accessories. But now hypocrisy concerning 
violence has reached its pitch. Never has there been, in the world, so much 
cruelty, allied to such a general attempt to hide it, to deny it, to forget it and, 
if possible, make others forget it. Never have people been so willing to 
forget it, in externally “decent” and kindly surroundings — houses and 
streets in which no torture of man or beast can be seen or heard — provided, 
of course, it is not “the enemy’s” cruelty. The only time modem men and 
women do not try to minimise horrors but actually exaggerate them (and 
often deliberately invent them) is when these happen to be (or are intended 
to be presented as) “the enemy’s” horrors — never their own. And that is 
itself only a further instance of the world-wide characteristic of our times: 
the general love of lies. 

What has set the whole world so bitterly against the frank upholders of 
mthless methods both in government and war, is not so much that these were 
violent, but that they were frank. Liars hate those who speak the unpleasant 
tmth, and who act in accordance with it. 

* * * 


The “unpleasant tmth” is that pacifism, non-violence 



33 


and so forth are, most of the time, just rackets in the service of the forces of 
disintegration; dishonest tricks to bluff the fools, to emasculate the strong, 
and to set millions of cowards and hypocrites (the bulk of the world) against 
the few people whose inspired policy, pursued ruthlessly to its logical end, 
could perhaps, even now, arrest the decay of man. And if they are not that, 
then, they are nonsense. 

As we have said in the beginning, non-violence can only exist in a 
world in which the temporal socio-political order is, on the human scale, the 
replica of the eternal Order of the Cosmos. Any effective preaching — and 
any partial practice — of pacifism in politics; i.e., within Time, outside such 
a temporal order, only leads, ultimately, to greater violence; to a greater 
exploitation of living Nature and a greater oppression of man at the hands of 
those who work for the death-forces. But, for millenniums already, that 
perfect earthly order has ceased to exist. It has to be created anew before 
peace can reflourish. And it cannot, now, be created anew, without utmost 
violence, exerted, this time, in a selfless spirit, by men of vision. 

The best course for those who sincerely desire a just and. lasting 
peace would, therefore, naturally be to do all they can to give over the world 
to those men of vision, as soon as possible; at least, not to try to prevent 
them from conquering it. Unfortunately, most pacifists either do not really 
want peace at all, but merely pretend to, or else, want it, but only under 
certain ideological conditions which are incompatible with its establishment, 
now, and with its duration, and which will only become more and more so, 
till the end of the present historical cycle. Any obvious violence directed 
against human beings shocks them. People who openly support the use of 
force — be it in the most disinterested spirit and for the best of purposes, — 
are, for that very reason, anathema in, their eyes. Help them to conquer and 
to rule the world? Oh, no! Anything but thatl The ideals of the ruthless men 
of vision may well be Golden Age ideals; but their methods! — their cynical 
attitude towards human life; their relentless chase and pitiless disposal of 
even potential obstacles to the rapid attainment of their selfless aims; their 
“appalling logic” (to quote the words 



34 


of a French official in occupied Germany, after this war) 1 — our pacifists 
could never stand for these! As a result, they stand for far worse, — 
generally without knowing it. For, through their refusal to face facts and take 
the only reasonable attitude that a true lover of peace should have, today, 
they become tools in the service of the forces of disintegration. 

For one cannot have it both ways: whoever is not for the everlasting 
Forces of Light and Life, is against them. Unless one lives “outside” or 
“above” Time, one either walks in the sense of the unavoidable evolution of 
history — i.e., towards decay and dissolution, — or one stands against the 
current of centuries, in a bitter, apparently hopeless, but nevertheless 
beautiful struggle, one’s eyes fixed upon those perennial ideals which can be 
fully translated into material reality only once, at the dawn of every 
successive Cycle, by every successive new humanity. But it is true that the 
bold minority of men of action who fight, “against Time,” for Golden Age 
ideals, is bound to become, as time goes on, more and more ruthless in its 
effort to overcome an increasingly well-organised, increasingly elusive, and 
increasingly universal opposition. And for that very reason, it will become 
more and more difficult for the squeamish pacifists to follow it. In all 
probability, they will continue to prefer identifying themselves with the 
lying agents of the Dark forces. And this is natural. Again it is within the law 
of Time. The forces of death must have practically the whole world under 
their grip, before a new Beginning can start as a re-assertion of Life’s 
triumph. 

And thus, day after day, year after year, now and in the future, the 
conflicting Powers of light and darkness cannot but carry on their deadly 
struggle, as they always did, but more and more fiercely as time goes on. 
And as time goes on, also, the struggle will more and more be between 
openly acknowledged and openly accepted violence and violence 
dishonestly disguised, the former being put to the service of Life’s highest 
purpose on earth — namely, the creation of a perfect, or “Golden Age” 
humanity — and the latter, to that of the enemies of Life. It has to be so 
until, after the final crash, — the 


“Cette logique effroyable” was the expression used by Monsieur R. Grassot, of the 
French Information Bureau in Baden-Baden, in his conversation with me on the 9th 
October 1948. 



35 


“end of the world” as we know it, — the leadership of surviving mankind 
falls to that victorious elite who, even in the midst of the long, general decay 
of man, never lost its faith in the everlasting cosmic values, nor its will to 
draw from them, and from them alone, its rule of action. 

That elite will, then, no longer be compelled to resort to violence in 
order to impose its will. It will rule without opposition in a peaceful world in 
which the New Order of its age-old dreams will appear to all as the only 
natural and rational state of affairs. Until man again forgets unchangeable 
Truth, acts as though the iron Laws of cause and consequence did not 
concern him — God’s darling! — and again decays. 

Nothing can stop the wheel of Time. 



36 


CHAPTER III 

MEN IN TIME, ABOVE TIME AND AGAINST TIME 


All men, inasmuch as they are not liberated from the bondage of Time 
follow the downward path of history, whether they know it or not, and 
whether they like it or not. 

Few indeed thoroughly like it, even at our epoch, — let alone in 
happier ages, when people read less and thought more. Few follow it 
unhesitatingly, without throwing, sometime or other, a sad glance towards 
the distant lost paradise into which they know, in their deeper consciousness, 
that they are never to enter; the paradise of Perfection in time — a thing so 
remote that the earliest people of whom we know remembered it only as a 
dream. Yet, they follow the fatal way. They obey their destiny. 

That resigned submission to the terrible law of decay — that 
acceptation of the bondage of Time by creatures who dimly feel that they 
could be free from it, but who find it too hard to try to free themselves; who 
know before hand that they would never succeed, even if they did try, — is 
at the bottom of that incurable unhappiness of man, deplored again and again 
in the Greek tragedies, and long before these were written. Man is unhappy 
because he knows, because he feels — in general — that the world in which 
he lives and of which he is a part, is not what it should be, what it could be, 
what, in fact, it was at the dawn of Time, before decay set in and before 
violence became unavoidable. He cannot whole-heartedly accept that world 
as his — specially not accept the fact that it is going from bad to worse, — 
and be glad. However much he may try to be a “realist” and snatch from 
destiny whatever he can, when he can, still an invincible yearning for the 
better remains at the bottom of his heart. He cannot — in general — will the 
world as it is. 

But few people — as rare as the liberated ones, for whom Time does 
not exist, and perhaps rarer, — can and do; and act up to that will. These are 
the most thorough, the most mercilessly effective agents of the Death-forces 
on earth: — 



37 


supremely intelligent, and sometimes extraordinarily farsighted; always 
unscrupulous to the utmost; working without hesitation and without remorse 
in the sense of the downward process of history and, (whether they can see 
or not as far as that) for its logical conclusion: the annihilation of man and of 
all life. 

Naturally, they do not always see as far as that. But when they do, still 
they do not care. Since the Law of: Time is what it is, and since the end must 
come, it is just as well that they should draw all the profit they possibly can 
from the process that is, anyhow, sooner or later, to bring about the end. 
Since no one can re-create the primeaval lost Paradise — no one but the 
wheel of Time itself, after it has rolled its full course — then it is just as well 
that they, who can completely forget the distant vision, or who never had a 
glimpse of its dying glow; they, who can stifle in themselves the age-old 
yearning for Perfection, or rather, who never experienced it; it is just as well 
that they, I say, should squeeze out of the fleeing moment (whether minutes 
or years, it matters little) all the intense, immediate enjoyment they can, until 
the hour copses when they must die. It is just as well that they should leave 
their stamp upon the world — force generations to remember them, — until 
the hour comes for the world to die. So they feel. It makes little difference 
what suffering they might cause to men or other living creatures, by acting 
as they do. Both men and creatures are bound to suffer, anyhow. Just as well 
through them as through others, if that can forward the aims of these people. 

* * * 

The aims of these people — of the men within Time, par excellence, 
— are always selfish aims, even when, owing to their material magnitude 
and historical importance, they transcend immeasurably any one man’s life, 
as they actually do, sometimes. For selfishness, — the claim of the “part” to 
more place and to more meaning than is naturally allotted to it within the 
whole, — is the very root of disintegration, and therefore a characteristic 
inseparable from Time. One can practically say 



38 


that, more a person is thoroughly, remorselessly selfish, more he or she lives 
“m Time.” 

But, as we have said, that selfishness is manifested in many different 
ways. It can find expression in that mere lust for personal enjoyment, which 
characterises the shameless voluptuary; or in the miser’s insatiable greed for 
gold; or in the individual ambition of the seeker of honours and position; or 
in the family ambition of the man who is ready to sacrifice every interest in 
the world to the welfare and happiness of his wife and children. But it can 
also be brought out in the exaltation of a man’s tribe or country above all 
others, not because of its inherent worth in the natural hierarchy of Life , but 
just because it happens to be the tribe or country of that particular man. It 
can be, nay, and often is, brought out in the undue exaltation of all human 
beings, however debased, above all the rest of living creation, however 
healthy and beautiful — the passion which underlies the age-old tyranny of 
“man” over Nature; the “love of man” not in harmony with the God- 
ordained duties and rights of each and every species (as of every race and of 
every individual) according to its place, but in a spirit of mere solidarity with 
one’s kith and kin, good or bad, worthy or unworthy, solely because they are 
one’s own. Men “in Time” only know what is “their own” and what is not, 
and they love themselves in whatever is theirs. 

* * * 

As there are men “in Time,” so there are, also, philosophies and 
religions — “ideologies” — “in Time”; false religions, all of them, for true 
religion can only be above time. Such doctrines are more and more 
numerous, more and more varied, and more and more popular as the world 
proceeds nearer to the end of every historical Cycle. There was an epoch 
when they did not exist; an epoch in which a man “in Time” was necessarily 
against all professed doctrines. To-day, nearly all interpretations of age-old, 
true religions, and nearly all the “isms” that have replaced religions, are of 
the type “in Time.” Their function within the scheme of things, at this stage 
of world-history, is just to deceive the well-meaning weaklings and fools — 
the hesitating people, who want an excuse, 



39 


a justification for living “in” Time without the unpleasant feeling of a guilty 
conscience, and who cannot find one for themselves. These are only too glad 
to catch hold of a philosophy loudly professing to be unselfish, which allows 
them, nay, encourages them, to work under its cover for their selfish ends. 
The ones who use a really unselfish doctrine, — an originally “timeless” 
philosophy, — for that purpose, lie all the more shamelessly to themselves 
and to others. And, by doing so, they help in reality to forward the great 
tendency of history: to hasten the decay which leads to the great End and, 
beyond — to the following new Beginning. 

* * * 

But the actual, typical men “within Time” need no justifying ideology 
in order to act. Their thoroughly selfish attitude is, in all its glaring 
shamelessness, far more beautiful than that growing tendency of the tiny 
men to slip down the path to perdition while hanging unto some “noble” 
ends such as “liberty, equality, fraternity” or “the rights of international 
proletariate,” or unto some misunderstood religion. Whatever they may tell 
the people whom they wish to deceive, — whom they have to deceive, in 
order to succeed, — the real men “in Time” never deceive themselves. They 
know what they truly want. And they know the way to get it. And they do 
not care what it costs to others or to themselves. And, specially, they do not, 
at the same time, want anything else, which is incompatible with their aims. 

And so, — whether on an ordinary scale, like the consistent 
voluptuary or the single-purposed miser, or on a nation-wide or continent¬ 
wide scale, like those who stir millions and sacrifice millions of people, that 
they might impose their own will, — they act, in a way, as gods would act. 
And, both in the grandeur of their achievements and in the beauty of the 
first-rate qualities of character which they put to the service of their purpose, 
a few of them really have something god-like — as, for instance, that 
greatest conqueror of all times, whose extraordinary career forms the 
subject-matter of a part of this book: Genghis-Khan. They possess the awful 
splendour of the great devastating forces of Nature; of the roaring sea, 
rolling out 



40 


of its bed over the land; of a lava stream, burning its way through all 
obstacles; of the lightning, that men used to worship, when they still 
understood what is divine. 

Naturally, this can be said only of those men whose action exceeds, by 
its very magnitude, the limits of what is “personal.” It is difficult to imagine 
any mere seeker of physical pleasure, or even of individual riches, attaining 
such a grim, god-like greatness. The importance of the men “in Time,” as 
such, depends upon the nature of their action itself and upon the breadth of 
the surroundings which it influences, no less if not more than upon the way 
in which, and the one-sided, cynically selfish purpose for which, they act. 
And this is understandable, for reasons other than the sheer aesthetic 
impression which the true story of a mighty life can leave upon the reader or 
the bystander. It is the consequence of the fact that, like the great forces of 
Nature which we mentioned, real men “in Time” are blind powers, serving 
unknowingly the purpose of the Cosmos. The same is true, of course, of the 
petty seekers after small profits, in their limited sphere of activity. They too 
are blind powers of destruction. But small ones, at our scale at least. We 
experience the awe of the Divine in presence of the big ones only — as we 
do, for instance, before a storm upon the Ocean, while the sight of a pool of 
water disturbed by the wind leaves us indifferent. 

When the ends, — however petty and personal in themselves, — are 
masterfully served through such action as stirs the whole world; when, in 
order to attain them, a man “in Time” displays, upon the international stage, 
superhuman qualities worthy of much higher ends, then, one feels one’s self 
in presence not of a man “in Time” but of the divine Destroyer — Mahakala; 
Time Itself, — everlastingly rushing the Thing that seems to annihilation 
followed by new birth and then again by further decay and annihilation. 

The man “in Time” can have any aim, with the exception of a 
disinterested one (which would at once raise him “above Time”). He himself 
is always like a blind force of destructive Nature. (That is the reason why so 
many thoroughly “bad” characters in literature and in the theatre are so 
attractive, in their forceful evil.) He has no ideology. Or rather, his ideology 
is himself, separated from the divine Whole — i.e., it is the 



41 


disintegration of the Whole (of the universe) for the benefit of himself, and, 
ultimately, the destruction of himself also, although he does not know it or 
does not care. And that is the case in every instance. But under certain 
conditions, when his action takes, in human history, the permanent 
importance that a great geological cataclysm has in the history of the earth, 
then, as I said, the man “in Time” disappears from our sight, and in his, 
place — but still bearing his features, — appears, in all His dramatic 
majesty, Mahakala, the eternal Destroyer. It is Him Whom we adore in the 
great lightning individuals such as Genghis Khan — Him; not them. They 
are only the clay images inhabited by Him for a few brief years. And just as 
the clay image hides and suggests the invisible God or Goddess — Power 
everlasting — so does their selfishness both hide and reveal the impersonal 
purposefulness of Life; the destructive phase of the divine Play, in which 
already lies the promise of the new dawn to come. 

And just as volcanic convulsions or invading sea-tides prepare, in the 
course of centuries, a new growth, in a re-shaped physical universe, so do 
the great men “in Time” bring us nearer the liberating end and thereby 
prepare the way for the next glorious Beginning. “Scourges of God,” in a 
way, they are also blessings in disguise. Far better their frank, brutal 
destructiveness for selfish ends than the silly patch-work of the ordinary 
well-meaning people who try to “do good” in this fallen world, without 
having the courage to strike and bum and tear; who have only “constructive” 
schemes — all useless! For destmction and creation are for ever linked. That 
is why we adore the Lightning as well as the Sun, and are overwhelmed by a 
feeling of sacred awe at the thought of the grand-scale exterminators without 
ideologies, human likenesses of great Mahakala. 

* * * 

But there are also men “outside Time” or rather “above Time”; men 
who live, here and now, in eternity; who (directly at least) have no part to 
play in the downward msh of history towards disintegration and death, but 
who behold it from above — as one beholds, from a strong and safe bridge, 
the irresistible msh of a waterfall into the abyss — and who 



42 


have repudiated the law of violence which is the law of Time. 

Of such men, most live a very special life, away from the world; a life 
of which the whole inner discipline, spiritual, moral and physical, is 
systematically devised to keep them in constant union with the great Reality 
beyond Time: the Thing that is, as opposed to the Thing that seems. They 
are the real ascetics (in the etymological sense of the word: those who have 
“trained” themselves to live in eternity). Others — far rarer — live in 
eternity without a particular “training,” even while living, outwardly, the life 
of the world; while being husbands and wives, parents and educators of 
children, manual or intellectual labourers, citizens, soldiers, rulers, etc. 

Of those who live “outside” or “above” Time, some are saviours. 
Others just leave things and people go their way, feeling that they are not 
called to intervene in anyone’s destiny and knowing that, in the course of 
centuries, all souls that care to be saved will, anyhow, evolve towards the 
timeless life of the saints. The distinction between these two types of 
“liberated” people corresponds, in Buddhist terminology, to that between the 
Bodhisattvas and the Arhats. Both these are free beings, outside the law of 
birth and rebirth — the bondage of Time. But, while the Arhat remains 
completely aloof from the fallen world, the Bodhisattva is bom over and 
over again, of his own free will, in order to help living creatures to work 
themselves out of the ocean of life within Time. 

But the salvation which the men “above Time” offer the world is 
always that which consists in breaking the time-bondage. It is never that 
which would find its expression in collective life on earth in accordance with 
Golden Age ideals. It is the salvation of the individual soul, never that of 
organised society. For the men “above Time” know fully well that that 
cannot be saved before the beginning of a new Time-cycle — specially not 
by peaceful preaching or even edifying examples. And even when they do, 
to some extent, try to bring a certain amount of organisation into being 
among a restricted number of disciples, — in monastic communities, for 
instance, — they know that, however saintly it be, the community as such is 
bound to degenerate sooner or later. The Buddha foretold the corruption of 
his sangha “after five hundred years.” 



43 


It is true that some — though extremely few — men, of those whom 
we have characterised as “above Time,” have been (or have tried to be) 
reformers in the worldly sense, by non-violent means. But none of them 
were “saviours” of society, really speaking. The saviours in the worldly 
sense of the word — those who set out to perfect not merely men’s souls but 
men’s collective life and government, and international relations — are what 
we call men “against Time.” And they are necessarily violent, although not 
always physically so. They may be, — in fact, they should be, — personally 
free from the bondage of. Time, if they are to act with the maximum of 
foresight and efficiency. But they have to take into consideration the 
conditions of action “within Time” to live “in” Time, also, in a way. The 
others — the men “above Time” who appear to have been reformers — have 
not really tried to remould the world according to their understanding of 
eternal truth (otherwise, they would not have remained non-violent). What 
they did was to live in the world their own timeless philosophy. And to the 
extent that they occupied a position of importance — like that most 
remarkable of them all, Akhnaton, King of Egypt, who was in his days the 
most powerful man on earth — their lives could not but have a repercussion 
upon those of their contemporaries. 

It might seem strange that the Founder of a State-religion — for the 
cult of the “Heat-and-Light-within-the-Disk” was that, undoubtedly — 
should not be counted among the “saviours” of the world, but rather among 
those extremely rare men “above Time” who have lived the life of this earth 
while stubbornly remaining foreign to this earth’s grim realities. But 
appearances are deceptful. And we shall see, further on, in examining the 
nature of the much misunderstood Cult of the Disk and the life of King 
Akhnaton, its Promoter, that this view is the right one. 

* * * 

The most distinctive trait of the men “outside” or “above” Time, as 
opposed to those who live “in” Time or “against” Time, is perhaps their 
consistent refusal to use violence even in order to forward the most righteous 
cause. Not that they are at all squeamish about violence, like the weaklings, 
neither 



44 


good nor bad, who compose ninety per cent of mankind at our epoch. They 
could not possibly disapprove of the warrior-like ideal of detached, selfless 
violence preached by Lord Krishna — the divine Preserver of the Universe, 
Himself — in the Bhagavad-Gita; for that ideal is in harmony with ever¬ 
lasting truth, which any man who has transcended Time is bound to 
acknowledge. Only they are not Kshattriyas by nature, whatever be their 
race, their social position, their inherited responsibilities; they are not men of 
action, by nature, let alone fighters. Their action, like that of the Sun, lies 
essentially in their personal radiation of power, beauty and goodness. What 
they do is, of course, the integral reflexion of what they are, nothing more; 
nothing different; nothing which is foreign to them, for they are fully 
conscious of their being. And if they have any substantial influence at all, it 
is, like that of the Sun, an influence from above and from afar, characterised 
by its absolute impartiality, its indiscriminate and impersonal goodness. 
They do nothing to compell others — nothing, at least, beyond certain limits, 
even if they live in the world. They know they cannot force the evolution of 
things, nor suppress the part played by Time in the lives of those who are 
still submitted to its iron law. Again, like the Sun, they shine. If the seed is 
alive, it will ripen sooner or later, never mind when, Violence would only 
help to produce an artificial growth. And if the seed be dead? Let it be! 
There are new seeds; new creations, for ever and ever. The people who live 
in eternity can wait. 

We have said: those who remain “above Time” do not resort to 
violence. This does not mean that all men who abstain from violence are 
necessarily liberated souls, living “above Time.” First, an immense number 
of cowards are non-violent for fear of taking risks. And they are- anything 
but free from the bondage of Time. Then, that which one often takes for 
non-violence, — that which actually goes under that name, — is, in reality, 
but a subtler form of violence: pressure upon other people’s feelings, more 
oppressive and — when one knows, in each case, what feelings to appeal to, 
many a time more effective than pressure upon their bodies. Late Mahatma 
Gandhi’s much admired “non-violence” was of that type: moral violence; 
not: “Do this, or else I kill you!”, but: “Do this, or else I kill myself!” 
Knowing 



45 


that you hold my life as indispensable. It may look “nobler.” In fact, it is just 
the same — apart from the difference in the technique of pressure. It is, 
rather, less “noble” because, precisely on account of that subtler technique, it 
leads people to, believe that it is not violence, and therefore contains an 
element of deceit, an inherent falsehood, from which ordinary violence is 
free. 

Late Mahatma Gandhi was by no means what we have tried to define 
as a man “above time.” He was what we shall call a man “against Time,” 
aiming now — far too late or... a little too soon, — at the establishment of a 
tangible order of justice (Ram raj) on this earth. But, inasmuch as it lacks the 
frankness of brutal force, his so-called “non-violence” — moral violence — 
is characteristic of our epoch of dishonesty (however honest and sincere he 
might have been himself.) It is, perhaps, the first instance in history of a 
disguised form of violence applied, on a broad scale, in a struggle for a good 
purpose. Its popularity in India can partly be credited to the fact that it was, 
or seemed to be, the only practical weapon in the hands of totally disarmed 
and, to a great extent, naturally apathetic people. But it enjoyed abroad, also, 
a tremendous publicity, quite out of proportion with its real value (and late 
Mahatma Gandhi’s tremendous reputation of “holiness” is no less out of 
proportion with his real place among the great men of India). The foreigners 
who have done the most to popularise it are people typical of our degenerate 
age: people who recoil at the mere thought of any healthy and frank display 
of force, but who cannot even detect moral violence; men and women 
(especially women) of the Western Democracies, the most hypocritical half 
of the world. It appealed to them precisely to the extent that it was violence 
in disguise. Even English people (some of whom had lived in India; some of 
whom had, nay, occupied a high position within the ranks of British colonial 
officialdom) could not help admiring it. It was not that hated brutal force 
which other great men “against Time” had used in, the course of history (or 
were using at our epoch) to bring about an age of justice. Oh, no! 

But it surely was not, either, the non-violence of the men “above 
Time” who, if they cared at all to take an occasional stand against the 
unavoidable fall of mankind, would either use no real pressure at all to 
enforce their good laws — and 



46 


fail, from a worldly point of view, as King Akhnaton did, — or else, exert 
“against Time” any amount of violence that might be necessary, in the spirit 
of the God Who speaks, in the Bhagavad-Gita, to the Fighter for a just cause 
(provided the latter happens to be, like Arjuna, a Kshattriya, i.e., a warrior 
by race and by nature). 


* * * 

The men who remain “above Time” seem to be those who have the 
least influence of all upon the course of events in this world. And that too is 
to be expected in a world which is sinking deeper and deeper every day into 
the abyss. In the Age of Truth, and even in later ages pictured in the sacred 
books of India, the men “above Time” — the true Brahmins, in union with 
eternal Reality — were the natural and actual counsellors of kings; genuine 
spiritual authority then backed legitimate temporal power. But as the 
temporal order on earth became more and more unlike the ideal heavenly 
Order, kings were less and less inclined to act according to the commands of 
an increasingly rare timeless wisdom. And what is true of kings is, also, 
here, true of commoners. As a result, men “outside Time” or “above Time” 
enjoy less and less authority as the world proceeds towards the end of every 
Time-cycle. Even when, — like King Akhnaton — they themselves happen 
to be rulers endowed with absolute power, their lives do not — cannot — in 
what the Hindus call the “Kali Yuga,” leave upon the sands of time the trace 
which they normally should. 

Moreover, sometimes, — and that, even if they be ascetics, apparently 
separated from the world, — men “above Time” can, like the Sun, with 
which we have constantly compared them, be destructive, indirectly. Their 
light, indiscriminately shed upon the righteous and the unrighteous, can have 
the most varied and unexpected effects amidst a humanity evolving from bad 
to worse. One can think of the destructiveness of King Akhnaton’s “Golden 
Age” attitude to international affairs, viewed from the Egyptian side. One 
can think also of the true religions, conceived by such men “above Time” as 
were not in possession of temporal power, and then distorted by clever 
people who lived, most of them, entirely “within 



47 


Time,” and used by them in the service of the most selfish, the most 
destructive of all worldly ends. It is, naturally, “not the fault” of the men 
“above Time” — any more than it would be “the fault” of the Sun, if, in 
some land where the heat of the sun-rays is unbearable, a man were to tie his 
enemy to a pillar in a shadeless place and leave him to die there. Truly 
speaking, it is not “the fault” of the men “within Time” either. It is a 
consequence of the law of general decay, inseparable from life in time: as 
the world becomes less and less capable of penetrating their eternal 
meaning, even the best things are misunderstood, and, either hated and 
rejected or else put to some criminal use. 

Exiles of the Golden Age in our Age of Gloom, the men “above 
Time” either live entirely within their own inner world, or else live and act 
in this one also, but as though it were still in its Golden Age. They either 
renounce this world or ignore it — or, better, forget it, as a man forgets the 
scars of sin and sickness upon a once beautiful face, which he still loves, in 
spite of all. They see the everlasting and unchangeable behind the downward 
rush of the stream of time; the Thing that is, behind the thing that seems. 
Even when they live in the world of forms, colours and sounds as earnestly 
and intensely as King Akhnaton — that supreme artist — did, still those 
impressions take on, for them, a meaning entirely different from that which 
they retain in the consciousness of people submitted to the bondage of Time. 
Men “above Time” enjoy with detachment, as people who know they will 
never die. They also suffer with detachment, being constantly aware of their 
blissful real Self, which is beyond pleasure and pain. 

And the fallen world can never understand them, i.e. know them, any 
more than they can understand the fall of man, in which they have no part, as 
others, who share it, can, and do. And yet, untiringly, — like the Sun, far 
away and omnipresent — they shed their light; that light which is, in our 
growing gloom, like a glimpse of all the past and future dawns. 

* * * 

But, as we have said, there are also people with a Golden Age 
outlook, — fully aware of what a splendid place this world 



48 


could be, materially and otherwise, — who can, however, neither renounce 
life “as it is” nor ignore it; people who, in addition to that, are endowed with 
what the Hindus would call a “Kshattriya” nature: born fighters, for whom 
difficulties exist only to be overcome, and for whom the impossible has a 
strange fascination. These are the men “against Time,” — absolutely sincere, 
selfless idealists, believers in those eternal values that the fallen world has 
rejected, and ready, in order to reassert them on the material plane, to resort 
to any mea within their reach. As a consequence of the law of Time, those 
means are necessarily all the more drastic and all the more brutal as every 
historical Cycle draws nearer to its end. The last Man “against Time” is, in 
fact, no other than He Whose name, in Sanskrit Tradition, is Kalki, — the 
last Incarnation of the divine Sustainer of the universe and, at the same time, 
the Destroyer of the whole world; the Saviour Who will put an end to this 
present “yuga” in a formidable display of unparalleled violence, in order that 
a new creation may flourish in the innocence and splendour of a new “Age 
of Truth.” 

Men “outside Time” or “above Time,” at the most saviours of souls, 
have, more often than not, disciples who are definitely men “against Time.” 
(Sometimes even men “in Time”; but we do not speak of these, for they are 
mere exploiters of religions or ideologies for selfish ends, not sincere 
disciples of saints.) The true disciples — and, in some rare instances, the 
Masters themselves — who are “against Time,” thorough organisers, 
unscrupulous propagandists and ruthless fighters, are the actual founders of 
most of, if not all, the great Churches of the world, even when the religions 
preached by those Churches are doctrines originally “above Time,” as they 
generally are. And this is unavoidable inasmuch as a Church is always or 
nearly always, not only itself a material organisation, but an organisation 
which aims at regulating the lives of thousands, when not millions, of people 
in this world — in Time. Apparently, the one exception to that law is 
Buddhism, the only important international religion which has conquered 
over half a mighty continent without the help of men “against Time” and 
without the use of violence; the one in the name of which persecution of 
other faiths was never carried on but twice in the whole course of history, — 
and that, by men “in 



49 


Time” and for reasons decidedly political, not religious . 1 But then, we must 
remember that this creed is, more than any other, dominated by the yearning 
to escape the bondage of Time, and that it is, in fact, not intended at all for 
life in Time. A person who accepts its postulates cannot possibly think of a 
better world, except if it be “outside” or “above Time.” But, as a result of 
this, there is perhaps a more shocking disparity between the high ideals of 
the religion and the life of the faithful in Buddhist countries than anywhere 
else. The religions that have spread and maintained themselves partly 
through violence, have had, in spite of many shortcomings, and of less high 
moral standards, a greater practical influence upon the lives of their 
followers as a whole, strange as this may appear. 

One does not always realise this clearly enough, when one criticises 
the great active disciples for being inconsistent with “the spirit” of their 
contemplative masters. One does not realise that, without the ruthless 
passion of those men, the organisations that have, one must admit, kept to 
some extent “the spirit” alive, would just not exist, in, many places where 
they still flourish, and that many “spiritual treasures,” that one values so 
much, would be lost to the world. If one really values those “treasures,” one 
should not find fault with the men “against Time” or, more often than not, 
“in Time,” who recoiled from nothing so that they might be put, and kept, 
within man’s reach. Without the brutal methods of Charlemagne, the Saxon- 
slayer, so obviously anything but “Christ-like,” the Germans would perhaps, 
to this day, have remained attached to their old gods; so would have the 
Norwegians, without the drastic sort of evangelisation imposed upon them 
by King Olaf Tryggvason. Without the equally sincere, equally fanatical, 
and even more brutal activities of many men “against” or “in” Time, in the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, half Goa, and the whole of Mexico and 


Once in Central Asia, in the early thirteenth century, by the “Gurkhan” of the Kara- 
Khitai, against both Islam and Nestorian Christianity, and another time, in seventeenth 
century Japan, by the first Shoguns of the Tokugawa Dynasty, Iyeyasu, Hidetada and 
Iyemitsu, against Christianity. 



50 


Peru would probably not be, to-day, professing the Christian faith. 
Christianity owes a lot to men “against Time” — and perhaps still more to 
men “in Time.” 

We, who are not Christians, may — and do, — deplore it. We are 
aware of the fact that many spiritual treasures other than those contained in 
the Gospels — the truths contained in the old European Paganisms, or long 
preserved in the solar cults of Central and Southern America; treasures of 
which, to-day, one knows much too little, — were lost to the world precisely 
through the impersonal zeal of religious-minded men, by nature “against 
Time” (or through the wanton destructiveness of men “in Time”) such as 
those we have mentioned. But we believe that, wherever such losses were 
suffered, there was something wrong not with the forgotten truth (which is 
eternal) but with the people who should have managed to stand for it against 
the new and hostile doctrine; we believe, in fact, that there were not enough 
men “against Time” among those people — not enough persons in whose 
Eyes the now lost teachings were, then, sufficiently alive to be made a basis 
for the organisation of human society against the growing current of decay; 
not enough who, in order to defend them on those grounds, were prepared to 
be as ruthless and as perseverant as the Christians were in order to destroy 
them. 


* * * 

The relation between the Master, permanently “above Time,” and the 
ardent realist “against Time” — builder and defender of all militant 
Churches — who happens to be his disciple, has never been so perfectly 
pictured as in the words addressed to the Christ by the grand Inquisitor, in 
Dostoyevsky’s famous episode of “The Karamazov brothers.” “Thou hast 
resisted the three temptations of the Devil” — refused the means to rule, 
offered to Thee by the! One who knows men and time, better than any other. 
“Thou hast refused to turn stones into bread” — to give the multitudes 
material goods; “Thou hast refused to throw Thyself from the height of the 
Temple” — to give the people astonishment and awe; “Thou hast refused to 
bow down to Me — the Master of lies; the 



51 


Master of Time — to live “in Time,” to some extent at least. “As a result, the 
people have drifted away from Thy teaching and from Thyself, and Thou 
canst not save them. It is we” — we the unscrupulous, we, the violent, the 
men who stop at nothing to make the truth they love a reality in this world 
— “it is we, I say, who save them, in Thy stead, by doing all that which 
Thou hast refused to do and therefore by damning ourselves in Thine eyes. 
And we accept that damnation for the love of Thee — for Thy name to be 
praised.” 

This is the substance of the Inquisitor’s discourse, if not its textual 
wording. And the militant champion of the organised creed tells the Christ: 
“Do not come backl — do not destroy the work that we are doing in this 
fallen world, for Thy glory!” 

For no organisation can live “outside Time” — “above Time” — and 
hope to bring men back, one day, to the knowledge of the eternal, values. 
That, all men “above Time” have realised. In order to establish, or even to 
try to establish, here and now, a better order, in accordance with Truth 
everlasting, one has to live, outwardly at least, like those who are still “in 
Time”; likes them, one has to be violent, merciless, destructive — but for 
different ends. Therein lies the tragedy of bringing into reality any dream of 
perfection. And the more perfect the dream — the further away from the 
conditions of success in this fallen world, — the more ruthless must 
necessarily be the methods of those who sincerely wish to impose it upon 
men, too late or... too early. 

Knowing this, the real men “above Time” are the first ones to 
understand and to appreciate the wholehearted efforts of their disciples 
“against Time,” however “awful” these ‘night appear to ordinary people 
neither good nor bad. The Christ, in Dostoyevsky’s famous page, says 
nothing. What could he say? There is nothing to be said which the leader of 
the militant Church could understand. To the Inquisitor, the Christ will 
always remain a mystery. But the Christ understands the Inquisitor and 
values his love. Before leaving the prison-cell — and the world of Time — 
he kisses him. 


* * * 


As we have pointed out above, no man “outside Time” 



52 


can enjoy any real influence upon human society unless he has such 
disciples, or unless he is himself prepared to become, also, a man “against 
Time.” For it is a fact that one can be both “above Time,” in one’s personal 
outlook, and “against Time” in one’s activity in the world. All the really 
great creative men “against Time” possess these two aspects: they are men 
of vision aware of timeless truths; but they are, also, men who have been 
stirred to the depth by the glaring contrast between the ideal world, built 
according to those truths, and the actual world in which they live; men who, 
after what they have seen and experienced, can neither remain any longer cut 
off from time, in their own inner paradise, nor act in life as though all were 
well, but who must devote their whole life and energy to the reshaping of 
tangible reality on the model of their vision of Truth. One such Man is the 
warrior-like Prophet Mohamed who dreamed a world-theocracy and 
succeeded in founding a great civilisation, lasting to this day. Another one, 
— whose unparalleled greatness is yet unrecognised, because his follow lost 
a war instead of winning it — is the tragic and beautiful figure that 
dominates the history of the West in our own times: Adolf Hitler. 

I have compared men “in Time” to the Lightning, and men “outside 
Time” or “above Time” to the Sun. Using the same metaphorical language, 
one can say that men “against Time” partake both of the Sun and of the 
Lightning, inasmuch as they are truly inspired by Golden Age ideals, rooted 
in timeless Truth, and as, — precisely in order to be able to stand for such 
ideals on the material plane, in the Age of Gloom, against the current of 
Time — they are compelled to display all the practical qualities of the men 
“in Time”; inasmuch as the only difference between them and the latter lies 
not in their methods (which are the same, and cannot but be so) but in their 
selfless, impersonal ends. 

They serve those ends with merciless realism but, to the extent they 
are “above Time” also, with the detachment preached to the warrior in the 
Bhagavad-Gita. In fact, the Teaching of the Bhagavad-Gita is nothing else 
but the philosophy of the perfect Man “against Time,” yogi in spirit, warrior 
in action; a Man like King Akhnaton, the Only-One of the Sun, free from the 
bondage of Time, and whose strength 



53 


is cosmic Energy Itself, but... who uses that strength, on the material plane, 
in the service of his ideals, with all the remorseless logic of a Genghis Khan. 

Alone Kalki — the last Man “against Time,” at the end of every 
historical Cycle; the last Saviour, Who is also the greatest Destroyer — 
impersonates that double ideal perfectly, and succeeds completely. It is He 
Who restores to the world its primeaval health, beauty and innocence, thus 
opening a new Time-cycle. 

The other men “against Time” — before the very end of each 
humanity — succeed, and are recognised and exalted by millions, 
permanently, inasmuch as they, or their followers, abandon their spirit and 
work decidedly “in” Time, compromising with the forces of death; in other 
words, inasmuch as they have in them, — like the Prophet Mohamed , 1 — 
more “lightning” than “sun.” Otherwise, they are defeated by the agents of 
the dark forces, broken in their might by the down-ward rush of history, 
which they are unable to stem. And such a fate awaits, always, until the very 
end of any Time-cycle, those who are too magnanimous, too trusting, too 
good; those who put too much confidence both in foreigners and in their 
sown people; those who do not “purge” their following often enough and 
thoroughly enough; who love their people too much to suspect ingratitude or 
actual treachery where it lies; who are not merciless enough, and sometimes 
spare their, fleeing enemies; in one word, those who, like Adolf Hitler, have, 
in their psychological make-up, too much “sun” and not enough “lightning.” 
Be He, himself, but the last one in date of these, come back with 
superhuman might after apparent annihilation, or a new one altogether, 
“Kalki” will avenge them and the people who struggled at their side, for no 
visible result whatsoever, in their days. And then, He will make their 
apparently impossible dreams the living reality of the next great Beginning! 

In every great Beginning, the men “above Time,” lonely ascetics, 
saviours of souls, or planners of an ideal order, too good for the fallen earth 
— Arhats, Boddhisatwas, or Rajrishis, to use the Sanskrit terminology, — 
meet the great Ones “against Time” on the material plane as on every other. 
Then, in 


See the life of the Founder of Islam. 



54 


a world in which violence is no longer necessary, nay, no longer thinkable; 
in which freedom and order go hand in hand, things are, according to the 
very law of manifestation in Time, what both the men “above Time” who 
cared to give a thought to collective life, and the greatest men “against 
Time” wanted them to be. The City-of-the-Horizon-of-the-Disk as King 
Akhnaton dreamed it; the “Seat of Truth” which, even in his far-gone days, 
he failed to establish upon earth, and the world New Order which Adolf 
Hitler fought in vain to install in the midst of our present-day, worthless 
humanity, are, then one and the same living, tangible reality in time, — as 
long, at least, as unavoidable decay does not once more set in. 

And thus, through the perfect, impersonal — mathematical — justice 
of the Cosmos, each different agent of universal Destiny has the success 
which is due to him as a man. Those who work for the immediate result of 
their action, in a selfish spirit, obtain that result (and what a tremendous one, 
sometimes!) and play their part in the evolution of a world that must pass 
through degradation and death before it can experience the glory of a new 
birth and of a new youth. They bring that world nearer to its end. On the 
other hand, those who have renounced the bondage of Time and, purposely, 
either do not act, or else act in the selfless spirit of the warrior in the 
Bhagavad-Gita, get the glorious result of their life’s thought and work at the 
beginning of the following Time-cycle. And it may well be that the efforts of 
the men “against Time,” apparently wasted upon an ununderstanding and 
ungrateful world, actually do add to the beauty of every new Beginning, and 
that they even hasten its advent. For nothing is ever lost. 

And as we have said, Destruction and Creation are inseparable. Even 
the most destructive men “in Time” are creative in their way. Men “above 
Time” are also destructive in their way — indirectly, as the former are 
creative. Men “against Time” are actively, consciously, willingly both 
creative and destructive — like Lord Shiva Himself: the divine Principle 
behind all change; the Destroyer, Who again and again creates; and like 
Vishnu, the Preserver, Who, once at least in every Time-cycle, comes as 
Kalki, to destroy completely. 



55-56 


In them, the Cosmos is for ever seeking its Principle, against the irresistible 
Law of Time, which steadily draws it away from It, from the beginning to 
the end of every successive material manifestation in time. 


Completed in Karlsruhe railway station on the 6th December, 1948. 



57-58 


PART II 

THE LIGHTNING 


(Genghis Khan) 



59 


CHAPTER IV 

THE CHILD OF VIOLENCE 


Just as the physical universe is the masterpiece of divine creativeness 
in space, so is the history of any “Cycle” the masterpiece of the same 
impersonal Artistry, in time. No man knows the importance of certain events 
until they have taken their place as unavoidable details of a historical 
pattern. But once one can see them in their proper perspective, — however 
insignificant they may appear, outwardly, when isolated, — one cannot but 
admire the consistency of the implacable Force which binds cause and effect 
and compels decaying humanity to hasten to its doom in perfect order. 

Some eight hundred years ago, in the country east of Lake Baikal, 
along the border of the River Onon, a man of the Merkit tribe was taking 
home his pretty, newly wedded bride, a girl of the Olhonod clan, round- 
faced, slit-eyed and dark-haired, adorned with heavy silver jewelry and 
beads of bright blue turquoise. The girl was called Hoelun. She did not know 
herself what an exceptionally strong, masterful woman she was, nor what a 
staggering destiny awaited her. She did not know that the “dwellers in felt 
tents” — the men of the steppes — were to praise her name for all times as 
the mother and grand-mother of conquerors; the ancestress of dynasties. She 
merely knew that she was following her husband, for whom she was to work 
and bear sons, like any other wife. And she was happy. In her complete 
ignorance of immediate distress and ultimate glories, she smiled to the sweet 
present. She watched the reflexion of the Sun in the rapid waters of the river, 
or played with the blue beads of her necklace. 

But suddenly her blood went cold. She saw three men on horse-back 
ride towards her, and she at once understood their purpose. She knew that 
her one man could not overcome three, and she herself urged him to flee and 
save at least his own life. She would be lost to him anyhow. So the Merkit 
fled. The three men galloped nearer and nearer until they reached the girl, 
seized her and dragged her off. As they carried her away, she wept and 
lamented. But along the 



60 


borders of the Orion and from the endless grasslands over which her 
ravishers rode with her, no answer came to her cries. The bright sky shone 
above, and the wind swept the green immensity all round her. One of the 
three men roughly told Hoelun to stop lamenting. “Though thou shouldst 
weep, thy husband will not turn his head. Seek his traces, thou shalt not find 
them. Stop thy cries, then, and cease to weep!” 1 

And on they went — the three brothers, on horseback, and the sullen 
girl in her kibitka, drawn by one of the horses — until the day faded over the 
grasslands without end and the ragged rocks here and there and the burning 
dust of the barrens; until the hills in the West grew dark against the fiery 
background of the sky, and the dry air became suddenly cold. The men 
talked little. A flight of wild birds crossed the sky, far above their heads, and 
they watched it pass, with sharp, hunters’ eyes. The wheels of the kibitka 
creaked at regular intervals. Hoelun had ceased weeping. And she did not 
speak. Resigned — for there was nothing she could do, — she was already 
beginning to adjust herself to the circumstances that were to mould her life. 
Unknowingly, she was preparing to make the best of them, as a wise girl she 
was. The creaking wheels were carrying her nearer and nearer to the tents of 
the Yakka Mongols, amidst whom she was to fulfill her glorious destiny. 
The silent and robust young man riding the horse that drew her kibitka was 
the chieftain of his tribe. His name was Yesugei. 

She watched his darkening silhouette that moved before her above 
that of the horse. 


* * * 

The Sun had set when, at last, they reached the young man’s ordu. 
Above the western horizon, still glowing crimson, layers of unbelievable 
hues — limpid gold, and pale, transparent green, and pink, and violet, — 
succeeded one another, abruptly. The mountains in the east were the colour 
of lilac. But Hoelun, to whom the splendour of the moistless Mongolian sky 
was an everyday sight, paid little attention. She only saw the camp into 
which the men were driving her: the round 


1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 56. 



61 


felt yurts ; the evening fires; the forms of herdsmen and warriors, before the 
fires. She heard voices of men and women; children’s laughter; the neighing 
of horses, the barking of dogs — the voices of life. There were not as many 
yurts as she had expected. This was a poor ordu. Yet, it was her new home, 
now. Not the one her father had planned to give her, but the one the Kings of 
the invisible world — the spirits of the Eternal Blue Sky, who rule all things 
visible, — were giving her, because such was their pleasure, and the world’s 
destiny. 

She looked at the strange faces of the new, strange place, with childish 
curiosity mingled with apprehension and the vague feeling of something 
momentous. She was being driven. Towards what? For a second, she 
recalled the familiar countenance of the young Merkit warrior to whom she 
had been wedded, and she was sad. But she was given no time to ponder 
over the past. Joyful shouts were already greeting the return of the chieftain 
Yesugei and of his two brothers, who had dismounted. Women were 
gathering round her kibitka to have a look at her. And, as many were 
commenting upon her fair appearance, she felt pleased. 

She was given to Yesugei, and there was a feast at the camp, that 
night. The warriors ate and drank a lot, and minstrels sang. Hoelun’s new 
life had begun. She was assigned a yurt of her own, and serving women. 
And Yesugei now spent his nights in that yurt. 

She neither lusted after him nor loved him as she had the young 
husband for the loss of whom she had wept. But she knew that it was her 
fate to be his wife — to bear sons to the strong man who had stolen her away 
from the one who had fled. And she submitted to her fate. She worked for 
Yesugei by day — cooking his food; making felt; dressing skins, and 
splitting cords from sinews. 1 And at night, when he came to her, she hid her 
fear of him and her reluctance. She submitted to his passion as the cool, 
passive, ageless earth submits to the fury of the devastating and fertilising 
thunder-storm, and she kept her feelings to herself. He was drawn to her by a 
direct and elemental force like that which gathers together the heavy restless 
clouds, and loosens rain upon the earth, 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 51. 



62 


a force that was beyond him and beyond her, and beyond all men, and that 
merely used their bodies in order to fulfill the inexorable, hidden logic of 
evolving history: the superhuman command of Destiny. 

During one of those nights, the spark of life was kindled in her womb. 
And she conceived the son who was to render her name and that of Yesugei 
immortal; the Child of lust and violence and of divine, irresistible purpose; 
the future Genghis Khan. But Hoelun did not know it. Nor did Yesugei. No 
man knows what he is doing when he soothes the fire of his loins in a 
woman’s belly. 

In the camp of the Yakka Mongols and in the wide world outside the 
camp, everything was — or seemed — the same as on any other night. The 
bitter wind howled over the barrens, and the River Orion rushed on to 
mingle its waters with those of the Ingoda and, finally, those of the mighty 
River Amur. Now and then, the howling of a jackal or of a wolf could be 
heard within the howling of the wind. But, although no one noticed it, the 
position of the stars in the resplendent heavens was an unusual one, full of 
meaning. 

And while Hoelun busied herself with the monotonous everyday tasks 
of life — while she tended her new husband’s yurt and cooked his food, or 
slept at his side — the child of Destiny took shape within her body. He was 
bom in the year of the Hare according to the Calendar of the Twelve Beasts 
— the year 1157 of the Christian era, — clutching a clot of blood within his 
right hand. 



63 


CHAPTER V 

THE WILL TO SURVIVE 


“He came into the world with little else except the strong instinct to 
survive,” writes a modem historian 1 about Temujin, son of Yesugei: the 
child who was to become Genghis Khan. And this is not merely a true 
statement concerning the baby; it is the key to the man’s whole life; the 
explanation — if there be any — of the conqueror’s extraordinary career. 
There is no impersonal inspiration, no disinterested love behind Temujin’s 
long, stubborn stmggle against tremendous hostile forces — a stmggle that 
any onlooker would have judged hopeless, at the time. There is no 
“ideology” of any sort behind his battles, and behind the iron discipline — 
the order — which he imposed upon the people of fifty subdued kingdoms. 
There is only a patient, methodical, overwhelming will — the will to 
survive, — assisted by clear intelligence, and unfailing knowledge of men, 
or, rather, by an unfailing instinct, clearer, surer and more powerful than that 
which we generally call intelligence; a mysterious but absolute knowledge 
of all that was (or could be made) useful to him, and a constant readiness to 
act in accordance with what he knew. Admirable qualities, which would 
raise any man far above all men, and which did not fail to set Temujin aside 
as the greatest conqueror and one of the greatest men of all times. But they 
were means to an end. And the end was first to keep Temujin alive and then 
to make him and his family secure. The vision that was to fill the 
consciousness of the great warrior more and more compellingly as time and 
victory increased his power beyond all limits was neither the salvation of the 
world for its own sake, nor its destruction, but the organisation of the world 
for his own benefit and that of the Altyn Uruk — the “Golden Family” — his 
family; for the survival of himself and of his power in his sons and grand¬ 
sons, clad in luxury and seated upon thrones. 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 41. 



64 


Moreover, Temujin — Genghis Khan — is, as far as I know, the first 
man in history to have shaken two continents while prompted by such a 
simple, eminently practical aim. There was no vanity in him, as in many a 
lesser conqueror; no lust for dramatic effects, — although his career be, no 
doubt, one of the most splendid living dramas ever staged upon this earth. 
And, despite the “pyramids of skulls” and other such grim realities 
connected with his name, no superfluous cruelty either; no cruelty out of 
impulse as occasionally, in Alexander the Great; and no cold-blooded, yet 
purposeless cruelty for the sheer pleasure of it, as in Assur-nasir-pal, King of 
Assyria. 1 He was too strong — and too practical — to be impressed by the 
by-products of power. He knew what he wanted, and patiently made himself 
ready. And when ready, he struck straight at his aim, with the irresistibility 
— and the divine indifference — of lightning. He is perhaps the first historic 
figure embodying to the full that which I have called, in the first part of this 
book, the power of Lightning — the power of Time in its merciless onward 
rush. His destructiveness was the passionless destructiveness of Mahakala, 
all-devouring Time. And his aims, so personal, so precise and practical, were 
but the pretext used by the everlasting forces of disintegration to quicken the 
march of mankind towards its doom. No one has indeed deserved, more than 
he, the title of “Scourge of God” given him, in fear, by whole crumbling 
civilisations. But “God” was, in reality, not the man-loving God of the 
Christian and Muslim chroniclers, but the impersonal creative-destructive 
Power immanent in all growth, in all life. The “scourge” came from within, 
not from without. Genghis Khan was an instance, not a punishment, For his 
attitude to the living world, manifested on the broadest possible scale, his 
merciless self-centred claims, were but those of every man in a decaying 
humanity in which all activity has become more and more self-centred — 
provided every man had the sincerity, the courage and the strength to admit 
that, in his eyes, nothing matters but himself, and to carry on that attitude to 
its logical conclusion. It was the attitude of a doomed humanity, but 
completely devoid of that monstrous hypocrisy which makes a doomed 
humanity so repulsive. 


884-859 B.C. 


l 



65 


And it is that harsh frankness of purpose, along with his almost 
miraculous achievements on the plane of physical reality, that give Genghis 
Khan that sombre, god-like grandeur in comparison with which the glory of 
so many men of fame, nay, of so many men of war, appears feeble — “all- 
too human.” 


* * * 

From the very beginning, Temujin was schooled by circumstances to 
believe that he alone mattered. In the rough society in which he was bom, 
many a son of a chieftain doubtless thought the same. Men did outside 
Mongolia, with less commendable innocence. But most men, at least most 
children, had protectors and friends, whom they could trust. Temujin was, 
very early in life, left with none. He had to be ruthlessly self-centred in order 
to live. 

We get a glimpse — but just a glimpse — of his person in his very 
early years in the words Dai Sechen, the shrewd old father of Bortei the Fair, 
addressed Yesugei, as he met him riding with the boy towards the camp of 
the Olhonod (Hoelun’s clan) in search of a bride for him: “Shining eyes and 
a bright face has thy son...,” 1 2 and in the much less flattering last words of 
Yesugei himself to Dai Sechen as, after the betrothal, he left the future 
“Emperor of all men” to his care, according to an old custom: “My son is 
afraid of dogs. Do not let dogs frighten him...” Temujin was then a mere 
child. And however proud the Mongol chieftain, his father, might have been 
— as every one of the baghatur (valiant men) of the steppes was, — he was 
far from suspecting how amusing his simple statement and request would 
one day appear, when printed in history books, in many foreign languages. 
And old Dai Sechen’s praise indicated nothing extraordinary in the lad’s 
physical features or bearing. Many a healthy and intelligent child has 
“shining eyes and a bright face,” whether on the banks of the Onon or on 
those of the Rhine. As far as we know, there was, in Temujin, nothing that 
foreshadowed a conqueror, apart from his latent capabilities and his 
horoscope — his nature, which circumstances would reveal, and his 


1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 57. 

2 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 59. 



66 


destiny. Even in later years, when chroniclers of East and West started 
recording his world-shaking deeds, none was to dig out of the great warriors 
remote childhood any significant episode, sign of irresistible might to be, as 
others had once, for instance, pictured nine year-old Hannibal swearing 
ever-lasting hatred of Rome before the altar of his grim gods. And, which is 
more, if one possesses any of that particular historical intuition that puts one, 
so as to say, in direct touch with the great men of the past, one feels that, had 
Temujin remembered such an episode from his boyhood, he never would 
have referred to it in following years. As I said before, he was more 
interested in his precise purpose than in the exaltation of himself; in solid 
power than in glory. There was not a trace of conceit in him. Action alone — 
victory alone — mattered in his eyes; not the long genealogy of victory. 
That was to be lived', the resplendent result alone, to be recorded. Personal 
latent capabilities mattered only when they ceased being latent. 

But Destiny was soon to begin forging its instrument. A few days 
after Temujin’s betrothal to Bortei, Yesugei was dead — poisoned on his 
homeward journey by some Tatar chieftain whose treacherous hospitality he 
had enjoyed for a night. Temujin was sent for. He came back at once, only to 
find that his father’s followers had deserted the ordu, that his mother had 
been refused admission to the tribal sacrifices by the Shaman, and expelled 
with her children, with ignominy by the other women of the clan. Riding 
after them alone, with the banner of the nine yak tails, — the standard of the 
Yakka Mongols, — in vain had the courageous widow tried to shame some 
of the tribesmen and urge them to return and swear allegiance to the son of 
their deceased khan. According the law of the steppes, she was now the head 
of her husband’s ordu, and their legal chieftain until her sons came of age or 
until a new khan was elected. But the warriors who had come back for a 
while had slipped away again. “The deep water is dried up,” had they 
declared, in the poetic language of the nomads; “the strong wheel is broken. 
Let us go!” And they had joined the Taijiut chieftains, who were powerful. 

An outcasted woman and her children — four sons and a daughter — 
and two other boys, sons of Yesugei by another wife, and an old slave, left 
to fend for themselves by the 



67 


River Orion while the many tents and flocks moved on towards the summer 
pastures under the guidance of new khans: that was all that remained of 
Yesugei’s ordu; that was all Temujin’s inheritance; — that and his 
indomitable will; the will to survive; the will to endure; the will to win a 
place for himself among the merciless men who had thrown hint aside like a 
useless burden. A place “among” them? No, but at the head of them , for he 
was their khan; — the will to hold his own in the merciless world that 
belonged, belongs, and always shall belong to the single-minded, the 
cunning and the strong. 

He was a mere boy in his early teens. He knew not how to read or 
write — nor was he ever to know. But he possessed that superhuman will, 
and he knew what he wanted: first, to live; and then, to live well: to acquire 
power for himself and for his family, and plenty for his people; to put 
himself in his place in the world as a khan by divine birth-right. The 
situation that he now faced could not have been more accurately summed up 
than in that tragic dilemma which another staggering Embodiment of the 
Will to survive (but of the collective Will, this time) 1 was to set, seven 
hundred and fifty years later, before a whole great nation: “Future, or ruin!” 
He did not bother to analyse it. He was too young. And also, abstract thought 
would have taken time; and he had no time. He set about to hunt; — to live. 
And he kept in mind his mother’s constant talk about the vengeance that he 
was one day to wreak upon his enemies, the two Taijiut chiefs, Yesugei’s 
kinsmen, for whom his people had deserted him. 

He hunted — or trapped — whatever there was to be caught: small 
game; marmots, even field mice; anything that would fill his stomach. He 
even caught fish and brought them home to he cooked and eaten — such 
despised food, in the eves of the Mongols, that none would touch it unless 
bitterly compelled by the pangs of hunger; but Temujin was hungry. He 
struggled to keep himself alive — and fit — at any cost. He quarrelled and 
fought with his brothers and half-brothers over the game they captured, and 
angry shouts and 


Adolf Hitler, one of whose first great public speeches was on the subject: “Zukunft, 
oder Untergang.” 



68 


hard blows were a. feature of his and their everyday life, in the tiny 
settlement on the fringe of the woods by the Onon. Already at that early age, 
Temujin seems to have known no scrupules, and no pity. Apparently — like 
all naturally single-minded people, from the absolutely selfless idealists, 
men “against Time” as I have called them, down to people such as himself, 
with no ideology and no idealism whatsoever, but just a precise, self-centred 
and unwavering purpose, — he classified the rest of mankind under three 
well-defined categories: the useful; the useless (but harmless), and the 
dangerous. In his case, this meant the useful to him, the useless as far as he 
was concerned, and the dangerous to him — those who stood in his way. His 
brother Kasar, strong, and skilled with the bow, and full of an almost dog¬ 
like devotion to him, was eminently useful, and was to remain so all his life. 
But Bektor, his half-brother, although he had not his cunning, was stronger 
than he, and often robbed him of the best part of his hunt. Temujin decided 
in his heart that he was dangerous. And one day, taking Kasar with him to 
help him if need be, he walked to the place where Bektor, unprepared and 
suspecting nothing, stood, peacefully herding the few horses that the family 
possessed, and he killed him straight away with an arrow. 

He does not seem actually to have hated him. In cold blood, he just 
removed one of the first obstacles from his path. And when the unfortunate 
lad, dying, begged him not to harm or desert Belgutei, — the other son of 
Yesugei by the same mother, — he readily promised that he would not. And 
he kept his word — without difficulty. For Belgutei was not dangerous. (He 
even proved useful in later life). 

Such an episode shows already, in the lad Temujin, the remorseless 
ruthlessness of the future Genghis Khan. But, however important it might 
have appeared to him in the heat of his anger, the issue was not worth the 
deed. The eldest son of Yesugei had better things to think of. And the wise 
widow, Hoelun, — a woman not merely of courage, but of vision also, — 
reminded him of the greater issue; of the one issue worthy of all his strength, 
watchfulness and cunning at that stage of his life: vengeance upon his foes; 
the reassertion of his rights; his rise, from the status of an outcast to that of a 
chief, once more. She reminded him and his 



69 


brothers of their absolute isolation in the midst of a hostile world, and of the 
compelling struggle constantly before them — the struggle that should make 
them forget all pettiness, all jealousy and hatred among themselves. “Save 
your shadows,” said she, “you have no companions. Save your horse’s tail, 
you have no whip. The wrong done unto you by the two Taijiut chiefs is 
unbearable. And when you should be thinking of avenging yourselves on 
your foes, you go and do this!” 1 She was burning with bitter indignation and 
contempt. She did not blame her sons for killing another boy, and a 
defenceless one, and their own half-brother. She blamed them for wasting 
precious time and energy by doing so — already by wishing to do so, — 
instead of thinking solely of their revenge upon their real enemies. She 
blamed them — she blamed Temujin — for allowing a side-issue to take, 
even for a short time, the first place; for not being sufficiently possessed 
with the one-pointed will, without which the most outstanding qualities are 
as naught. 

Although Temujin thought no more about the incident, he never 
forgot the lesson. 


* * * 

Hoelun also told him of his ancestors, the Borjigin, the Blue-eyed 
heroes, sons of the legendary Blue-Wolf. “Their voices,” said she, “rolled as 
thunder in the mountains; their hands were as strong as bears’ paws — 
breaking men in two as easily as arrows. In winter nights, they slept naked 
by a fire of mighty trees, and they felt the sparks and embers that fell upon 
them no more than insect bites.” 

And the lad listened with elation to those ancient tales, in the 
evenings, by the fire of his mother’s yurt, while the bitter wind, — that same 
wind that had stirred the steppe with aimless fury, on the night he was 
conceived, — howled in the near-by birch-tree forests and over the grassy 
expanses, endlessly. And the howling of the wind sounded like the unearthly 
lament of ten thousand hungry hounds; like the persistant call of ghostly 
trumpets; like the cry of dying men and horses upon a battle-field as broad 
as the world. Terrible 

1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 61. 

“ Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 41. 



70 


presences from the superhuman sphere — kelets ; spirits of the Everlasting 
Blue Sky, whom even the bravest dread, for one cannot fight that which one 
cannot see, — filled the freezing starry night. But Temujin was not afraid. In 
those moments of pride and elation, his deep instinct told him that the kelets 
of the Sky never would do any harm to him; on the contrary, that they would 
help him in whatever he would undertake; that he was their Chosen One for 
some great work of power, of which he knew nothing yet. He felt within 
himself their frightful, impersonal irresistibility. But he was no dreamer. 
And when the morning came, he put that might, stirred in him by the voice 
of his racial past and by the voice of the Unseen, to the service of the one 
aim which he understood and pursued as worth its while: his own survival; 
his own victory over hanger, poverty and humiliation; over the difficulties of 
his everyday life as an outcast, keeping in mind, all the time, that the first 
condition of security for him was the annihilation of his father’s kinsmen 
who had robbed him of his ordu. For, young as he was, he already knew that 
he was to spare no man who stood in his way. 

His mother’s tales of the half-mythical Borjigin only stimulated in 
him the natural self-confidence which is the privilege of the strong. He too 
had blue eyes, like those ancestors who, visualised through Hoelun’s poetic 
speech, appeared as demi-gods. And his thick hair had the colour of fire. He 
too was a son of the Blue-Wolf. He set himself to his day to day task the 
hunt for food; and the watch against constant lurking danger — with 
increasing determination to snatch the best out of every circumstance, 
turning even the greatest set-backs to advantage. 

Guided by his hunter’s instinct, patiently, methodically, he traced his 
eight stolen horses — all his, horses but one, — for three days over the 
trackless plains, found them, and drove them back, shooting his unfailing 
arrows at the pursuing thieves until at last night fell, and they lost sight of 
him. And at the same time, he won the friendship of Borguchi, a lad who 
had helped him in this difficult undertaking and who was all his life, to 
remain his faithful retainer. 

On another occasion, captured by Targutai-Kiriltuk and Todoyan- 
Girte, the Taijiut chiefs, his foes, he escaped them, although a heavy Chinese 
stocks had been locked around his 



71 


neck; and he hid himself entirely in the icy-cold waters of the Onon for a 
part of the night, the top of his head concealed among the reeds, until a 
serving man, who admired his courage and cunning, helped him to free 
himself from the stocks and to reach his tent in safety. And so he grew in 
years, in strength, in skill, in self-possession. And the irresistible appeal of 
his personality grew with him. Indeed, from these early days of his life as an 
outcast, he seems to have developed his ability to bind to his service, for 
ever, the very best among all those who came in touch with him. And, as in 
all men predestined to stir multitudes into organised action, the appeal of his 
personality was the almighty appeal of natural leadership, which leaves none 
unmoved, save of course those whom their jealousy and envy of the born- 
leader have rendered stubborn in their hatred of him, and... the congenital 
idiots. 

His strength increased. Constant danger quickened his instinct, 
sharpened his wits. Repeated reverses stimulated his determination to 
overcome whatever might have caused them; multiplied his resourcefulness; 
roused his genius. And the field of his struggle broadened as years passed, 
and was to broaden throughout his life until it reached gigantic proportions. 
But his aim always remained the same: his own survival, the survival of his 
family; his revenge upon the bitterness and destitution of his early years — 
the very aim he had when he used to trap and eat marmots and mice, failing 
better game, and wait for hours in hiding until he could no longer hear, in the 
distance, the hoofs of the Taijiut horsemen who had been seeking to kill him. 

Temujin was now a hardy, crafty young man with a handful of 
admiring friends — ready followers — and his first task lay before him, 
namely, the task of winning back his people from the Taijiut chiefs. But he 
never was rash. He took his time felt the ground before proceeding, and 
allowed the patient play of circumstances — his invisible allies — to work 
for him. However, as soon as his instinct told him that the auspicious 
moment for a decisive step bad come, he acted straight away. 

Just now, he rode once more to the tents of the Olhonod clan to claim 
Bortei, his betrothed, from old Dai Sechen. The latter, feeling in him a 
promising young baghatur, did not hesitate to give her to him, although 
Temujin was poor and 



72 


still powerless. But he was far from suspecting that, by doing so, he was 
making the beautiful young girl immortal. Along with her, he handed over to 
his son-in-law a black sable coat: her dowry. It was a magnificent gift, and 
the first treasure the son of Yesugei ever possessed. 

He valued it, no doubt, for he loved splendid and precious things. 
Still, his reaction was neither to remain happy in its ownership, not to 
exchange it for gold or silver — other treasures of the same class. There was 
but one treasure worth struggling for, in Temujin’s eyes: a life of freedom 
and of plenty, which implied — which always implies — a life of power; his 
birth-right; the life of a khan of the blood of the Blue-Wolf, son and father of 
khans. He presented the sable coat — all he had — as a gift to the powerful 
chief of the Kerait Turks, Togrul Khan, whose numerous tents, some of 
which were said to be made of cloth of gold, were pitched not far from the 
Great Wall of Cathay. And he asked him nothing in return... save his 
friendship, i.e., his potential usefulness. The Khan, a crafty old man, whose 
reputation of riches had even reached far-away Europe , 1 had been pleased to 
bestow his protection upon some of the smaller chieftains of the steppes and 
he had accepted to be Yesugei’s anda or sworn brother. Temujin turned to 
him. He needed an ally in his bitter struggle for survival, and this one could 
prove handy. In a gesture of diplomatic genius, he gave him his all, and 
spoke to him of the old oath and of the son’s filial allegiance to the father’s 
patron. Togrul Khan was flattered and felt inclined to help the young 
baghatur, if ever need there were. 

Need soon came. The forest Merkit had never forgotten the insult 
done to them by Yesugei when he had snatched Hoelun away from one of 
their men. They raided the small camp on the border of the Orion, carried off 
newly-wedded Bortei to avenge upon her the old wrong, and pursued 
Temujin as long as they could — until he reached Burkan Kaldun, the 
“mountain of Power,” and took refuge in the thick woods upon its slopes. 

All seemed lost, now. All was lost, save Hoelun, the 


A convert to the Nestorian form of Christianity, Togrul Khan the fabulous “Prester 
John” of mediaeval tales. 



73 


grim, warrior-like mother, the prophetess of deadly struggle and merciless 
revenge, and Temujin himself, with his invincible determination to win back 
his right to live, and with the seal of Destiny set upon him, already before his 
birth. While the exultant Merkit, shouting and singing and jeering, carried 
Bortei the Fair and Yesugei’s second wife, Belgutei’s mother, to their camp; 
while they feasted and got drunk round the bright camp fires, until dawn, the 
future master of Asia slept under the cover of Burkan Kaldun’s living 
mantle, the dark forest. Fie wasted no energy in grief for his losses, nor in 
anticipated fears for what was likely to befall him. He just slept — leaving 
the forces of the invisible world to work for him in their mysterious way, 
since there was nothing else lie could do. And when morning came — while 
his enemies slept a drunken sleep, — he humbled himself before the Unseen 
and All-pervading, the Power of the Eternal Blue Sky, Which the Mongols 
worshipped. 

In a ritual gesture, as a man making submission to an over-lord, he 
took off his cap and hung it upon his waist, and unbuckled his leather girdle 
and hung it round his neck, and thus bowed down nine times before the 
rising Sun, acknowledging his own nothingness in the face of the Source of 
all life and all power. And he poured a libation of kumys, mare’s milk, and 
made a promise: “Burkan Kaldun has saved my poor life,” said he; 
“henceforth I shall make sacrifice here, and call on my children and grand¬ 
children to do likewise.” He was grateful to the Unseen for his survival. He 
now realised that a Power far beyond him wanted him to survive; was his 
ally. But he did not know yet to what purpose, or if he did, dimly, — for he 
was ambitious, and no dreams were too great for him, — he did not allow 
the lure of an undefined future to interfere with the stern, precise 
preoccupations of the present. He only knew that the spirits of the Sky, and 
also the spirits of the earth and forests and waters were with him, and that he 
would triumph, in the end, over his immediate enemies: over those who had 
hunted him on that night and also over those who had been hunting him all 
his life; he knew that he would, one day, make good for his losses, and live 
as a khan should live. 

In the meantime, he stood before the radiant Blue Sky, on Burkan 
Kaldun, near the head waters of the Onon, of the 



74 


Kerulen, of the Tula — of the tributaries of the River Amur as well as of 
those of Lake Baikal; of the rivers flowing east as well as of those flowing 
west and north, he who was, one day, to conquer in the four directions. He 
stood there, grateful and humble — strong, as only the sincerely humble can 
be. And the rays of the Sun, Source of power, shone upon his greasy face 1 
and upon his thick, fiery-red hair, that the wind shuffled. And in this blue 
eyes — sign of the more-than-human blood of the Borjigin, — one could 
have read the joyous serenity of a man who knows that nothing can crush 
him. 

Soon, with the help of Togrul Khan’s warrior’s and of Jamuga Sechen 
— Jamuga the Wise — who had become his sworn brother, Temujin raided 
the Merkit camp, bringing back much loot (or what appeared to him as 
“much loot,” at this early stage of his career) and a number of captives who 
swore allegiance to him. He won back Bortei. But he was never sure whether 
her first-born, Juchi — “the Guest” — was his son or that of the man to 
whom she had been given on that night of shame. However, the boy was 
sturdy — a future warrior. He would be useful. (In fact, he was, one day, to 
conquer and rule the steppes beyond the Caspian Sea). He was welcome, 
whosever son he might have been. For Temujin was too intelligent, too 
practical not to realise that “healthy children are the most precious 
possession of a nation.” But, unlike the superman who uttered these 
memorable words on several occasions, in our times , 2 he was no idealist. He 
was only interested in potential warriors inasmuch as their devotion to him, 
and their efficiency, would help him to assert himself as a lord in the 
steppes, after crushing all his foes. The very Power of the Eternal Blue Sky 
before which he humbled himself — conscious as he was of its awful 
limitlessness, — he regarded as his ally in his struggle for power and plenty, 
like most primitive men look upon their gods as helpers in the pursuit of 
personal ends. At the bottom of his heart, he believed in himself alone. He 
felt as though the forces of the great Unseen were the first to come under the 
spell of his boundless, magic will. 

But the impersonal Power of the Blue Sky — if at all 


The Mongols used to smear their skin with fat, to keep out the cold. 
“ Adolf Hitler. 



75 


conscious of itself and of him, — must have regarded him as one of the most 
perfect instruments of its everlasting, serene and merciless Play. 

* * * 

Nothing seems to bring further success as success itself. Now, after 
this first victory, Temujin witnessed many followers come to him of their 
own accord, to offer him their services. He already had his own devoted 
brother, Kasar, the Bowman, and faithful Bogurchi — the youth who had 
once lent him his horse to ride in search of his eight stolen ones, — and 
Jamuga, his anda or sworn brother, and Jelmei, the son of one of Yesugei’s 
former vassals, who had joined him after the rumour had spread over the 
steppes that he had renewed his father’s friendship with Togrul Khan. 

Now Munlik, to whom Yesugei had once entrusted him, as a helpless 
boy, soon to be an orphan, and who had nevertheless deserted him like the 
rest of the ordu, came back to, him with his seven (presently grown-up) 
sons, one of whom, named Kokchu, was to win fame as a shaman. Others 
came too: some from Temujin’s own Kiyat clan , 1 some from other clans, 
some from altogether other tribes: Jebei, Kubilai, great warriors; and the 
very embodiment of valour, virtue and military genius, Subodai, destined, 
one day, to lead the Mongols across Europe, now a bare youth in his teens, 
full of passionate devotion to the rising Khan. 

Few men in history have inspired in their followers such absolute 
loyalty as Temujin. “I shall gather for thee like an old mouse, fly for thee 
like a jackdaw, cover thee like a horse blanket, and protect thee like al felt in 
the lee of the wind. So shall I be towards thee ,” 2 young Subodai is said to 
have told him, as he joined his nucleus of heroes. And if so, he indeed kept 
his word to the end. The other paladins, whatever picturesque similies, 
different from his, they might have Used to express their devotion, were 
equally eager to stand or fall, with Temujin in his bitter struggle for survival. 
They loved him, not for the sake of any great idea behind him 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 41. 

2 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 76. 



76 


there was none — but for himself; for the magnetic appeal of his person and 
personality; for the complete satisfaction which he gave, in them, to the 
natural need of man to be led by a real leader and to worship a living god. 
He was a leader, if ever there has been one. And he was a god in the sense 
that, even before his staggering victories, nay, even in the depth the forest 
where he hid, upon the slopes of Burkan Kaldun, at a hair’s breadth from 
destruction, he had in him all the qualifications that were to give him, in 
years to come, the empire of Asia. The forces of the Invisible had actually 
set him apart, above other men, and associated him with their power. As the 
shamans of Mongolia were soon to say, “the power of the Everlasting Blue 
Sky” had “descended upon him.” Here, upon earth, he was “Its agent .” 1 

I repeat: there was no ideology behind any of his undertakings. Even 
the great dream of Mongol unity, which was soon to take shape within his 
consciousness, if it had not already done so by now, was not the dream of an 
idealist. In its materialisation, Temujin merely saw a preleminary condition 
of his own survival and security. It is for his survival and his security that his 
paladins fought. Also for the loot that they would share with him, naturally, 
— and they knew that he was generous, and that he never broke the 
promises he made to his friends — but, first of all, for him; for the sheer 
pleasure of fighting at his side. 

Few men in history have understood — felt — as keenly as Temujin 
the eternal, meaning of war, that vital function of healthy mankind (so long, 
at least, as man lives “in” Time) as natural as eating or mating. Few have 
painted out as clearly as he that destructiveness without hate — such as that 
of the hunter, — can never replace the intoxication of victory over human 
enemies whom one does hate. His companions, to whom he had once asked 
what they considered to be a man’s greatest joy, had replied, as simple 
Barbarians would, describing to him the pleasures of the chase. But the 
future “Scourge of God” said: “No, ye have not answered well.” And he 
gave them his conception of happiness in a few typical sentences: “The 
pleasure and joy of man,” said 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 54 and 57. 



77 


he, “lies in treading over the rebel and conquering the enemy; in tearing him 
up by the root; in taking from him all that he has; in making his servants 
wail, so that their tears flow from eyes and nose; in riding pleasantly upon 
his well-fed geldings; in making one’s bed a litter upon the belly and navel 
of his wives, in loving their rosy cheeks and kissing and sucking their scarlet 
lips .” 1 

Not that he was not always ready to strike, even without the feeling of 
aggressive hostility — lust of vengeance, or mere hatred of opposition — at 
those whom he regarded as obstacles. That, he surely was, as one can clearly 
see in every act of his career, from the casual murder of Bektor, in his 
childhood, to the systematic wiping out of all the useless (or those whom the 
Mongols considered as such) among the population of conquered cities, 
years and years later. Expediency, of course, always came first, with him, 
the ultimate incentive of all his actions being his reckless determination to 
survive and succeed. But his emotional incentive, whenever he had one also, 
was always the pleasure of breaking down whomever and: whatever 
prevented his own expansion; whomever stood in the way of his fullest 
possible self-assertion; whomever threatened his person, his security, his 
hold upon things: the rebel; the rival; the enemy. It is the everlasting 
incentive of all men of action-warriors and others — who live entirely “in 
Time.” But only the best ones among them, — those who are, like Temujin, 
free from hypocrisy, — have the sincerity to admit it to themselves, let alone 
to tell it to others as plainly as he did. Of such ones, the son of Yesugei is, 
perhaps, the first one in date to have made history on a continent-wide scale 
(the first in date, at any rate, about whom enough is known to enable us to 
trace his psychology, to a certain extent). That is why we find that frankness 
in him. Of the other great self-centred destroyers after him, hardly any is 
without a notable amount of hypocrisy in his make-up. And that amount 
increases — as it is to be expected — as we get nearer our own times, while 
in Temujin, — the “Lightning” — man par excellence, as I have called him, 
— there is no pretence. 


* * * 

He did not remain’ idle after his victory over the Merkit. 
1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 88. 



78 


The powerful Taijiut chiefs, still in possession of the greatest part of his 
father’s ordu, viewed his alliance with Togrul Khan with suspicion and his 
first victory with resentment. This son of Yesugei was surely a baghatur full 
of possibilities. They hated him all the more for it, and regretted they had not 
killed him years before, when he had been a helpless captive in their hands. 
Now he knew of their hatred — his mother had been reminding him of it all 
his life — and he knew that he would never survive unless they were 
destroyed. And he waged war upon them at the first opportunity. 

In one of his encounters with them he was wounded in the neck, by an 
arrow, and only lived thanks to the devotion of Jelmei, his faithful squire, 
who sucked the wound clean and risked his own life in order to bring 
Temujin some curds mixed with water, to drink. As one of his modem 
biographers says, “nothing was to come easily to this man .” 1 The Taijiut 
were a numerous tribe, and Targutai-Kiriltuk and Todoyan-Girte were fierce 
warriors. Yet, in the end, Temujin’s nucleus of an army, in which he was 
already beginning to enforce that iron discipline that was to make the 
Mongols invincible, beat them in a major battle in which Targutai was slain. 
Todoyan-Girte, captured, was also put to death. The future conqueror was 
never to allow an unreconcilable enemy to live. But a number of minor 
chiefs who submitted and swore allegiance to him, were spared, despite 
some assertions of the contrary, dismissed by modem historians as tales of 
fear, or deeds of other baghaturs erroneously attributed to Temujin . 2 And the 
bulk of the tribe was also spared, its able-bodied men soon being 
incorporated into the all-powerful military machine that was taking shape in 
the Mongol’s hands: the horde. Temujin could, no doubt, inflict suffering. 
Traitors to him, when found out, were condemned to death by torture. To 
such a death he had, also, after his victory over the Merkit, condemned the 
man who had raped Bortei. But this he did with a view 


1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 69. 

2 

Harold Lamb (in “Genghis Khan, Emperor of all men”) dismisses the story of seventy 
captured chieftains boiled alive at Temujin’s orders, as “most improbable,” while Ralph 
Fox (Genghis Khan,” edit. 1936, p. 82) states that this treatment was inflected not by 
Temujin upon the Taijiut, but by Jamuga, upon seventy of Temujin’s followers, after war 
had broken out between the two sworn brothers. 



79 


to strike terror into the hearts of potential enemies. Other-wise he was too 
practical to indulge in cruelty for its own sake. He killed to remove 
obstacles. 

Now, after the defeat of the Taijiut, he was the paramount chief in 
northern Gobi — quite an important man among the so-called Barbarians, 
but nothing to be compared, in riches, with Togrul Khan; and still totally 
unknown to the outer world West of the Altai Mountains and beyond the 
Great Wall of Cathay. The Chinese, always busy playing a game of balance 
of power among their turbulent nomad neighbours, — seeking who was 
prepared to help them humble the latest tribe that had given them trouble — 
did not turn to him but to the Kerait Turk, to ask for his collaboration in an 
expedition which they led against the Tatars. But Temujin joined Togrul 
Khan in the expedition and defeated the Tatars. The patronising officials of 
Cathay gave Togrul Khan the Chinese title of Wang, which is translated as 
“prince,” while Temujin was named something which means “Commander 
of the frontier” — a modest military distinction, in comparison. But he does 
not seem to have cared. As all practical and single minded people, he never 
attached undue importance to external signs of power. The Tatar chiefs now 
swore allegiance to him. The Tatar warriors now increased the ranks of his 
potential army. He knew what he wanted and where he was going. He had 
the clear vision of a day when, in the steppes, he, Temujin, would no longer 
have any rival or any enemy; when he, who had been hunted all his life, 
would emerge at last more secure and more powerful than his father had 
ever been. And then... the will to survive might give way to the will to 
conquer.... In the meantime, he let the Kerait chief be “Wang Khan” — “the 
prince” — and entirely devoted himself to the organisation of, his warriors 
and of his increasingly numerous ordu. 

The discipline he imposed at first seems to have been rude and 
primitive enough. At some feast, at which his drunken followers had started 
quarrelling, it is said that he himself brought them to their senses with a 
wooden club — the only argument that was sure to be understood, in that 
rough society. But the nomads appreciated the fact that, whatever were the 
methods he employed, he always managed to control his men; and also that 
he kept them in good fighting condition. 



80 


“He feeds his warriors, and keeps his ulus in good order ” 1 was the opinion 
the tribesmen had of him. And it was a much higher opinion than it may 
sound to sophisticated people. 

But then, he soon proceeded to create a real army out of his hitherto 
unruly warriors, and a nation out of the coalesced clans of the Mongols and 
of the subdued nomad people. The bravest and most efficient warriors 
among those who were blindly devoted to him, companions of his early 
struggle for survival, became at the same time his trusted bodyguard and his 
General Staff. Others were made officers in command of tribal levies. All 
those were the nokud, owing allegiance to no one but to Temujin himself, 
and invested with absolute power — with the right of life and death — over 
the men under their command. Temujin lay down strict rules, codified in the 
broader Yasa, of which I shall speak later on, concerning the equipment, 
routine and discipline of the troops. He trained his soldiers and his officers 
until he had in hand a force that moved and acted as a single man, — 
absolutely reliable; absolutely efficient. He put a stop to all feuds between 
the tribes that had submitted to him, crushed individual quarrelsomeness, 
killed the spirit of individual independence, moulded the proud Mongols 
(and the conquered tribes) into one increasingly numerous, highly 
disciplined collectivity, in which each and every unit had but one duty: to 
obey the authority set immediately above it, without murmuring, without 
questioning. The army dominated that nation in the process of formation. 
And he, Temujin, was the guiding and organising intelligence, the will and 
the soul of the army. The faithful chosen few among those commanders of 
genius who were to help him take the world unto himself, were, in his hands, 
like hounds in the hands of a mighty hunter — hounds “fed on human flesh 
and led on an iron leash,” as the terrorised tribal chieftains, yet unsubdued, 
were beginning to think; and whom they described, in the forceful language 
of the steppes, full of suggestive similies, the language of warriors and 
poets: “They have skulls of brass: their teeth are hewn from rock; their 
tongues are shaped like awls; their hearts are of iron. In place of horse¬ 
whips, they 


1 Ralph Fax, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 110. 



81 


carry curved swords. They drink the dew and ride upon the wind.... The 
foam flies from their mouths, and they are filled with joy .” 1 

* * * 

The friendship between Temujin and Togrul Khan, the rich Kerait 
chieftain, — now “Wang Khan” — was not to endure. True, Temujin had, in 
many ways, made himself useful to his father’s anda, whom he courteously 
called his “foster-father.” He had been warrying at his side not only against 
the Tatars but against the forest Merkit also (who, although once defeated, 
were yet far from subdued) and against the Naiman. He had (in exchange of 
payment of course) protected caravans against the attack of unruly tribes and 
made the trade routes safer than ever before. And in the prosperous Kerait 
settlements — half camps and half markets, — the merchants were grateful 
to “Wang Khan” for the alliance he had made. But Wang Khan started 
intriguing against Temujin with Jamuga, Temujin’s ambitious sworn 
brother, who had a personal conception of Mongol unity, different from his. 
And the son of Yesugei did not feel safe until he had broken booth these new 
foes. 

But he did not yet feel strong enough to challenge Wang Khan openly, 
in a war to the finish, and, after a first indecisive encounter with him, he sent 
him an outwardly friendly message mentioning old, bonds, old services, and 
expressing the desire of lasting peace — although he knew there could be no 
such thing. The old Kerait, and his cunning son, Sen-Kung, knew that also, 
and rejected Temujin’s advances. Temujin, again at one of the tragic hours 
of his career — again before the same momentous alternative which he had 
faced years before, in the pine woods of Burkan Kaldun; the alternative of 
“future or ruin,” to quote once more the immortal modern words — 
withdrew with his trusted warriors to the marshes round Lake Baljun and 
waited. And again the spell of the indomitable will to survive was to compel 
— so as to say — the power of the Everlasting Blue Sky to descend upon 
him and to carry hint to victory; I say “the spell,” for there is a positive 
magic 


1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 101. 

Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 54. 



82 


potency in the one-pointed, concentrated will, that stops at nothing. 

The Sun rose and set over the waters of Lake Baljun, and Temujin’s 
companions hunted for food in the salty marshes. One dreary day succeeded 
another. Temujin thought: “The victory of the Kerait would mean the end of 
me. Therefore I must overcome him, never mind by what means. Where 
force is insufficient, let cunning supplement it!” And he bade his devoted 
brother, Kasar, the Bowman, send a message to Wang Khan — a lying 
message, stating that Temujin had fled no one knew where to, and that he, 
Kasar, in despair, was planning to desert his banner and to surrender to the 
Kerait Khan, whose protection he wished to secure. “Treachery,” would say 
the chivalrous and the truth-loving, and those who value spotlessness more 
than life. “Necessity,” would reply Temujin, and, with him, all single- 
purposed men of action, including the most unlike himself, the selfless 
idealists, to the extent that they too are, practical, and wish to accomplish 
something in this world of untruth, hatred and stupidity; necessity — the 
only choice of the fighter who feels himself cornered and who, yet, is 
determined to win. 

Wang Khan believed the clever lie — believed in peace and security 
— and ordered a feast. Temujin, appearing by surprise, stormed the Kerait 
camp. The old chief was captured and killed while attempting to flee. His 
son went south, only to meet his death a little later. Those of the Kerait 
Turks who were not slain in battle were incorporated into Temujin’s 
confederation of tribes under Mongol overlordship. Their most desirable 
women were as usual given to the chieftains of the army. Temujin kept for 
himself one of the two beautiful nieces of Wang Khan, allotted to him in the 
division of the spoils. She became his fourth wife. (He had taken his second 
and third one from the defeated Tatars.) The other he gave to Tuli, the 
youngest of his sons by Bortei. She was the famous Siyurkuktiti, fated to 
become the mother of three conquerors. 

And now, he turned his forces against the Naiman, a numerous, semi- 
settled people whose Khan, Tayan, had a Uighur chancellor, and many 
subjects who professed Buddhism or the Nestorian form of Christianity, 
apart from those who clung to the old spirit-cult of the steppes. Temujin’s 
anda, 



83 


Jamuga, had been intriguing with Tayan against him — pointing out, in him, 
the enemy of the tribesmen’s proud, personal liberty (which indeed he was; 
for individual liberty and iron organisation do not go together.) 

The Naiman, despite their number, were defeated, their chief, killed, 
and Jamuga, who had fled, captured and brought before Temujin. There was 
no longer, for him, any hope, any possibility of becoming important, let 
alone powerful. And Temujin, who knew this, was willing to pardon the man 
who had sworn him eternal friendship... once, long before, in the days when 
he had been poor and hunted, and without friends. In, victory, he could be 
generous to an enemy who had ceased being dangerous, a fortiori to an old 
friend. But Jamuga did not wish to live. Perhaps he felt that there could be 
no place for him in the new world that Temujin was forging out of discipline 
and war. He asked to be killed without spilling of blood so that, according to 
the belief of the Mongols — his spirit might continue to live, unchanged, in 
the world, and “help for ever the descendants of Temujin” (whom he could 
not keep himself from loving, at heart, for the sake of old times.) And he 
was smothered to death. 

Temujin then broke the last resistance of the Merkit, his old enemies, 
taking from them his fifth wife, Kulan, whose beauty was to be praised 
through the ages by the minstrels of the steppes. Toktoa, the Merkit chief, 
was killed. Lesser tribes either were subdued by the irresistible Mongol 
horsemen, now organised into a regular army, or came forth and made 
submission of their own accord, feeling that there was nothing else that they 
could do. 


* * * 

Temujin was now the master of all those tribes which he had 
conquered and united, from the Altai Mountains to the Great Wall of 
Cathay. It had taken him years to win that position — years of patient, 
stubborn struggle, during which, more than once, all had seemed to be lost, 
while again and again his superhuman will-power had enabled him to 
triumph over every obstacle, compelling, as I have said before, through its 
invincible magic, the Powers of the Unseen to fight on his side. Thanks to 
that tremendous will, seconded by his 



84 


military genius — his skill at organisation; his knowledge of men; his inborn 
intuition of historical necessity; — he had indeed survived, he, once the 
hunted boy who had lived on the mice and marmots he managed to trap, 
robbed of his inheritance, rejected by his father’s scornful tribesmen, 
harassed by his deadly enemies, day and night. And not only had he regained 
his father’s position among the nomads, but he had created (apparently out 
of nothing!) that which the steppe-dwellers had not seen since the great rise 
of Turkish power seven centuries before: a real nomad kingdom, ruled from 
the saddle. From his very childhood, surrounded on all sides by treacherous 
foes, he had understood more and more clearly that only if he could become 
a king would he, at last, be safe. And he had fought to that end, and now, in 
the fiftieth year of his age, he was, at last, a king. It only remained for him to 
be solemnly recognised by the other chiefs of the steppes who, already, one 
after the other, willingly or by compulsion, had accepted his permanent 
overlordship in peace as well as in war. It only remained for him to be 
proclaimed by them as the khan above all khans: — the Khakhan. 

So he summoned a general kuriltai — a meeting of chiefs — on the 
banks of the Onon, in the year 1206 of the Christian era, which was the year 
of the Leopard according to the cyclic Calendar of the Twelve Beasts. And 
the assembled chiefs elected him Khakhan, supreme Ruler “of all those who 
dwell in felt tents.” And he distributed honours and duties among them, 
fixing, in that historic meeting, the final structure of the great feudal State 
which he had been patiently building for over thirty years. 

Every faithful chieftain was made a noyon, or prince, and given a 
definite domain, with its people — not necessarily all of the same tribe, — 
as his ulus, (his personal subjects) and the pastures that would feed their 
flocks. Every one had to send an appointed number of warriors from his 
ulus, to serve in the Khakhan’s army and fight his wars. The few most tested 
and trusted officers — Temujin’s companions all through his struggle, who 
had remained at his side in the darkest days, when his fortune had hung in 
the balance, — were confirmed in the command of his Guard, that elite of 
the Army, now a wonderfully disciplined, most powerful military machine. 
More will be said later on of the rights and duties of the new feudal 



85 


lords, of the equipment of the soldiers and of the organisation of the whole 
bulk of the people — steadily increasing — under the rule of Temujin or 
rather of Genghis Khan (for this was the title, variously translated, which he 
was now given); of the Yasa, that famous code of laws which assured the 
stability of rise conqueror’s life’s work, as long as his descendants would 
hold fast to its commandments and to its spirit. It is sufficient, here, to stress 
that the entire organisation of the new centralised State in the midst of the 
steppes was inspired by Genghis Khan’s will not only — now — to survive, 
but to conquer the outer world in its length and breadth; and not only to 
conquer it, but to make his conquests permanent; to make himself, the 
Mongol Khakhan, also the emperor of all amen, and the “Golden Family” — 
Altyn Uruk; — his blood; his race, — the ruling family of the world, for 
ever. 

Already a middle-aged man with tremendous achievements behind 
him — the unification of the tribes of the Gobi was indeed something 
enormous, — Genghis Khan thought of anything but “settling down” 
comfortably as king of all the lands between the Baikal Lake, the Altai 
ranges and the Great Wall. As he beheld the assembled khans who had just 
elected him as their overlord; and his own. warriors, camped in hundreds of 
tents all round the place of the kuriltai; and as he looked back to his past 
miseries and triumphs — to that day to day struggle of over thirty years — 
from his conquered seat of power, he did not feel: “I am safe at last, and a 
khakhan. My work is done.” No. For he had in him that everlasting youth 
which is the gift of the unbending, one-pointed will; that youth in the eyes of 
which nothing is ever “finished”; in the mind of which no opportunity ever 
comes “too late.” He felt himself at the threshold of his career, not at the end 
of it. Now — now that he was at last a khakhan, — he would begin to assert 
himself Whatever he had achieved up till then was only a preparation. He 
had survived. But why? To what end? Only to assert himself Only to 
conquer; — to break new opposition, and to take more and more precious 
things — land; people; further sources of plenty and of safety, further 
possibilities, — from new enemies. His formidable war-machine — the first 
one of his time and one of the first ones of all times, — was ready: 
organised, drilled, equipped, experienced, and superstitiously devoted to 
him. With such an army at his 



86 


disposal he could assert himself indeed, he who had waited so long. 

Beyond the Great Wall and beyond the distant Western mountains, the 
wide world, ripe for conquest, was blissfully unaware of him and of his 
kuriltai. And even if it had known, it would not have understood. It would 
not have realised what a momentous event had taken place in the election of 
this obscure and illiterate Barbarian as leader of other Barbarian chieftains, 
all of them as dirty, as picturesque and, outwardly, as insignificant as 
himself; men who, when they were not drinking and stuffing themselves 
with mutton and horse-flesh, or breeding, or sleeping, could do nothing else 
but fight, — or hunt; and who were, moreover, neither Christians nor 
Moslems — nor Buddhists; hardly human beings. To the Chinese, who 
despised soldiers, any minor meeting of scholars would have seemed far 
more interesting. To the Moslem world, the capture of Delhi by Mahmud 
Ghori — of the true Faith — only ten years before, or the rapid rise of the 
Khwarizm Shah (whose territory now comprised half the kingdom of the 
Kara-Khitai and the whole of Afghanistan) would have appeared infinitely 
more impressive. While Europe — destined to be trampled under the hoofs 
of the Mongol cavalry exactly thirty-five years later — would doubtless 
have found the recent exploits of the French knights of the Fourth Crusade 
— that pack of bombastic third rate robbers, of no character, who had settled 
themselves in Constantinople and in Greece little over a year before the 
gathering on the banks of the Onon — much more noteworthy. 

Contemporary history is always misunderstood. 

At the appearing of the Mongol horsemen, the East and West were to 
realise what Genghis Khan’s leadership meant. In the meantime, outside the 
steppes of High Asia, the kuriltai of 1206 remained as unnoticed as had, half 
a century before, the birth of the child Temujin, son of Yesugei. I repeat: 
great events, bearing endless creative or destructive after-effects, are never 
noticed at the time they happen. Still, they happen. And they bear their fruit. 
Genghis Khan, supreme ruler “of all those who dwell in felt tents,” was now 
ready to thrust his irresistible horsemen against the forces of “civilisation” 
and to conquer both the East and the West. 


Written in Werl (Westphalia) in July and August, 1949. 



87 


CHAPTER VI 

THE WILL TO CONQUER 


Genghis Khan was to conquer. “But how? And why?” — so have 
bewildered men repeatedly wondered, at the thought of his extraordinary 
destiny. The right answer is, in the words of Kokchu, the shaman, a believer 
in miracles (and doubtless appointed by Genghis Khan himself to present his 
career in such a light as to strike the Mongols with sacred awe) “because 
‘the power of the Eternal Blue Sky’ had ‘descended upon him.’ Because he 
was ‘here on earth, Its agent’.” 1 The right answer is, in the words of Ralph 
Fox, a believer in historical materialism: “Because Temujin-Chingis was 
bom at a time of crisis among his own people, when all was ready for the 
leader who should build a new society; and because it was his fate also to be 
bom when the two great feudal States on either side of him, the 
Khwarazmian Empire in Central Asia and the Kin Empire in China, were in 
full decay.” 2 

I said twice “the right answer,” for both explanations — the 
supernatural and mediaeval, and the modem, materialistic — are tme to fact 
in the eyes of whoever sees, in the unfurling of events in time, the 
manifestation of a timeless Necessity. The next consequence of the state of 
the Universe at any given time and place — the “will of the Eternal Blue 
Sky” at that particular time and in that particular place, — is nothing else but 
that which has to be, according to the unchanging Laws that mle both the 
visible and the invisible world. And Genghis Khan had to be, like all the 
great ones who made history (while the implacable logic of previous history 
had made their appearing unavoidable, and sketched out the part they were 
to play upon the international stage). He had to be, and he had to conquer. 
And doubtless the socio-political 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 57. 

2 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 50. 



88 


conditions in Asia, in his time — the conditions in the steppes, on one hand, 
and the conditions in the two Empires, on the other, — determined how 
complete his success was to be. But there is more to be said. His own will 
played, in his conquests, a part at least as important as that of those 
exceptional circumstances under which it manifested itself. And if those 
largely account for the succession of events in his career, the quality and the 
direction of his will, and the aspirations of his heart, give the key to him and 
situate him in his particular place among the god-like men of action. 

As I said before, there was no ideology whatsoever behind his long 
bitter struggle for the mastery of the steppes. There was but the sheer will to 
overcome his enemies; to free himself from danger, — the will to survive. 
And behind those wars that were now to give him mastery over the greatest 
part of Asia, there was also no ideology; no sacred zeal. There was the desire 
of greater security, and the increasing lust of wealth and well-being for 
himself and for his family — nothing more. He conquered for booty. And he 
organised his conquests with admirable skill — imposing peace and security 
upon the terrorised survivors of the conquered people, — merely in order to 
make booty systematic, permanent, and more and more plentiful. 

He “welded together into a new nation the people who dwelt in tents,” 
and above this nation, he set up “the Mongol clan, the tarkhans and noyons, 
companions of his early struggles.” 1 But above them (and, in his mind, for 
ever and ever) he set up the Altyn Uruk; the “Golden Family”; his own sons 
and their sons; his own blood — himself. His people were the servants of his 
sons, and his. No doubt, he rewarded their loyalty magnificently. 
Nevertheless, he and his sons were the real centre of all his care, the aim of 
all his efforts. He was a million miles away from the spirit of the 
disinterested modern idealist who wrote: “My son is but a part of my 
people.” - And it is this attitude — and not the necessary ruthlessness of his 
wars — which makes him, in our eyes, a man “in Time”; a typical 
“Lightning-man,” in the succession of 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 73. 

2 

“Mein Sohn ist nur ein Teil von meinem Volk." (Wolf Sorensen, in “Die Stimine der 
Ahnen”). 



89 


those great Ones that have changed or tried to change the face of the earth. 

And the study of his campaigns abroad only deepens that 
overwhelming impression of self-centred power that one gathers from, the 
early history of his life. 


* * * 

As living instances of his thoroughness and efficiency, Genghis 
Khan’s wars against Hsi-Hsia, against China and against the West, provide 
one of the most uplifting lessons in patience, will-power and intelligence 
that I can think of. 

The sturdy Tangut kingdom of Hsi-Hsia — which lay just outside the 
Great Wall of Cathay — although at first only Superficially subdued, was 
sufficiently weakened not to become a danger to the Mongols during their 
expedition against northern China. That expedition was decided by Genghis 
Khan in answer to the pretention of the new Chinese Emperor to receive 
from him the traditional act of submission which the nomad chieftains 
beyond the Wall had given every new occupant of the Dragon Throne, for 
generations. It was but a formal act of submission. But Genghis Khan, well 
informed about the internal weakness of China in general and of the Kin 
Dynasty of northern China in particular, decided that the custom, — 
meaningless anyhow, — had lasted long enough. To break it meant war. But 
war was the only path to boundless power and increasing plenty; to the 
fulfillment of Genghis Khan’s destiny. 

The preparation of that war — as that of any other of Genghis Khan’s 
campaigns, in fact, — is as admirable as the war itself; a masterpiece of 
patient, far-sighted, minute and thorough organisation, stretched over years. 
First, the silent, unassuming but absolutely efficient net-work of spies who, 
from all corners of the enemy’s realm, regularly brought the illiterate son of 
Yesugei all the information he needed in order to think out his campaign and 
then to carry it to fruition, is enough to amaze even such people as are 
acquainted with more modem secret organisations of similar nature. The 
enemy was doomed before hand. Then come the series of actual military 
preparations: — another wonder. As his modem English biographer rightly 
points out, Genghis Khan “left nothing to 



90 


chance.” 1 From the sort of propaganda the most likely to give the Mongols 
the desired unity and the best possible fighting spirit, down to the smallest 
details concerning the diet of the troops and their daily exercises; down to 
the meanest item of military equipment, all was conceived and calculated 
with one aim in view: unfailing, machine-like efficiency. “The heavy 
cavalry wore armour consisting of four overlapping plates of tanned hide, 
which were lacquered to protect them against humidity,” notes the same 
biographer; “They were armed with lance and curved sabre. The light 
cavalry carried a javelin and two bows, one for shooting from horseback, 
and another for use on foot, when greater precision of aim was desired. They 
had three quivers, with different calibre arrows, one of which was armour- 
piercing. The troopers carried tools, a camp-kettle, an iron ration of dried 
meat, a water-tight bag with a change of clothes, which could also be 
inflated and used in crossing rivers. All maneuvres were directed by signals, 
and the whole army worked as smoothly as a machine.” 2 And the soul of that 
extraordinary human machine was a newly born Mongol nationalism, which 
Genghis Khan cleverly kindled, and used to his own ends. 

The numerical inferiority of the Mongols, compared with their 
enemies, is also a remarkable fact. Their astounding mobility, their thorough 
preparation and their discipline made up for it. 

Finally, there is one thing which cannot but impress us as much as if 
not more than all the rest, at this stage of the conqueror’s life, and that is (if I 
may employ such an unusual combination of words) his own spiritual 
preparation for war. Indeed, before leading his army to the mountain passes 
and across the Great Wall that had, hitherto, seemed impregnable to the 
Mongols, — before engaging himself into a great war that was to last several 
years, — Genghis Khan “retired for three days into his tent, with a rope 
around his neck, to fast and commune with himself, and then, going to a hill¬ 
top, he took off cap and belt and made sacrifice to the Blue Sky.” 3 


1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 144. Harold Lamb, (“The March of the 
Barbarians,” edit. 1941, p. 58), says: “He took no chances.” 

2 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 145. 

3 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 144. 



91 


He was now well in his “fifties” — for this was five years after the great 
kuriltai on the banks of the Onon. With infinite patience and caution, he had 
marched irresistibly on and on, and again he had just been taking every 
thi nk able earthly step to make his new war a success. But his unfailing 
intuition told him that even this was not enough, that there were in war 
imponderable factors, and that there were means to victory which were 
neither military nor economic, nor, generally speaking, human. What exactly 
did the khakhan think, alone before the majesty of the Everlasting Blue Sky? 
No one knows. But he most certainly felt that there is a secret source of 
strength in the state of mind of the man who humbles himself in front of the 
eternal and implacable, putting himself and all his schemes into the hands of 
superhuman Forces, after having done all that wall humanly advisable in 
view of success. But, as one reads that reference to his retirement on the eve 
of his victorious onslaught on China, one cannot help remembering that 
other time — now far away in his stormy past — when, having lost 
everything he possessed, including his newly-wedded young wife, he 
communed with the Unseen upon the slopes of Burkan Kaldun, at sunrise, 
making libations of mare’s milk to the mysterious Power that had saved his 
hunted life. One cannot help putting in parallel those two moments and 
admiring that quest of the conqueror for union with something divine, 
beyond himself, both at the lowest ebb of his fortune and now, on the eve of 
his long-prepared victory over the armies of Cathay. And one cannot help 
feeling that there was a divine purpose (of which he himself did not know) 
behind that stubborn man who fought for his own security and for the 
grandeur and riches of his increasing, family. 

* * * 

The swiftness and discipline of Genghis Khan’s army and the skill of 
his commanders — and his own — overcame all difficulties. The army of 
the Kin emperor was defeated in a major battle, the memory of which struck 
terror for a long time in the hearts of the Chinese. And slowly — for Peking 
was not to surrender till the summer of 1215, — but steadily, the Mongols 
conquered the whole country, unto the River 



92 


Hoang-Ho. At first, they avoided walled towns. They raided the land, 
driving off horses and cattle, and were content with taking the armies of the 
Kin Emperor by surprise and beating them in numberless encounters, while 
many “auxiliaries” of Mongol blood deserted the Chinese to join Genghis 
Khan’s banner. The terror of the Mongol name, already great, grew and 
grew. It increased beyond all measure when the invaders did begin to 
besiege towns successfully. For Genghis Khan showed no mercy to the 
people of the cities that he captured. “Any resistance was crushed with 
inhuman methodical massacre of all that lived within the walls.” 1 2 

And although, even after the surrender of Peking, the resistance of the 
Kin by no means ceased, the entire north of China, Manchuria — and Korea 
— were now a part of Genghis Khan’s growing empire, and a source of 
untold wealth to him and to his people. 

In 1215, leaving behind him Mukuli, a trusted commander, at the head 
of the army of occupation, the conqueror, now nearly sixty, rode 
homewards. The steppes where he had grown up as a hunted wanderer and 
fought as the chieftain of a handful of warriors, now swarmed with foreign 
slaves; gold and silver, and priceless objects of ivory and of jade — 
treasures unheard of— filled the Khakhan’s coffers; his sons and faithful 
followers were “clothed in brocaded silk” 3 as he had wished. Arid he now 
counted among his wives a Chinese princess, adopted daughter of the Kin 
Emperor. And a man of royal blood, wise Yeliu Chuts’ai, descendant of 
those Khitan Emperors whom the Kin had dethroned, was his counsellor. 
One could rightly have said of Genghis Khan that he had conquered his 
dream — and more still. He was now wealthy and dreaded, as he had longed 
to be all his life. He was a real king. And had he died at that moment of his 
career, still his name would have been great in the history of Asia; still he 
would have remained the builder of Mongol power and the father and 
founder of the new Yuan Dynasty that was to hold the Dragon Throne for 
over hundred and fifty years. 4 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 59. 

2 

It was not to be entirely broken till after the second Mongol campaign, under Ogodai, 
Genghis Khan’s son. 

3 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 56. 

4 Until 1370, date of the advent of the Ming. 



93 


But sixty years before — on that cold night when his mother, Hoelun, had 
conceived him from her ravisher, — the unnoticed pattern of constellations 
in the depth of the “Eternal Blue Sky” had marked him out to be more, far 
more than that. 


* * * 

Apparently, he could have stayed quiet and enjoyed his conquests; ate 
and drunk in peace and plenty among his people, now organised and 
prosperous. Maybe, he had himself no intention of doing anything else, and, 
as some of his biographers say, 1 did not actually want war at this stage of his 
life. Or, maybe, the insatiable lust for power and possessions was still as 
strong in him as when he had led his tumans through the open gates of the 
Great Wall, a few years before. We shall never know. But things were 
happening, and were soon to happen, in High Asia, that were to make war 
unavoidable. And the hidden, mathematical determinism of the: world, 
combined with his own irresistible destiny — the destiny of the child 
Temujin, tangible forecast of the changes that had to take place, — drew 
Genghis Khan to the West, to unprecedented military greatness; and Asia, to 
accelerated decay, after his death. 

After Tayan’s death and the defeat of his tribe, which we mentioned 
in the preceding chapter, Kuchluk, the Naiman chieftain, had fled to 
Balasagun, the capital of the Kara-Khitai country which stretched from the 
Altai Mountains, and from the boundary of the former Hsi-Hsia Kingdom, to 
the River Syr Daria. The Gurkhan, head of the Kara-Khitai realm, had given 
him refuge there, and he, very rapidly, through all manner of treachery, had 
raised himself to the position of an, independent ruler. Genghis Khan could 
wait, but he never forgot. And. it was, with him, a principle, that no 
irreducible enemy should be allowed to live. So, well informed as he was of 
what had taken place, — and fully aware of the weakness of Kuchluk’s 
position in spite of such a rapid rising — he had ordered one of his trusted 
generals, Jebei-Noyon, to march into the land of the Kara-Khitai. The land 
had been conquered, and 


1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p, 162. 



94 


Kuchluk captured and put to death in 1218, three years after the surrender of 
Peking. And knowing how unpopular both he and the Gurkhan had made 
themselves by persecuting the Moslems and Nestorian Christians, and what 
bitter hatred these all nourished towards the Buddhists in the whole realm, 
the Mongol general had proclaimed complete religious freedom in the name 
of the Khakhan, a gesture which had made him appear as a liberator in the 
eyes of a great section of the people, and had immensely strengthened the 
hold of the Mongols upon the country. 

Genghis Khan’s empire now practically bordered that of the 
Khwarizm Shah, i.e., that of the Turkoman dynasty which ruled, in the place 
of the former Seljuk Sultans, over Turan and the whole of Iran, — from the 
mouth of the Ural River, and the land north of the Aral Sea, down to the 
Persian Gulf, and from Iraq to the Hindu Kush. But again, at first, nothing 
seemed to foreshadow war between the two potentates. 

Yet, war was to break out. As I said: it was Asia’s destiny, linked up 
with the extraordinary destiny of the son of Yesugei. The greed and folly of 
the governor of Otrar (a frontier town on the border of the two empires) and 
the incapacity of Mohammed ben Takash, the ruling Khwarizm Shah, to face 
the situation as a realist, were the pretext and the immediate cause of the 
war. 

Genghis Khan had sent an embassy to the Khwarizm Shah — who 
had first sent him one, at the close of the Chinese campaign. A caravan, “a 
trading enterprise of the Moslem merchants” who now surrounded the 
Mongol conqueror, followed. “Its five hundred camels carried nuggets of 
gold and silver, silk, ... the furs of beaver and sable, and many ingenious and 
elegant articles of Chinese workmanship.” 1 When this caravan reached 
Otrar, the local governor had the merchants and their servants massacred and 
the treasures seized. Genghis Khan, who, even in great indignation, always 
remained too practical to be rash, did not, at once, in answer to that outrage, 
wage war on Mohammed ben Takash, however difficult it might have 
appeared to believe that the deed had been perpetrated without the latter’s 
knowledge. He sent, instead, a second embassy, to demand of him the 
punishment of 


1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936). 



95 


the governor of Otrar and compensation for the losses. And it is only after 
the head of this embassy had been murdered by order of the Khwarizm 
Shah, in defiance of all accepted notions of right, and its other members 
shamefully treated, that he decided on war, and started preparing his march 
to the west as minutely and methodically as he had, years before, his 
onslaught on Cathay. There was no other honor cable course which he could 
take. But this war was to be a war to the finish. And the Khwarizm Shah 
must often have regretted not having avoided it while it was yet time. 

For, in Genghis Khan, bitter, immediate resentment at the feeling of 
insult, and thirst of revenge, kindled the old will to conquer into a 
superhuman force of destruction. In all his campaigns the conqueror had 
shown, swiftness — no sooner the time of patient preparation had come to 
an end and action had started, — along with unprecedented ruthlessness. But 
in this one, — his last one, — he was to strike with the sudden irresistibility 
of Lightning and to bring about such wide-scale desolation as only great 
physical cataclysms — only God Himself — can work out upon the earth. 
He was to prove himself, if ever, animated with that which I have called in 
the beginning of this book, the spirit of “Lightning.” 

With the same efficiency as always, the conqueror’s extraordinary 
“intelligence service” gave him all the necessary information about the 
enemy’s country and conditions of life and political intrigues, about his 
exact strength and weaknesses, before war actually started. As always, every 
detail concerning the mobilisation, the training, the equipment and transport 
of troops was patiently worked out, and every predictable difficulty 
surmounted before hand. And once more, in order to draw to himself the 
divine Power of the invisible world, which he felt at the back of all his 
achievements), Genghis Khan humbled himself before the one thing he 
knew to be greater than he; the Everlasting Blue Sky. “He went alone to a 
height near the Mountain of Power, and took the covering from his head, the 
girdle from his waist. For hours le communed with the spirits of the high and 
distant places; and he came down with a message: the Everlasting Blue Sky 
had granted victory to the Mongols.” 1 As Harold Lamb says, 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 62. 



96 


he probably had the intention of strengthening the morale of his people at the 
beginning of a great new campaign. But I somewhat feel there was more 
than that in this ritual gesture of allegiance to the Invisible. It was a gesture 
of supreme wisdom, without which Genghis Khan would not have been 
Genghis Khan. It was, on the part of the greatest conqueror of all times, the, 
recognition that even his career was but an episode in endless Time, and 
even he but an instrument in the hands of the heavenly Forces that lead the 
Dance of Time; that, however much he fought for himself, he too fought for 
the purpose of all Creation. 

The Dance of Time is the Dance of death — and rebirth; and the 
purpose of all Creation is destruction — before a new Creation; death, 
before the glory of a new Beginning. Many things were to be destroyed in 
old Asia. So, “tending the remount herds and the wagon trains,” 1 slowly but 
methodically, — as irresistible as Time Itself, — on went the Mongol 
tumans over the mountain ranges, the natural barrier between the Eastern 
steppes and the world of Islam. They felled trees, broke down rocs, and built 
roads and bridges as they went. They were not hundreds of thousands, as the 
vanquished were soon to imagine in their terror. They were, according to 
Ralph Fox, barely seventy thousand regular Mongol soldiers, to which 
estimate one should add an equal number of levies from the subject Turkish 
peoples, 2 3 and, according to Harold Lamb, “some fifteen divisions of ten 
thousand men.” 

A surprise raid of Juchi, the eldest prince, of the Golden Family , 
across the Ak-Kum Desert and the Kara-Tau Hills to the lower Syr Daria 
region, i.e., in the direction of the Aral Sea, deceived the enemy. While 
Jelal-ud-Din, son of Mohammed-ben-Takash, uselessly pursued the raiders 
(who disappeared as swiftly as they had appeared), Genghis Khan’s main 
army, concentrated near Lake Balkash, was resting, after its long and 
difficult westward march, and preparing to attack. All was ready by the 
autumn of 1219. Yet, not until the early spring of 1220 did Genghis Khan 
order his general Jebei-Noyon, (who, by the way, was not with the main 
army, but 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 62. 

2 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 199. 

3 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 62. 



97 


much further to the south, in the region of Kashgar) to march to Khojend, as 
though he intended to strike immediately at the two great cities of the 
Khwarizm Empire: Samarkand and Bokhara. The Khakhan had had time, 
during those six months, to make full use of his amazing “intelligence 
service” and to gather all the information he needed concerning the enemy’s 
preparations, and, also, the enemy’s weaknesses and blunders, so as to take 
the greatest advantage of all these in his own plans against him. The time 
which a superficial observer would have considered as wasted, had been, in 
reality, well employed — in a way that was to render possible the swiftness 
of the decisive blow. Indeed, nothing is more remarkable, in the history of 
all Genghis Khan’s wars, than the contrast between the apparent slowness of 
methodical, far-reaching preparations, and the lightning-speed of action at 
the decisive moment. Nothing renders those wars more admirable, from the 
standpoint both of the strategist and of the artist. 

While Mohammed Shah’s attention was diverted by Juchi’s attack, the 
main Mongol army, divided into three sections, moved rapidly over the land 
that Juchi had just laid waste, and reached the River Syr Daria. Two forces 
each of thirty thousand soldiers, were commanded by Genghis Khan’s eldest 
sons; and the third, consisting of another thirty thousand men and of the 
Guard, was under the command of the conqueror himself, assisted by his 
younger son, and by the veteran of the China war and future hero of the 
European campaign, Subodai, one of the greatest generals of all times. The 
two princes, Juchi and Chagatai, went south — along the hank of the Syr 
Daria — to join Jebei and to attack Samarkand with him. Meanwhile 
Genghis Khan crossed the river, and conducted his tumans across the Kizil 
Kum Desert, suddenly appearing, a month later, “almost on the top of 
Bokhara, and try the rear of the Shah’s armies .” 1 As always, he had taken 
every precaution so as to assure the success of, such a march. Every trooper 
had been provided with the necessary supply of dried meat and water; 
remount herds of horses had been taken; and the time had been carefully 
chosen. “Such 


1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 202. 



98 


a march through the desert would have been impossible at any other season 
of the year” 4 , says the modem biographer that we have quoted so many 
times. 

Once more, swiftness of movement determined the Mongols’ victory. 
On the 11th of April, 1220, while Mohammed-ben-Takash fled for his life, 
the son of Yesugei entered the prosperous and populous city of Bokhara — 
the hallowed seat of Islamic learning — without encountering almost any 
resistance. His first orders to the vanquished were to bring hay and water for 
his tired horses and food for his men. 

For a few days, the Mongols gave themselves without restraint to 
feasting and to lechery. Then, they turned to Samarkand, that the combined 
forces of Juchi and Chagatai and Jebei-Noyon were attacking from the east. 
The famous “city of gardens and of palaces” had no choice but to surrender 
and to be plundered. Its inhabitants were not systematically killed as in the 
case of towns that resisted the Mongols. The great bulk of the people of 
Bokhara (who had also not resisted) had been driven before the conquerors 
to be used in groups “as a human shield for the first ranks of the Mongol 
attack on Samarkand.”' And the captives of Samarkand were later on driven 
off to help the Mongols fill the ditch round Urganj, the besieged capital of 
the Khwarizm Shah. In the meantime, during the autumn and winter 1220, 
Genghis Khan allowed the greater part of his army to rest in Samarkand 
while a force of thirty thousand men, under Subodai and Jebei-Noyon, had 
been commanded by him to pursue Mohammed Shah “like the flying wind,” 
wherever he might take refuge. 


* * * 

Mohammed-ben-Takash, the Khwarizm Shah, who, for weeks, had 
been hunted from town to town, expired alone on an island of the Caspian 
Sea — his last refuge — after learning that “his wives and children were 
prisoners and his treasure 


1 Ralph Fox, Ibid. 

' Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 64. 



99 


on its way to Samarkand, under convoy.” 1 * Subodai and Jebei-Noyon then 
crossed the Caucasus with their storming column, and made a successful 
raid into the Russian plains as far as the River Don, while the sons of 
Genghis Khan, Juchi, Chagatai and Ogodai, driving before them the captives 
from Samarkand, hastened to lay siege before Urganj. On account of its 
stubborn resistance, — as useless as that which any of the other towns had 
offered — the capital was doomed before hand; fated to be utterly wiped 
out. 

Meanwhile the conqueror himself, taking with him his younger son 
Tuli and some of his grandsons, proceeded to deserve, in Khorasan and 
Afghanistan, that reputation of irresistible destructiveness which the terror of 
the crushed people has attached to his name for all times. 

Any town that made even a show of resistance was “stormed or 
tricked into surrender” and levelled to the ground — as Urganj had been, — 
while its people, with the exception of the useful artisans and of the young 
and desirable women, were systematically killed. This mass-slaughter 
evidently aimed at paralysing all will to resist, nay, all possibility of 
resistance.... It was practical and methodical, like everything the Mongols 
did, at Genghis Khan’s orders — and it was carried out “without evidence of 
sadistic torment.” 3 The Mongols, says Harold Lamb, “led out the people of 
walled towns, examining then carefully and ordering the skilled workers — 
who would be useful — to move apart. Then the soldiers went through the 
ranks of helpless human beings, killing methodically with their swords and 
hand axes — as harvesters would go through a field of standing wheat. They 
took the wailing women by the hair, bending forwards their heads, to sever 
the spine more easily. They slaughtered with blows on the bead men who 
resisted weakly.” 4 It is said that about nine million people were thus put to 
the sword in and round the Place where had once stood the prosperous city 
of Merv. Fear caused, no doubt the contemporary Muslim chroniclers to 
exaggerate the number of the dead. Genghis Khan appeared 


1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 210. 

“ Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1943), p. 63. 

3 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 65. 

4 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 63. 



100 


to them as “the scourge of Allah” and, wherever his army passed, it was like 
the end of the world — the end, at least, of that world which they knew. Yet, 
even if the figures were to be brought down to their half, still they would 
suggest a magnitude of slaughter unprecedented in history. 

It is noticeable that material signs of power, wealth or culture — 
strong walls, works of irrigation, libraries; — for which the conquerors had 
no use, were no more respected than human life; that the destruction was as 
complete and as impartial as it could possibly be when wrought by man’s 
imperfect weapons under the guidance of man’s will; as similar as it could 
possibly be to the total, indiscriminate destruction wrought by ever-changing 
Nature through her storms, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, or simply 
through all-devouring Time, the very Principle of Change. 

Yet, it was destruction wrought by man, at the orders of a self-centred 
man of genius and, ultimately, for that man’s personal ends. Genghis Khan 
“deliberately turned the rich belt of Islamic civilisation into a no-man’ s-land. 
He put an end to the agricultural working of the country, creating an 
artificial steppe here, on the frontier of his new empire; making it — he 
thought — suited to the life of his own people.” 1 And he did this, apparently 
conscious of the fact that only if his people, the nomad Mongols, remained 
nomadic, could sons and grandsons continue for ever to govern the empire 
he had won them, and to enjoy its wealth. He felt that he had to destroy so 
that he and his sons and their sons might thrive — not on account of any real 
or supposed natural right of theirs to domination, not in the name of any real 
or supposed naturally superior rank of theirs in the everlasting scheme of 
Creation, but simply because they were his progeny; his “Golden Family.” 
As I already stated: he loved himself in them — not them and himself in his 
broader and higher self: his race, integrated, in its proper place, in the still 
broader realm of Life, human and non-human, as a true idealist, a man 
“against Time” — capable of no less methodical and thorough destruction as 
he, but in an entirely different spirit — would have done in his place. He was 
essentially the embodiment of separativeness, the God-appointed agent of 
Death; of 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians,” (edit, 1941) p. 66. 



101 


all the men “in Time,” as I have called them in the beginning of this book, 
the nearest to the unchanging Principle of separativeness and destructiveness 

— of change —: Mahakala; Time. 

Indeed, when one reads the description of the terror that followed his 
horsemen wherever they went in Khorasan and Afghanistan, and specially 
when one ponders over the emotionless, remorseless, methodical character 
of the mass-slaughter they wrought, one cannot help admiring the 
detachment and efficiency with which the latter was carried out, and secretly 
regretting that such wide-scale, machinelike power of killing was not applied 
in the service of a better cause — of some impersonal truth; of some more- 
than-human justice, in the spirit expressed by Lord Krishna when, exhorting 
the warrior Arjuna, in Kurukshettra, He told him, speaking of the enemies he 
was to slay: “These bodies of the embodied One, Who is eternal, 
indestructible and immeasurable, are known as finite. Therefore fight, O 
Bharata!” 1 

But that was not the spirit of Genghis Khan, the warlord submitted to 
the bondage of self and therefore of Time. And now and then an episode that 
history has brought down to us — such as that of the annihilation of Bamyan 

— stands out to show what a gap separates the Mongol conqueror, despite 
all his undeniable grandeur, from the ideal of the warrior “against Time” as 
portrayed in the old Sanskrit Scripture. At the siege of Bamyan, in 
Afghanistan, Mukutin, son of Chagatai, and one of the young grandsons of 
Genghis Khan, was killed. As we have seen, in all the conqueror’s 
campaigns, cities that had, to any extent, resisted the Mongols, had been 
destroyed, and the greater part of their inhabitants put to the sword. But the 
blood of the Golden Family, even though it were shed through the veins of 
one single individual, was still more precious, in Genghis Khan’s eyes, than 
that of any number of Mongol soldiers, and cried for a greater vengeance. 
The old Khakhan, therefore, commanded that all living creatures — people 
without the customary discrimination between the useful and the useless; 
beasts; and the very birds of the air, — be killed to the last, in and round 
Bamyan, and that all trace of the town upon the earth be wiped out. And “the 
order was strictly carried out,” 2 notes the modem biographer 


1 The Bhagavad-Gita, II, Verse 18. 

2 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 214. 



102 


of Genghis Khan, — who cannot help contrasting the horror of that deed 
with the serene, unearthly beauty symbolised in “the great cave of Buddhas,” 
high up on the mountain-side, above the destroyed city full of decaying 
corpses. The opposition is indeed staggering. It is, carried to its utmost 
forcifulness, the lasting contrast between the man “in Time” and what we 
have called the man “above Time.” 

But one should not miss its real meaning by allowing one’s mind to be 
swayed by hasty reactions. Despite all appearances, it is not the contrast 
between destructive fury and boundless kindness — love towards all 
creatures — which is the most remarkable, the actual contrast. It is the 
opposition between the family-centred, i.e., self-centred attitude of Genghis 
Khan, as illustrated by that as by many other of his actions, and the perfect 
detachment of the Indian Sage from all ties. There, — in what they are far 
more than in what they do, — lies the gap between the man “in Time” and 
the Man “above Time.” And, I repeat, had the self-same mass-slaughter 
taken place, but in the name of some impersonal necessity worth its while, 
and not for the sake of that primitive passion of family vendetta which, in 
the circumstance, animated Genghis Khan, the physical contrast between the 
beautiful, peaceful cave on high and the place of massacre, pervaded with 
the stench of death, would have remained; and it would, doubtless, have 
been equally impressive in the eyes of the superficial observer; nay, it would 
have stirred the same feelings, that one guesses, — the feelings nowadays so 
lavishly exploited in all cheap “atrocity campaigns” for mass consumption 

— in the hearts of unthinking humanitarians. But it would have been just a 
physical, an outwardly contrast; it would not have expressed any real 
contrast, from the standpoint of integral truth, for men “against Time” — 
capable of destruction in a detached spirit and “in the interest of Creation” 

— and men “above Time” walk along parallel paths, in eternity if not in 
history; along parallel paths different from that followed by those, however 
great, who are still within the bondage of Time. 

* * * 

During this whole lightning-like campaign, only once did the Mongols 
experience the bitterness of defeat; and that was at Perwana, where Jelal-ed- 
Din, the fugitive son of the 



103 


Khwarizm Shah, managed to get the best of Shigi-Kutuku, one of Genghis 
Khan’s lieutenants. The Mongols who fell alive into his clutches were put to 
torture at the orders of the Turkish prince who, for a short time, enjoyed the 
pleasure of feeling himself the avenger of his father and of his people in a 
proper Turkish manner — or, should I not rather say: in the manner of a man 
who lived (despite the tremendous disparity between them) far more “in 
Time” even than his great enemy? 

There was indeed, in this war, from the start to the end, as much 
deadly passion on one side as on the other. Only Genghis Khan’s passion — 
his will to conquer, so that his sons and grandsons might be emperors, — 
was served with far more perseverence, and, above all, with far more 
lucidity, than his enemy’s will to save what he could of the Khwarizmian 
Empire. 

It was, in fact, if not by Genghis Khan himself, at least by more than 
one of his generals, — in particular, by virtuous Subodai, the very 
embodiment of boundless, disinterested devotion, — served with 
detachment; for those men had no personal lust, for power or riches; their 
lives were ruled solely by their love for their Khan and their stern sense of 
duty towards him and him alone; they were freer than he from what I have 
called the ties of Time; perhaps even some of them were men “against 
Time,” who saw in him the originator of a new organisation of Asia, 
destined, in their minds, to lead to lasting peace and prosperity — to the 
good of all people — and who followed him for that reason. I personally 
believe that the presence of such men in the conqueror’s General Staff (and 
possibly also among the thousands who composed his army) was a 
considerable factor of victory on his side. 

The calm with which Genghis Khan commented upon Shigi-Kutuku’s 
misfortune, simply stating that defeat would teach him caution, and giving 
him and the other chiefs a practical lesson in strategy upon the site of the lost 
battle, shows how the conqueror could remain master of himself whenever 
self-control was useful in view of further efficiency — for he must have felt 
very deeply the grief of that one only defeat his soldiers had ever known. 

In that immense and constant self-control, source of his extraordinary 
patience, coupled, with the capacity of taking 



104 


the right decisions in the wink of an eye at the right moment', in other words, 
in qualities eminently characteristic of those men whom we called men 
“above” and “against” Time, lies the secret of Genghis Khan’s greatness. 
The fact that he used these splendid qualities entirely in view of the 
materialisation of a self-centred purpose and in a self-centred spirit, makes 
him a man “in Time” all the more appalling, in certain of his activities, that 
one is more aware of what a warrior endowed with his virtues could have 
been, had he only cared to serve, in the words of the Bhagavad-Gita, “the 
interest of the Universe” — of the whole of Creation — instead of his own 
and that of his family. 

It was, no doubt, difficult, and perhaps impossible, for a Mongol to 
raise himself to that attitude — and to cling to it, — specially when having 
attained absolute power after years and years of hardships and struggle. It 
would seem that the Mongol, nay, that man of Mongolian race in the broader 
sense of the word, can only be perfectly disinterested when he feels himself 
the follower of somebody — man or god — not when he happens to be, 
himself, the source of power. And yet... it is not easy to assert how far the 
great conqueror’s practical, pitiless self-centredness is an inherent trait of his 
race. Ralph Fox has, somewhere in his book, compared Genghis Khan’s 
practical qualities with those of “the founders of the great capitalistic 
enterprises of the last century, men who also stopped at nothing, who ruined 
their enemies gleefully and stole their wives and daughters no less gleefully; 
men who organised great empires, also, — empires of steel and power”; 1 — 
men like, him essentially self-centred; we would say: like him living 
essentially “in Time.” Yet, those were not Mongols. Nor was, before them, 
the overrated Corsican upstart Napoleone Buonaparte, he, at least, a warrior, 
— and one of undeniable military genius, although a pigmy even in that 
respect, when compared with Genghis Khan, — who led the French to the 
conquest of Europe in order to secure comfortable thrones for his worthless 
brothers. Nor were so many self-centred organisers of all sorts, of lesser 
magnitude, military or political — or both — who left somewhat of a name 
in history. The truth is that absolutely disinterested — selfless — characters, 
“men against Time” as we 


1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 88. 



105 


have called them, are extremely rare among the great nation-building 
warriors as, in general, among the remarkable men of action of any race or 
epoch. 


* * * 

Jelal-ed-Din did not enjoy for long the advantage given him by the 
one single victory he had won. His last stronghold fell to Genghis Khan in 
the autumn of 1221. By then, most of the tumans that had taken part in the 
siege of Urganj, or scaled the Caucasus and pushed into the Russian plains 
as far as the Sea of Azov, had joined the main Mongol forces. It seemed as 
though nothing could stein the conqueror’s advance. 

The Khakhan overtook the Turkish prince as the latter had reached the 
Indus River, and there he defeated him in a last pitched battle and sent a 
cavalry division in pursuit of him. But the raid beyond the Indus “was not 
pressed home” 1 and it is not till years later — after the death of Genghis 
Khan — that Jelal-ed-Din (who, in the meantime, had secured himself a new 
kingdom in Iraq) was again hunted along the highways by the Mongols, and 
that he met his end. Yet, one can safely say that at the moment he crossed 
the Indus he was, already, for all intents and purposes, “politically dead” — 
no longer able to stand in the way of the Mongols. And he never was to 
acquire, anyhow, but a shadow of power. 

Before starting, in the spring of 1223, the long homeward journey 
back to his native Mongolia, Genghis Khan had a few conversations with 
one of those rare men “above Time” that Asia has never failed to produce, 
even in the darkest periods of her history: the Chinese sage Ch’ang Ch’un, a 
Taoist. The main reason why he had invited the wise Cathayan to his camp 
shows how much the conqueror was, despite all his greatness, submitted to 
the bondage of Time and conscious of it: he wanted to learn from Ch’ang 
Ch’un the secret of prolonging physical life and strength indefinitely. He had 
heard that the seekers of the Tao — the priests and monks of Ch’ang 
Ch’un’s sect — were in possession of such a secret. From his boyhood he 
had been fighting in order to survive; and in order to leave his family power 
and riches — the greatest enjoyment of life — in inheritance. Now that he 
was growing old, he clung to life 

1 Ralph Fox “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936). 



106 


more and more. His mind was not sufficiently detached to accept death 
joyfully — as so many of his own followers had accepted it for his sake. 
(His followers had him to love and to die for; but he loved nobody save 
himself and his progeny, being, in that respect, no better than millions of 
lesser men.) And when the serene man of meditation, the man “above 
Time,” told him that there was “no medicine for acquiring immortality,” he 
was disappointed. Yet, he was sufficiently impressed by Ch’ang Ch’un’s 
talk to grant him a decree exempting “all Taoist priests and institutions from 
the payment of tax.” 1 2 


* * * 

The journey across the mountain-ranges and steppes of Central Asia, 
back to Karakorum, took months. It was interrupted by great hunts and great 
feasts, after which took place athletic exercises and horse-races-sports dear, 
to the Mongols as to many other warrior-like peoples. It was saddened, for 
Genghis Khan, by the growing hostility that opposed Juchi to his other sons 
and by the departure of Bortei’s first-born — of doubtful birth — to the 
Kipchak steppes and, soon after, by the news of his death. But Genghis 
Khan’s own end was drawing nigh. 

The years 1226 and 1227 were filled with the conqueror’s last 
campaign: his second war against the former Tangut kingdom of Hsi-Hsia, 
whose king had rebelled against Mongol yoke. Genghis Khan died in August 
1227 — the year of the Pig, in the Calendar of the Twelve Beasts — after 
the Tangut had been defeated and while Kara-Khoto, their capital, was still 
besieged by his army. He died in the saddle, as he had lived, “on the upper 
Wei River, near the junction of the frontiers of the modern provinces of 
Kan-Su and Shen-Su.” His last order was to put the Tangut king and all his 
followers to death, as soon as Kara-Khoto would fall. 

The conqueror’s body was taken back to the ordu of the Yakka 
Mongols in the midst of which he had been born 


1 Ralph Fox. “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 234. Harold Lamb, loc. cit., p. 70. 

2 Ralph Fox. “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 240. 



107 


seventy years before. The men who carried him, lying in his coffin upon a 
two-wheeled wagon, killed every living creature, human being or beast, that 
they met on their way, according to Mongol custom. 1 In death as in life a 
trail of blood was to follow that extraordinary man, who had come into the 
world clutching a clot of blood in his right hand. 

He was buried in some place that he had himself designated long 
before — probably somewhere in the shade of Burkan Kaldun, the 
“Mountain of Power,” on which he had once communed with the Eternal 
Blue Sky, in the hour of distress; near the head waters of the Onon and of the 
Kurulen, but no one knows where, to this day, save, perhaps, (it is believed) 
a very small number of Mongols, who keep the knowledge religiously 
secret. 

When he lay in his grave, with offerings of meat and grain, with his 
bow and sword, and the bones of the last warhorse that he had mounted, 2 it 
was solemnly announced by the chief-shaman — the Beki, — who had 
presided over the burial ceremony, that his skillde or life-spirit had left his 
body to abide for ever in the Banner of the Nine Yak Tails — the banner of 
the Mongol tribe — so that it might, there, continue to lead his army to 
victory. For, kindled by the consciousness of the sombre beauty of his great 
life, the will to conquer had survived the conqueror. And his sons would 
continue and extend his work: strengthen the hold of the ever wealthier and 
more powerful Golden Family upon Asia and — they hoped — upon the 
world. 


So that no enemies might see the death cart of the Khan (or be, indirectly, caused to 
learn of his departure). (Harold Lamb, loc. cit, p. 75). 

“ Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 77. 



108 


CHAPTER VII 

FROM THE DANUBE TO THE YELLOW SEA 


The impulse which Genghis Khan had given the Mongols did not 
abate with his death. On the contrary: conquest went on with amazing 
rapidity and thoroughness — and skill — under his immediate successors, as 
though the god-like warrior’s skiilde had indeed taken abode in the Mongol 
banner. 

As we have said, Genghis Khan died in August 1227. Soon 
afterwards, the last resistance of the Kin (whose Emperor had gone south) 
was broken, Nan-king stormed, and the whole of China down to the River 
Yang-Tse definitively brought to submission. This was mainly the work of 
Subodai, the veteran general, who had served Genghis Khan all his life. But 
Ogodai — now Khakhan, — and his brother Tuli (who died on his way back 
to Karakorum) had led separate armies operating together with his, all 
through the early part of the campaign. Then, but a few years later, — in the 
summer of 1236, — the Mongol tumans, rested, and equipped anew, 
(provided with “a corps of Chinese engineers under the command of a k’ung 
pao, a master of artillery” 1 ) were again marching west; covering the sixty 
degrees of longitude that separated them from the limit, of the already 
conquered lands, in order to conquer more. Batu, son of Juchi, of whom the 
rich grasslands of Russia were to be the heritage; Mangu, son of Tuli; the 
promising young war-lord Kaidu, son of Kuyuk son of Ogodai, and Subodai, 
led the irresistible forces. The same unbelievably patient and cautious 
preparations as in the days of the dead conqueror, followed by the same 
swift action at the decisive, moment, characterised this new great campaign 
— the second one without the material presence of Genghis Khan. (They 
were to characterise all the following Mongol campaigns, for another thirty 
years.) 

The results are known. They are: the total collapse 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 121. 



109 


all Russian resistance and the conquest of half Europe by Genghis Khan’s 
countrymen. “In the month of February (1237), writes the historian, “twelve 
walled cities were obliterated. In the short space between December and the 
end of March, the free peoples of central Russia vanished. And the sturdy 
and turbulent independence of the Variag-govemed Slavs ceased to be.” 1 
The half-byzantine city of Kiev, which the Mongols named “the Court of the 
Golden Heads” on account of the resplendent domes of its many churches, 
was stormed on the 6th December 1240 and completely destroyed. And the 
Western march culminated in the famous battle of Liegnitz, (at which, on the 
9th April, 1241, Kaidu crushed the coalesced armies of Henry the Pious, 
Duke of Silesia, and of the Margrave of Moravia, before King Wenceslas of 
Bohemia had had time to join them,) and, nearly at the same time, in the 
defeat of King Bela on the banks of the River Sayo, and. in the conquest of 
Hungary by Subodai and Batu, soon followed by a further advance of the 
Mongol hosts, who, crossed the frozen Danube on Christmas Day and who, 
“with Gran smoking behind them, circled Vienna and pushed on as far as 
Neustadt.” 2 The arrival at the Mongol camp, in February 1242, of a courier 
from far-away Karakorum, with news of the Khakhan’s death and the order 
to march back to the kuriltai to be held in the homeland, put an end to the 
conquest of Europe. But Russia was to remain under Mongol yoke for over 
three hundred years. 

But that was not all. A little later — in 1253, when Mangu, son of 
Tuli, had succeeded short-lived Kuyuk son, of Ogodai, as, Khakhan, — 
Kubilai, Tub’s second son, “was ordered to march against the Sung Empire 
in southern China, that had never been invaded by Barbarians” 3 while, at the 
other end of Asia, Hulagu, another of Mangu’s brothers, started the 
campaign that was to make him the master of eastern Asia Minor, Syria and 
Iraq, extending the limits of the domination of the Golden Family to the 
shores of the Mediterranean and to the Arabian sands. 

In 1258, Mostasem, last Khalif of Baghdad, was captured 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 130. 

“ Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 156. 

3 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 208. 



110 


in his city. Hulagu had him wrapped in felt and trampled under the hoofs of 
the Mongol horses, so that his blood — royal blood — might not be shed. 
Baghdad was put to sack, and ruined. And although, about to march into 
Egypt, the grandson of Genghis Khan turned from his conquest at the news 
of Mangu’s death, to take part in the meeting of the Mongol princes in their 
distant homeland — as Subodai and Kaidu had turned from the conquest of 
Western Europe seventeen years before; — and although none of his 
descendants were ever to resume the onslaught against the civilised lands of 
the South, still, his son, Abaka, and, after him, five other princes of his 
blood, known in history as the “Il-Khans of Persia,” ruled in succession over 
the greater part of the lands he had conquered. The dynasty lasted till 1335. 

Meanwhile, in the Far East, Kubilai, now Khakhan after Mangu, and 
the master of the whole of China and of Yu-nan after years of war, received 
the formal submission of the lords of Tong-King and sent his fleets “to raid 
the Malayan coasts, and officers in disguise to explore the distant island of 
Sumatra.” 1 And his descendants, known in the Chinese annals as “the Yuan 
Dynasty,” held their domination until the priest Chu, known as Tai-Tsong, 
overthrew Shun-Ti, the last of them, in 1368, becoming himself the founder 
of the Ming Dynasty. 

In the steppes of High Asia, “from the forested Altai to the heights of 
Afghanistan” 2 — between the Chinese world, domain of Kubilai and of his 
sons, to the East, and the domain of the Il-Khans, sons of Hulagu, and that of 
the Khans of the Golden Horde, sons of Batu or sons of his brother Birkai, to 
the West, — ruled Kaidu, son of Kuyuk son of Ogodai; Kaidu, the victor of 
Liegnitz. “He had knit together the lands of the house of Ogodai — his own 

— and of the house of Chagatai.” 3 With his warrior-like daughter Ai-Yuruk, 

— one of the most fascinating feminine historic figures of all times, — 
constantly at his side, he lived and fought in the old Mongol fashion, 
contemptuous of his uncles’ increasing luxuries, and made frequent inroads 
into the lands of Kubilai Khan, to whom he never submitted. Of all Genghis 
Khan’s grandsons and great-grand-sons, 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 275. 

“ Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 243. 

3 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 274. 



Ill 


he was, perhaps, the one who resembled the great ancestor the most. Yet, in 
glaring contrast to him, “the one thing Kaidu lacked was patience.” 1 And 
that was enough to keep him in the background of history for ever, after the 
brilliant part he played under Subodai’s guidance, during the European 
campaign. One cannot help wondering what a different course events in Asia 
might have taken, had the gifted prince been also endowed with that mastery 
in the art of waiting, which is the quality of the strong, par excellence. 

However, the fact remains that the map of the lands conquered by 
Genghis Khan and by his immediate successors under the impulse his genius 
had given them, is singularly impressive. Never had there existed on earth 
such a great empire. Its territory stretched, in latitude, from the frozen 
“tundras” of Northern Siberia to the Persian Gulf, the Himalayas, and the 
jungles of Burma and Tong-King, and, in longitude, from the Danube and 
the Eastern Mediterranean to the Pacific Ocean. And the varied peoples thus 
assembled under the yoke of one family comprised more than half the total 
number of human beings. 


* * * 

And that was not all. More impressive even than the extent of the 
Mongol Empire was its extraordinary organisation, and the peace and 
security that followed, wherever Mongol domination was firmly established. 
“The Mongols proved in practice that they were as splendid organisers as 
they were soldiers,” 2 writes one of Genghis Khan’s modern biographers, 
summing up the staggering impression of efficiency in peace as well as in 
war that thirteenth century European observers — both monks and traders — 
gathered from a close contact with the Empire of the steppes. 

The most obvious mark of that amazing genius for organisation was, 
perhaps, the perfect safety in which travellers and merchants, and preachers 
of every faith, could move from relay to relay along the great post roads that 
ran in every direction, from one end of the Empire to the other. In Genghis 
Khan’s own days, or under his immediate successors Ogodai 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians,” p. 125. 

2 Ralph Fox, loc. cit, p. 254. 



112 


and Kuyuk, it is said that a fifteen year-old virgin, covered with jewels, 
could have walked through Asia unmolested, so high was the standard of 
honesty and so strict the discipline imposed upon every human being by the 
conqueror’s iron code of laws: the Yasa. And over a hundred years later, at 
the time the Florentine trader Francesco Balduci Pegolotti went along it as a 
representative of the important commercial firm of the Bardi, the land route 
to Cathay, which started from Tana on the Sea of Azov, was still “the safest 
in the world,” 1 thanks to the fact that the conqueror’s policy had been, to a 
great extent, carried on by his descendants. A merchant needed no escort 
whatsoever. In spite of many changes in the political structure of the Empire, 
Genghis Khan’s Yasa still preserved the “Mongolian peace” within all lands 
from Poland to the Pacific Ocean, at least as far as harmless travellers were 
concerned. 

“Dictated by Genghis Khan from time to time and traced upon leaves 
of gold by his secretaries,” 2 3 the Yasa was a strange code of laws. Age-old 
tribal regulations designed to enforce, a certain amount of cleanliness among 
the Mongols or illustrating the nomads’ particular conception of the spirit- 
world and their idea of its interference in human affairs, were to be found in 
it, side by side with dictates of a far broader scope — dictates revealing the 
conqueror’s will to make his conquest everlasting and his actual capacity of 
doing so if only... his successors would faithfully abide by his commands. It 
was, for instance, among many other things, forbidden to urinate upon the 
ashes of a fire, or to pollute running water even by making ablutions or 
washing clothes in it, for that water was to be drunk (and in Central Asia 
streams are rare). It was also forbidden “to walk in running water during the 
spring and summer” or “to walk over a fire” so as “not to trouble the titulary 
spirits of fire and water.” But at the same time, all Genghis Khan’s subjects 
were ordered “to respect all religious faiths without being bound by any one 
faith” 4 and not to quarrel with one another on any account. 


1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936), p. 187. 

“ Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 95. 

3 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 96. 

4 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 96. 



113 


The Yasa, in fact, imposed death penalty “for any evidence of quarrelling — 
even for spying upon another man, or taking sides with one of two who were 
disputing together”; 1 * and religious toleration was enforced only in order to 
avoid further occasions of dispute and further germs of division among the 
millions of people that the conqueror wished to unite. Likewise, fornication, 
sodomy, magic and deliberate lying — all sins that could give rise to 
personal jealousies and sow seeds of dissension among people, and that 
could not but enervate them both physically and morally; or sins that might 
forward possibilities of rebellion — were punished by death; so was, also, 
and above all, “disobedience to an order” and “any attempt of a lesser man 
to use the authority that belonged to the khakhan alone.” The only loyalty 
which both Mongols and subject people were to share was loyalty to the 
khakhan “Emperor of all men”; their one religion above all religions wad to 
be the strong sense of duty that bound them to him through the 
representatives of his authority at all levels of that military hierarchy upon 
which rested, throughout the conquered world, what we have called “the 
Mongol peace.” 

In other words, the Yasa was, first and foremost, a military code 
designed to stabilise for all times to come the result of Genghis Khan’s 
conquests — and of the conquests of his successors; — a legal system that 
would “hold his Mongols together as a clan through all changes in fortune,” 3 
and also hold down the subject people under them, permanently. And it is 
only to be expected that it went into many details with regard to the 
equipment and discipline of the army in war time, 4 while it imposed upon all 
Mongols a truly military-like comradeship and equality in peace time as 
well. (No Mongol was “to eat in the presence of another without sharing his 
food with him,” and “no one was to satisfy his hunger more than another”). 5 
But it was also, as Harold Lamb has written, “a one-man’s family code,” 6 for 
in Genghis Khan’s eyes Mongol domination meant nothing else but the 
domination of the 

1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 96. 

“ Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit, 1941), p. 96. 

3 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 95. 

4 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 121. 

5 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 95. 

6 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 97. 



114 


“Golden Family” — of his family — endlessly prolonging his own absolute 
rule. He had struggled all his life in order to assure riches and power — 
unshakable security, — for his sons and grandsons. He deviced the Yasa and 
made it the one law binding together fifty conquered kingdoms, not in view 
of the happy evolution of these kingdoms under the best possible conditions, 
but in view of their most intelligent, most efficient and lasting exploitation 
for the profit of the children of his own blood — the only men who were 
allowed to touch the sheets of gold upon which the new Law was written. 
And he had in fact said: “If the descendants bom after me keep to the Yasa, 
and do not change it, for a thousand and ten thousand years the Everlasting 
Sky will aid and preserve them.” 1 

One of the most striking practical results of his legislation was that, 
during his lifetime — and for quite a long time afterwards, — he actually 
managed to eradicate crime among the Mongols and to make the various 
countries which the latter had conquered the best organised in the world. No 
doubt, the Yasa “worked hardship enough on subject peoples and those 
enslaved by the wars”; 2 yet those peoples, accustomed to the misrule of 
decaying dynasties or to the whimsical tyranny of petty chieftains, were 
benefited by it to the extent that order, however harsh it be, is always better 
than disorder. 

But the self-centred family spirit in, which the iron code of laws was 
conceived was the very reason why it could not keep the Empire together for 
ever. Nothing short of the impersonal cult of truth — of absolute devotion to 
a state of things built upon objective tmth, — can keep even a few thousands 
people together for ever. It is (when one comes to think of it) amazing that 
the Yasa remained “a sort of religion” 3 to the Mongols themselves for so 
long after the death of the great conqueror. 

* * * 

The respect in which the legislation was held was due to the personal 
devotion that every Mongol felt for Genghis Khan, rather than to ideological 
reasons. Genghis Khan’s world 

1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 95. 

“ Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 97. 

3 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 97. 



115 


was obeyed blindly, unconditionally, even years after his death, just because 
it was his word — the word of a victorious Leader in whom every Mongol 
revered the one appointed by the Everlasting Blue Sky to rule the earth. For 
two generations, nobody — save, perhaps, Juchi, and his son Batu, — 
dreamed of disobeying its dictates. It stated, for instance, that, at the death of 
a khakhan, the princes of the Golden Family and the chieftains of the army 
should gather, from wherever they might happen to be, in the Mongolian 
homeland, for the election of a new khakhan. So when, in February 1242, 
the news of Ogodai’s death was brought to Subodai’s headquarters on the 
Danube, the veteran general and the Mongolian army just about to move 
further west and to conquer the whole of Europe (where nothing could have 
stopped them) turned back, and started the long long journey to Karakorum 
as a matter of course. To Subodai, — and to every one of the chiefs, save 
Batu, — to disregard the summons to the appointed kuriltai was 
“unthinkable.” 1 And as the conqueror had expressly designed his second (or 
third) son, Ogodai, to be khakhan after him, the Mongol chiefs had sworn at 
their first kuriltai never to elect a khakhan who were not a member of the 
house of Ogodai; and at the second gathering of the blood-kin, after 
Ogodai’s death, they elected Kuyuk, Ogodai’s son. But although nobody — 
not even Batu — dreamed of questioning the authority of the Yasa openly, 
those of its dictates that stood in the way of mere than one ambitious 
member of the Golden Family were simply ignored (if not deliberately 
brushed aside) after Kuyuk had died; and more and more so, as time went 
on. 

Mangu’s election to the supreme dignity of khakhan, away from the 
Mongol homeland, in Batu’s camp at the mouth of the River Imil, at a 
kuriltai at which not one of the princes of the house of Ogodai was present, 
was illegal from the standpoint of the Yasa. And even more so (if that be 
possible) was, after Mango’s death, the election of his brother Kubilai, in the 
Chinese town of Shang-tu, at an assembly attended only by the officers of 
the Left Wing of the army — of his army — and by Chinese officials. These 
elections, the result of both of which was a further blow to the unity of the 
Mongol Empire, in defiance of Genghis Khan’s life-long 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 161. 



116 


aim and dearest dreams, were possible only because the members of the 
Golden Family that were thus favoured loved themselves and their own sons 
more than the memory of the great Ancestor to whose conquests they owed 
their place in the world; more than the Golden Family at large, whose 
domination he had struggled to secure at all costs. In other words, Mangu 
and Kubilai, (and, still more than they, their ambitious and patient mother, 
Siyurkuktiti, whose clever intrigues are at the bottom of the rise of the house 
of Tuli to supreme, power) had Genghis Khan’s own attitude to life: nothing 
guided them in their decisions but the lust of plenty and power — of security 
for ever, — for the sons and grandsons of their own loins. 

No doubt, they were both remarkable men and they achieved great 
things in war as well as in the administration of the conquered lands. They 
both extended the limits of the already immense Mongol Empire. Yet, by 
accepting the khakhan’s throne from an illegally assembled kuriltai (as 
Mangu did) or by actually grabbing it through a sort of coup d’etat (as 
Kubilai did, when he gathered his followers in Shang-tu) they both rose 
against the order established by Genghis Khan and prepared the collapse of 
his life’s work; they wrought the disintegration of what he had welded 
together and had intended to keep together. The Conqueror had indeed told 
his sons and their sons: “While you are together and of one mind, you will 
endure. If you are separated, you will be broken.” 1 Mangu and Kubilai 
separated themselves from the rest of the Golden Family, in particular from 
the sons and grandsons of Ogodai, legitimate heirs to the domination of the 
steppes by Genghis Khan’s own choice, — and that, nay, while there was, 
among others, in the person of Kaidu son of Kuyuk, the victor of Liegnitz 
and the hero of Hungary, a brilliant representative of the privileged House to 
which the Mongol chieftains had pledged their faith at the first kuriltai held 
after Genghis Khan’s death. 

Batu, of course, already years before, had not cared to go back to the 
Mongol homeland to attend the assembly that had raised Kuyuk to the 
throne. As it is, however, not sure 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 82. 



117 


whether his father, Juchi, was Genghis Khan’s own son or not, his attitude 
may seem more natural than that of his cousins. But from the standpoint of 
the Yasa, it was no less censurable. Genghis Khan himself had given his 
sons the order to march against Juchi when the latter had failed to obey his 
summons to a gathering of the Mongol chiefs. For the Yasa was binding on 
all Mongols — no less than on the subject peoples that were barred from the 
Mongol privileges. 


* * * 

Batu’s refusal to march back to Karakorum in order to sit there as lord 
of the West, among the other Mongol princes, his kinsmen, lords of various 
conquered lands, at the kuriltai, that was to appoint Kuyuk khakhan, “Lord 
of the world”; and, a few years later, the election of Mangu by an assembly 
illegally held in Batu’s camp by the Lake of the Eagles; and, after that, the 
election of Kubilai, also away from the, Mongol homeland and against the 
will of more than half the Golden Family, were, as I said, acts of 
disobedience to Genghis Khan’s order to his descendants to “remain 
together.” A subtler, yet no less flagrant defiance of the conqueror’s will is 
to be noted in the gradual conversion of all but a few princes of the Golden 
Family to various foreign religions and cultures — in their absorption into 
the civilisations of the subject nations. 

Significantly enough, it is among those descendants of Genghis Khan 
who played in history the greatest part — the princes of the house of Juchi, 
rulers of Russia, and the princes of the house of Tuli, emperors of China and 
11-Khans of Persia, — that Mongols, followers of the ways of the conquered 
peoples are to be found. Birkai, son of Juchi, “the first of the line of Genghis 
Khan to yield himself to a religion,” 1 embraced Islam and, what is more, 
championed the cause of Islam in war, against his cousin, Flulagu. And 
Sartak, Batu’s eldest son, is said to have embraced Christianity, — although 
one has to admit that, in his life among many wives, amidst surroundings 
that appeared to the Belgian Friar William of Ruysbroek as those “of another 
age,” 2 he hardly seems to 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 194. 
“ Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 195. 



118 


have taken the Christian standards of behaviour into account. At the other 
end of the earth, Kubilai, son of Tuli, who, in his youth, had learnt the 
pictographic script of Cathay along with elements of Chinese wisdom under 
Yao Chow, was more of a Chinese potentate than of a Mongol Khakhan. 
Before he conquered the south of China, he had himself, says the historian, 
“been conquered by the Chinese” and “he may not have realised, or he may 
not have cared, that, in uniting China, he had brought the Empire of the 
steppes to an end.” 1 But the Chinese can only have “conquered him” because 
the appeal which their luxuries and their wisdom had for him war” stronger 
than his attachment to Genghis Khan’s great dream. With Timur, Kubilai’s 
grandson and successor, who had “lost; the energy and simplicity of the 
barbarians,” 2 the old idea of military rule and of the Mongols’ aloofness 
from the conquered peoples was completely forgotten. The Buddhists were 
given new privileges. 3 The Yuan Dynasty had already become a Chinese 
dynasty after many others. 

And in Persia, where Hulagu himself had followed Genghis Khan’s 
Mongol policy detached from all religion, and where Abaka, his son and 
successor, kept an empty throne beside him, raised higher than his own, as a 
symbol of his submission to the distant, khakhan in the East (who then, 
happened to be Kubulai) Islam and Persian culture prevailed in the end 
among Genghis Khan’s descendants. At Abaka’s death in 1282, another of 
Hulagu’s sons became a convert to the faith of the Prophet and held the 
throne for two years under the name of Ahmed, until he met his fate in a 
popular rising. Arghun, son of Abaka, who then rose to power, was not a 
Mohammadan. But his successor, Ghazan, became one. And the following 
Il-Khans of Persia, easygoing patrons of art — with less and less of Genghis 
Khan’s blood in their veins — were definitively conquered to the religion 
and life of the land, over which they ruled with the help of Mohammadan 
wiziers and where “all trace of Hulagu” — and of Genghis Khan — “had 
been lost.” 4 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 270. 

“ Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 233. 

3 Harold Lamb, Ibid., p. 281. 

4 Harold Lamb, Ibid., p. 287. 



119 


Alone the princes of the house of Chagatai and those of the 
dispossessed house of Ogodai (to whom Genghis Khan had wished to give 
pre-eminence over the others) remained unaffected by the lure of foreign 
vanities and foreign subtleties of thought; faithful to the old Mongol way of 
life. And they found in Kaidu son of Kuyuk son of Ogodai son of Genghis 
Khan a chieftain worthy of them, “a hard soul, indifferent to religion, 
determined to lead the steppe dwellers to war” 1 — a man who despised the 
refinements of decadence which others called civilisation. And Kaidu, to 
whom the elder Mongols had given the title of Khakhan 2 and who was the 
master of High Asia from Afghanistan to the Altai ranges, fought all his life 
against hiss uncle Kubilai who had turned from both the letter and the spirit 
of the Yasa to become the founder of the Yuan Dynasty of Cathay. 

But it is difficult to say how far Kaidu was (any more than Genghis 
Khan himself) a disinterested idealist. He doubtless deplored the gradual 
absorption of the conquerors by the conquered people, the submission of 
Mongols to strange religions, contrarily to the great Ancestor’s command the 
prevalence of a different strange etiquette at each of the different new 
Mongol courts. He doubtless deplored the fact that “the Mongol empire was 
dismembering swiftly into its four quarters;” that “the homelands had ceased 
to have any significance” 3 and that it was probably already too late to try to 
put things right again in accordance with Genghis Khan’s dream. Yet, at 
least from the little we know of his ardent life, all his bravery and skill — 
just like his great-grandsire’s, and that of the other Mongol princes — were 
put to the service of one purpose: his own survival and power and that of his 
family in the narrow sense of the word. He certainly should have been 
proclaimed khakhan in the place of Mangu, at Kuyuk’s death. And Mangu 
— and Kubilai — should have acted as his lieutenants, stabilising and 
extending the Mongol conquests for him and with him, with selfless zeal, so 
as to make Genghis Khan’s work everlasting. If they did not do so, it is 
because they loved themselves and their own families 


1 Harold Lamb, Ibid., p. 242-243. 

2 Harold Lamb, Ibid., p. 273. 

3 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 244. 



120 


— the children, of their own bodies — more than any great imperial dream 
that could no longer be directly and personally connected with them; 
because they failed to feel for their nephew of genius, of the privileged 
house of Ogodai, that sort of loyalty which a knight feels for his king. But 
nothing we know of Kaidu’s history goes to prove that he was, in any way, 
different from them in his purpose, however much he might have been in his 
tastes; nothing suggests that he was, any less that they or than Genghis Khan 
himself, what I have called in the beginning of this book a “man ‘in Time’.” 

* * * 

The actually disinterested characters, more than any others the makers 
of Mongol greatness in the thirteenth century, are to be sought among 
Genghis Khan’s devoted followers rather than among his own grandsons and 
great-grandsons. Towering above them all stands one of the finest war-lords 

— and also one of the finest men — of all times: Subodai. 

The very embodiment of the highest and purest warrior-like virtues, 
he had, from the early days of Genghis Khan’s struggle for power — for 
fifty years; all his life — fought with irresistible efficiency, with vision, with 
genius, not for any profit or glory of his own but solely for the greatness and 
glory of the Leader whom he loved and revered. He had served him 
brilliantly in his westward lightning march, and scaled the Caucasus and 
raided the Russian plains at his command. And, after his death, he had 
conquered China down to Nanking for his successors, in a campaign that 
was a masterpiece of warfare, directing sieges with unfailing skill, and, just 
as in the West, ordering mass-massacres without a trace of either glee or 
horror — with perfect detachment — whenever he considered it a military 
necessity and had received no orders not to do so. He had conquered Russia, 
Poland, Hungary, — half Europe, — for Ogodai, Genghis Khan’s son, and 
turned his back on his conquests as a matter of course, without resentment, 
without regret, when, at Ogodai’s death, he had received the summons to 
attend the customary assembly of chiefs in far-away Karakorum. And then, 
when Kuyuk son of Ogodai was preparing to march against Bata, who had 
defied his authority; when, for the first time, Mongols were to fight 



121 


Mongols, he retired from active life, with the permission of the khakhan. He 
retired “to his yurt in the steppes by the River Tula.” And “there he put away 
the insignia of his rank and took to sitting on the sunny side of his yurt, 
watching his herds go out to grazing.” 1 

“A soldier without a weakness” 2 in the words of John of Carpini, the 
first European to visit the Mongol realm of his own accord; “implacable as 
death itself,” in the words of the modern historian Harold Lamb, he had but 
one love: Genghis Khan, his Leader; and he knew but one law: the Yasa, 
expression of Genghis Khan’s will, and one morality: absolute obedience to 
that will. And when facts told him that that will no longer ruled the new 
world which he had helped to build, he retired from the world — back to his 
flocks, back to obscurity; back to the nothingness out of which Mongol 
grandeur had sprang through Genghis Khan, and into which it was, one day, 
to sink, once more, now that the conqueror’s command to “remain together” 
no longer bound the Golden family. Absolute devotion can only exteriorise 
itself in absolute obedience or, — when obedience has lost all meaning; 
when the Leader’s will, which is the sole measure of right and wrong, is 
defeated on the material plane, — in silence. 

It is the presence of such characters as Subodai — of men 
unconditionally devoted to Genghis Khan (or to his memory) without a trace 
of selfishness — at all levels of the Mongol military hierarchy, that enabled 
the conqueror’s work to last as long as it did. Had Genghis Khan’s own 
grandsons and great-grandsons all had that spirit, and had they “remained 
together,” contemptuously aloof from the beliefs and controversies and 
interests of the vanquished, — faithful to the Yasa alone, or at least to the 
purpose of the Yasa, — the stupendous Empire of the steppes might have 
endured for centuries. As things stood, it is, as I have said before, a wonder 
that it endured as long as it did. 

Lor it was the monument of one extraordinary man’s successful 
ambition, not a historical structure based upon 


Harold Lamb, loc. cit., p. 178. 

2 

Harold Lamb, loc. cit., p. 178. 

3 

Harold Lamb, loc. cit., p. 111. 



122 


truth; not a step towards a new world-order conceived on the model of the 
eternal Order of Life. And the Yasa, on the obedience to which its strength 
rested, was “a one man’s family code ” 1 not the charta of a new faith nearer 
to truth than the then existing ones. It had been deviced to keep the 
conquered world enslaved to the descendants of one man, because that man 
had fought and conquered for himself and for them, not because they had 
been given by Nature any special right to rule for ever; not because they 
represented in any way a permanently superior type of humanity. 

One cannot but understand — and admire — Subodai’s devotion to 
his Leader. It was a glaring homage to the greatness of personality, that 
essence of leadership; a recognition of the unquestionable rights that 
personality enjoys, according to the laws of life. In devoting his genius to the 
strong man whom the Everlasting Blue Sky had appointed to rule the earth, 
Subodai was, in all humility and wisdom, faithful to those eternal Laws. And 
so were all those who, like him, followed Genghis Khan without even 
thinking of what advantages and glory they would thereby win for 
themselves. 

But one has to admit that, beautiful as it certainly is in itself, such 
devotion is not enough to build up either a lasting empire or a lasting 
civilisation. That alone which is rooted in truth is lasting. And for absolute 
devotion to a Leader to have its full creative — and lasting — potency, 
(which is, sooner or later , bound to mould the course of history according to 
the Leader’s dreams) the Leader himself should be more than an ambitious 
self-centred man in quest of security and power for his own family; more 
than a man “in Time,” however great. He should be worthy of absolute 
devotion, worthy of life-long day to day unconditional sacrifice, not merely 
in the eyes of his enthusiastic followers, who might idealise him, but from 
the impersonal standpoint of what is called in the Bhagavad-Gita “the 
welfare of the Universe” — from the point of view of the purpose of Life. In 
other words, he should himself be a selfless soul; a man striving with 
detachment to “live in Truth” and calling others to do like-wise, — whether 
“above Time,” like King Akhnaton or the Buddha, or “against Time,” like 
Lord Krishna, the political 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 97. 



123 


karmayogi, in most ancient India; like the Prophet Mohamed or, in our 
times, the inspired Builder of the only order of truth in the world after many 
centuries: Adolf Hitler. In all other cases his work, however staggering it be, 
will perish with him or soon after him. Loyalty to him will die out, as it did 
in the instance of Genghis Khan, soon after the few of his contemporaries 
who followed him with disinterested love have all died, — or it will become 
as good as dead: an accepted tradition of reverence, perpetuating the leader’s 
memory, but incapable of holding down the passions that stand in the way of 
complete obedience to his will. Loyalty to a man always dies out, sooner or 
later, when it is not at the same time loyalty to a system, to a faith, to a scale 
of values — to something more than a man, which alone that type of leader 
who is himself a disinterested idealist can represent; when it is not loyalty to 
impersonal truth. 

As I said, there was no Ideology behind Genghis Khan’s will to 
power; no conscious purpose other than the survival and welfare of himself 
and of his family. And therefore the Yasa represented no scale of values. 
Admittedly, it gave the Mongols special rights and forced upon them special 
duties, before all, the duty of remaining together, faithful to the Golden 
Family and aloof from the civilisations that they had set out to crush. But it 
laid down no rule of conduct that aimed at keeping them in fact — 
physically — different from the conquered nations. It forbade them to 
quarrel among themselves; it forbade them to yield, themselves to strange 
religions; but it omitted to forbid them to mingle their blood in marriage 
with that of the conquered Chinese, Persians, Russians, Magyars; to become, 
themselves, a new people. Genghis Khan, says Harold Lamb, had not 
allowed for “the effect of education on a simple people. He had thought, it 
appears, that they would learn and still remain nomads .” 1 We believe that 
they could have “learnt” and still have remained, if not “nomads” at least 
Mongols united in the pride of their common strength round a united Golden 
Family, had they not taken to wife women of ail nations. One of the main 
reasons why the Golden Family itself was gradually absorbed into the 
civilisations of the conquered (with the 


1 Harold Lamb, “The March of the Barbarians” (edit. 1941), p. 97. 



124 


exception of the houses of Chagatai and Ogodai, that remained in the 
steppes, isolated from the outer world) was that, from the start, — in the 
very Yasa — no stress was ever laid upon the necessity of avoiding mixtures 
of blood. And the main reason why Genghis Khan had never mentioned — 
let alone stressed — such a necessity, is to be sought in the fact that all he 
wanted after his own survival and domination was the domination of his own 
family , solely because it was his own — not because it was the most able to 
lead the Mongols to endless conquests, nor because the Mongols, as a 
people, had, even in his eyes, any greater inherent value than other nations, 
and any natural right to rule the world (which indeed they had not). To him, 
in fact, it mattered little how far his descendants would or not remain full- 
fledged Mongols, provided that they were his descendants; provided that he 
would live in them, anyhow. (But would he — could he — continue living 
in them, after they no longer would be, physically, full-fledged Mongols? 
We believe he could not. He apparently believed he could and would or, 
more probably, did not even put himself the question). He thought his iron 
code of laws was sufficient to keep the Mongols and the conquered outer 
world in obedience to his descendants for ever, if they — the latter — 
“remained together.” He did not realise what factors would unavoidably lead 
them to fall apart. 

Curiously enough, it is precisely because his descendants had exactly 
the same outlook as he himself — because they too sought their own 
immediate welfare, their own power, and the future of their own sons, in 
other words, themselves, and not the triumph of any impersonal Ideology, in 
all their achievements; because they had no Ideology (any more than he had 
had) — that they started to disobey him: to quarrel among themselves; to 
build up separate kingdoms; to champion their newly acquired foreign faiths 
against one another; to turn their backs to the Yasa. 

They had not for Genghis Khan, whom many of them had never 
known personally, the selfless devotion that Subodai had. And the conqueror 
had given them nothing to which they could, throughout centuries, pin their 
faith and give their love; nothing for which they could fight unceasingly, 
regardless of personal advantages and even of glory, as Subodai and so 
many others had fought for him. On the contrary, 



125 


he had left them the memory of a man who had struggled all his life for 
himself alone and whose patient, cunning, thorough, ruthless service of 
himself had led to the mastery of more than half Asia. They followed his 
example (not Subodai’s), every one of them for his own account. They 
followed it without his genius, and without that spirit of binding solidarity 
that he had tried so hard to give them but failed to put into their hearts in the 
sole name of their common descent from him; — without that spirit of 
solidarity which it is not possible to infuse into any human collectivity for 
long, save in the name of some higher truth, rooted in the lives of the people 
but exceeding them by far; in the name of some higher purpose, sustained in 
the consciousness of absolute, eternal Truth. And after the third or fourth 
generation, they followed it without even being, most of them, as pure 
Mongols as before. 

The result was the splitting up of the Mongol Empire and the 
acceleration of the material and moral decay of Asia as a whole, and, — 
after the empire had altogether ceased to, exist; after the sons of Kaidu had 
sunk back into obscurity, and after the Mongol dynasties directly sprung 
from Genghis Khan had been overthrown in Persia, China, and finally 
Russia, — the tragic absence of any great force capable of helping Asia to 
rise from the ruins of the worn-out kingdoms that the Mongol horsemen had 
smashed or from the increasing apathy of the others (such as the Indian 
ones). Tamerlane and, a century later, Baber, warriors of Genghis Khan’s 
race and, like him, men essentially “in Time” — centred round themselves, 
— were not able to arrest the decay, even though the latter built up in India 
an empire that endured over two hundred and fifty years; on the contrary, 
they rather hastened it, in the long run. And if the selfless warrior-like spirit, 
the true immemorial Aryan spirit expressed in the Bhagavad-Gita, never 
died in India, where it was in constant clash with foreign ideas, it was not 
alive enough to raise out of India such a Kshattriya as could play, on the) 
political plane, a part of lasting international importance. 

“The sword of Genghis Khan wrought a great revolution, but it was 
Asia in the end which lost by it, Europe, which gained ,” 1 writes Ralph Fox, 
meaning thereby that the failure 


1 Ralph Fox, “Genghis Khan” (edit. 1936). 



126 


of Genghis Khan’s descendants to create and to organise a new Asia on the 
basis of his Yasa resulted in the whole continent soon becoming the 
competition ground — and the prey — of merchants from Europe, whether 
Italian, Portuguese, Dutch, French or British; that it contributed more than 
one is generally inclined to believe to the growth of the new, cynically 
money worshipping world which was to replace mediaeval Christendom in 
the West and to subdue the whole earthly sphere (save an irreducible 
minority of genuine idealists) to the tyranny of its false values; of the ugly 
world dominated to this day by international Finance. 

It is a noteworthy (and, in our eyes, not an accidental fact) that the 
only country in Asia that escaped both slavery to the great European trade 
Companies in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and the infection of 
modem Democracy in the twentieth, while on the other hand it also resisted 
the influence of the Christian missionaries (and even openly fought it, for a 
long time at least), is Japan — the one country to have victoriously defied 
the might of Kubilai Khan with the help of the “divine Wind of Ise.” 1 And it 
is hardly possible not to oppose the self-centred attitude of Genghis Khan’s 
descendants no less than his own, to that disinterested, active, devotional 
nationalism of the Japanese, expressed to this day in the highest form of 
Shintoism: in the Emperor-cult and the cult of the Race, both merged into 
the cult of the Sun, the cult of Life; to that spirit that was, one day, to give 
birth to Toyoma and to make Tojo and the Japanese warlords and soldiers 
and people of 1941 the allies of the great European Man “against Time,” 
champion par excellence of the rights of Life in the modern phase of Life’s 
age-old stmggle against the dark Forces of disintegration and death. 


1 On the 14th August, 1281. 


Written in Lyons (France) in 1951 and 1952. 



127-128 


PART III 

THE SUN 


(Akhnaton) 



129 


CHAPTER VIII 

“THE BEAUTIFUL CHILD OF THE LIVING ATON” 


Two hundred years of victorious war had put Egypt at the head of 
nations in what was, then, — some 1420 years before the Christian Era, — 
the “known world.” Loaded with the spoils both of Semites and Nubians and 
Negroes, her young King, Menkheperura — Thotmose the Fourth — ruled 
in splendour from the waters of the Upper Euphrates to the Fifth and even to 
the Sixth Cataract of the Nile. And Thebes, his capital, was the most 
gorgeous city the world had yet seen, and the Great God, Amon, — the old 
tribal god of Thebes, raised to the rank of the supreme State-god, — the 
most honoured and the most feared of all gods, and his priests, the richest 
and the most powerful men in the land — hardly less powerful than the king 
himself, who was looked upon as son of Amon, and said to hold his absolute 
authority directly from him. 

The sea-lords of Crete and of the Aegean Isles were doubtless great 
potentates. And so was the king of the Hittites, who ruled over a sturdy and 
stubborn people in far-away Hattushah, near modem Ankara. And so was 
the king of Babylon (India and China were too remote to speak of.) But none 
could be compared with Pharaoh. And that world above which Egypt 
towered like the Theban god Amon above the other many gods of the Nile 
Valley and of the Empire, was already thousands of years old. And within its 
diversity it possessed certain traits of culture which were common to all or 
nearly all its people, from the easy-going, art-loving Cretans to the 
merchants, sages and toiling masses of Dravidian India: it placed the 
authority of the priest (or priestess) above that of the warrior, nay, it sought 
in the super-natural the normal source of all authority; and it saw in the 
mystery of death something more important even than life itself. It was an 
old, old world, in which each people lived slowly and regularly 



130 


according to long-established Tradition, the origin of which was lost in the 
past, the meaning of which was being — or had already been — forgotten by 
all save perhaps a few initiates. And of all nations, Egypt was perhaps the 
one that had been living for the longest time to a slow rhythm. 

Now, the Gods, who govern all things from within, put a strange 
desire into Pharaoh’s, heart — an unheard — of yearning to mingle himself 
with that which lay beyond the limits of the self-contained world that he 
dominated, — and he asked Artatama, king of Mitanni, for one of his 
daughters to wife. This was against the immemorial custom of Egypt, where 
kings usually married their own sisters, or at least close relations. It was 
also, apparently, against the custom of Mitanni for “six times did Thotmose 
the Fourth make his request in vain.” 1 But it was the first and most decisive 
of the happenings that had to take place, in order to make possible the 
appearing of an extraordinary prince — true Child of the Sun — half a 
century later. 

For beyond the boundaries of that self-contained Near and Middle 
East, in which Egypt was supreme, the young, beautiful — and gifted — 
Aryan race, whose tremendous destiny was not yet clear, except to the Gods 
themselves and to its own sages, was pushing forward from the North-West 
to the South and to the South-East, seeking further living space among the 
people of the old nations. It was, in duration of years, perhaps as old as they 
or nearly so, perhaps actually the youngest race on earth. But it was anyhow 
— and was fated to remain — young in outlook. It believed in the pre¬ 
eminence of Action over Speculation. It placed the warrior and king above 
the priest, and the worship of Life above the thirst of the Unknown which is 
beyond. It was confident in its own vitality, and confident in its God- 
ordained mission. And it worshipped Light as the most glorious visible 
expression of the Energy which is Life Itself, and the Sun as the Source of 
Light and Life. And the kings, Allies of Egypt, who now held sway over the 
land of Mitanni, within the great bend of the Upper Euphrates, still 
controlling what was, one day, to 


Sir Wallis Budge, ‘Tutankhamen, Amenism, Atenism and Egyptian Monotheism” (edit. 
1923), p. 20. 



131 


be known as Assyria, 1 belonged to that predestined race (as did, for the last 
five hundred years, the kings of Babylon). 2 

Pharaoh’s marriage to King Artatama’s daughter was to bring together 
— for the first time to our knowledge, — two worlds that had hitherto co¬ 
existed without meeting save in occasional war: the “known world” headed 
by Egypt, with its close and remote connections in time and space: older 
Egypt, up to pre-dynastic days; minoan Crete, with its two thousand year-old 
past; immemorial Sumeria, and the kindred peaceful civilisation of the Indus 
Valley, and the Aryan world of the time and of unsuspected past and future 
ages, from the Germanic tribes, with their Sun and Star worship already 
centuries old, 3 to rising Sanskrit India. The immediate result — to be 
experienced within a few decades, after a blaze of splendour, — was 
disaster, both for Egypt and for the Kingdom of Mitanni (which a weakened 
Egypt could no longer protect against the growing power of its neighbours). 
The result for all times was, in the person of the grandson of the royal 
couple, a lonely, short-lived pioneer of that Golden Age (of the next Time- 
cycle) that we are still awaiting; a Child of Light living “above Time” — “in 
Truth, for ever and ever,” — Akhnaton, Founder of the famous Religion of 
the Disk. 


* * * 

Six times had Thotmose the Fourth made his request in vain. We 
know it from a letter addressed by Dushratta, king of Mitanni — Artatama’s 
grandson, — to Akhnaton. 4 Mitanni was a small kingdom; nothing to be 
compared with the mighty Egyptian Empire. But was not Aryan blood to be 
kept pure? Was it not more valuable even than the Theban throne and all its 
glory? One can indeed find no other explanation of King Artatama’s 
repeated refusal to give his daughter in marriage to the most powerful 
monarch of his times. 

The friendship of the powerful is sweet, however; — sweet... and 
useful. And, harder than the desire to please 

1 R. H. Hall, “Ancient History of the Near East” (edit. 1936), p. 260. 

2 

The Kings of the Kassite Dynasty. 

3 Wilhelm Teudt, “Germanische Heiligtumer” (edit. 1929), p. 38 and following. 

4 See Winckler “Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna,” No. 24, p. 51. The letter is — or 
was, till 1945, — preserved in Berlin. 



132 


Pharaoh — or the awareness that it was good policy to please him, — a 
Destiny was steadily pressing Artatama to accept, to submit, in the interest 
he knew not of what. And “after the seventh asking, the king of Mitanni 
gave his daughter to the king of Egypt.” 1 The new Queen forsook her Aryan 
name and adopted an Egyptian one, more in keeping with her new position 
— Mutemuya, or “Mut in the sacred bark” 2 — and is styled upon the 
monuments as “hereditary princess, Great Lady, presiding over the South 
and over the North.” Of her personality and actual influence nothing is 
known. It can only be surmised that she would, in her new home, feel herself 
drawn to the old Sun-gods of Ann, or On, which the Greeks were one day to 
call Heliopolis — to Ra-Horakhti of the Two Horizons; to Atem or Aton, the 
fiery, Disk — more akin than Amon to her native Aryan gods Mithra and 
Surya, rather than to the exalted tribal god of Thebes. Her real, undeniable 
contribution to the further history of Egypt (and of religious thought) lies 
however in the fact that she gave birth to King Amenhotep the Third — 
Amenhotep the Magnificent — who, whatever may have been his interest or 
lack of interest in philosophical matters, was himself half-Aryan. 

* * * 

Amenhotep the Third married one of the most remarkable feminine 
characters of Antiquity, Tiy, daughter of Yuaa and of Tuau, or Tuaa. 

Yuaa, although he was a priest of the age-old Egyptian fertility-god, 
Min, was a foreigner “from North Syria” or, to be more precise, from 
Mitanni, 4 Queen Mutemuya’s land, the ruling aristocracy of which was, like 
the king, Aryan, whatever mixture of Semitic and Hittite blood the bulk of 
its population may have been. Sir Flinders Petrie holds him to have been one 
of those numerous allied or vassal princes that were then brought up at the 
Egyptian Court. One does not know whether Queen Tiy’s mother, Tuau or 
Tuaa, who, according to most scholars, was of royal descent, was a full- 
blooded 


Sir W. Budge, “Tutankhamon, Amenism, Atenism and Egyptian Monotheism” (edit. 
1923), p. 20. 

2 Sir Flinders Petrie, “History of Egypt,” Vol. II, p. 174. 

3 Sir W. Budge, l.c., p. 20. 

4 Sir Flinders Petrie, “History of Egypt,” Vol. II, p. 183. 



133 


Egyptian or partly or wholly Mitannian inspite of her Egyptian name. “In a 
letter sent by Dushratta, king of Mitanni, to Akhnaton, Tiy is called “my 
sister which would indicate that she herself was, through one of her 
parents at least, if not through both, of royal Mitannian blood. 

Much has been written’ about the probable influence of the many 
Mitannians who lived at the Egyptian Court — and in particular in 
Amenhotep the Third’s “house of women” — upon the education of the 
young prince who was to ascend the throne as Amenhotep the Fourth, and to 
become immortal under the name of Akhnaton. I have, in another book, 
striven to show how difficult such an influence is to prove, and stressed that 
Akhnaton’s conception of one cosmic Godhead as opposed to the many gods 
of Egypt, was the outcome of his own direct intuition, rather than that of any 
external influences ideas of genius always are. The truth is that the Religion 
of Aton — the Sun-disk, — which Sir Flinders Petrie judged “fit for our 
tittles,” 1 2 3 4 is the one glaring instance of Aryan creativeness within an ancient 
Egyptian setting. It is so, however, not so much because its Founder was, or 
might well have been, influenced by people having an Aryan outlook (be it 
by his Mitannian step-mothers or by his own mother) as because he was 
himself surely half, if not more than half Aryan: a blending of the old blood 
of the kings of Thebes with that of the noble race from the North predestined 
to give the world, along with the heroic philosophy of disinterested Action, 
the lure of logical thinking and disinterested research — the scientific spirit. 

* * * 

He was bom in the lovely Chamk palace, in Thebes, in or shortly after 
1395 B.C., 5 — some thirteen thousand years 


1 R. H. Hall, “Ancient History of the Near East” (edit. 1936), p. 201. Arthur Weigall, 

“Life and Times of Akhnaton” (edit. 1923), p. 26. 

2 

By Sir Wallis Budge, Arthur Weigall and others. 

3 In “A Son of God,” (edit. 1946) p. 25, 26, 27. Also in “Akhnaton’s Eternal Message” 
(1940), p. 5-6. 

4 Sir Flinders Petrie, “History of Egypt,” Vol. II, p. 214. 

5 See Sir Flinders Petrie’s “History of Egypt,” Vol. II, p. 205. Other scholars place his 
birth a few years later (See A. Weigall’s “Life and Times of Akhnaton”; also Sir Wallis 
Budge’s “Tutankhamen, Amenism, Atenism, and Egyptian Monotheism.”) 



134 


after the last traces of the receding Great Ice had disappeared from 
Germany; two hundred years before the Trojan War; more than eleven 
hundred years before the Indian Emperor Asoka, like he, a Messenger of 
peace; two thousand years before the Prophet of Islam, whose faith, 
monotheistic like his, but of a totally different character, was one day to be 
the faith of his kingdom; more than two thousand five hundred years before 
Genghis Khan his most striking “opposite” in world history; — and three 
thousand three hundred years before the birth of the Man “against Time,” 
Adolf Hitler, who, accepting the Law of Violence, which he ignored, was to 
seek to build upon its only possible basis, the reign of Truth towards which 
he had aspired. 



135 


CHAPTER IX 

THE HEAT-AND-LIGHT-WITHIN-THE-DISK 


The new king was about twelve years old when he came to the throne, 
and, for some time, he merely reigned while his mother governed. 
(Dushratta, King of Mitanni, writing to congratulate him on his accession, 
addresses himself to Queen Tiy, not to him directly, and, even in later letters 
of this period — which are addressed to him — asks him on several 
occasions to “refer to his mother about important matters.) 1 In the sixth year 
of his reign, after he had decidedly taken power into his own hands, he 
proclaimed his faith in one God — the Sun, which he designated by the 
name of Aton (i.e. “the Disk”; the fiery Orb) — to the exclusion of all 
others; built a temple to Him within the sacred enclosure of Kamak, in 
Thebes; gave the quarter of Thebes where the temple stood the name of 
“Brightness of Aton, the Great One” and changed the name of the capital 
itself from that of Nut-Amon — the City of Amon — to that of “City of the 
Brightness of Aton.” After the conflict into which he had entered with the 
powerful priesthood of Amon had become quite open, and bitter, he also 
changed his own name from Amenhotep (meaning: Amon is at peace) to 
Akhnaton (“Joy of the Sun”) and finally forbade the cult of Amon, and of 
the many gods of Egypt altogether, and had their names erased from the 
monuments and from private inscriptions, even from those within his own 
father’s tomb. Then, as he fully grew to realise that he would never succeed 
in making Thebes the centre of the new world which he was planning to 
build on the basis of his new (or very old) faith, he left the City and sailed 
down the Nile in search of a suitable spot to lay the foundations of another 
capital upon. The site which appealed to his intuition lies some hundred and 
ninety miles south of that of modem Cairo. King Akhnaton had boundary 


1 Sir Flinders Petrie, “History of Egypt” (edit. 1899), Vol. II, p. 211. See the “Tell-el- 
Amarna Letters” (K. 28). 



136 


stones set up, with inscriptions relating the ceremonial birth of the new city, 
Akhetaton or “the City-of-the-Horizon-of-the-Disk,” and stating its 
demarcation in length and breadth. And two years later — when the new 
capital, for the building and decoration of which the workmanship of the 
whole Empire and even of foreign lands, had been mobilised, was practically 
inhabitable, — he moved to it with all his Court and about eighty thousand 
followers. 

And there he lived nine years, — until his premature death — 
teaching his lofty solar religion to those whom he deemed fit to understand 
it, and governing his City and Egypt and the Empire according to what he 
felt to be its implications, but without taking at all into account either the 
unbending laws that rule any development in Time, or the hard facts that 
characterise any “Age of Gloom” such as the one to which both he and we 
belong. He built and adorned temples, presented offerings, composed and 
sang hymns to the Sun, and lived in idyllic domestic life which was, at the 
same time, an object of edification for his subjects. He explained or tried to 
explain to a narrow circle of disciples the mystery of the Rays of the fiery 
Disk — Heat, which is Light; Light, which is Heat — clear to his 
extraordinary intuition, but so difficult to express in words, that the thinking 
world was to take thirty-three hundred years to evolve a theory to account 
for it. He set forth new canons in architecture, sculpture and painting and 
(although we have no proof of this) probably in music also — for all the arts 
are necessarily connected. He preached love of all living things and peace 
and good will among men, and neither hunted nor led an army to battle. And 
when there was unrest in Syria and Palestine, and when letters came to him 
from Egyptian governors and from vassal princes, informing him of 
rebellion of other vassal princes and of spreading disaffection, of inroads of 
wild tribes and of local movements of resistance against Egyptian rule, and 
begging him for help, he appears to have preferred to lose the Empire that he 
had inherited from his warrior-like forefathers, rather than to deny, through 
prompt and decisive military action, his conviction that the law of love was 
to rule (and, in the first place, that it could and can rule) international 
relations no less than private dealings 

He died at the early age of twenty-nine, whether of 



137 


natural death or of slow poisoning — it is impossible to tell. His new capital 
was systematically mined; his life’s work destroyed; the few followers who 
had possibly remained faithful to him relentlessly persecuted, after the 
ephemeral reign of his immediate successor. His memory was solemnly 
cursed. To the Egyptians, who had returned to their many traditional gods, 
he became known only as “that criminal” — for it was a punishable offence 
even to utter his name. And he was gradually forgotten, and remained so for 
over three thousand years. It is not until our times that something of his 
Teaching and of the story of his life was, thanks to archaeological 
excavation, brought to light again, and that his greatness was recognised, — 
although his proper significance as perhaps the most eloquent known 
instance of a man “above Time” outside the host of such ones who have 
renounced the world, may not necessarily have been understood by most of 
his modern admirers, to say nothing of his detractors. 

* * * 

That is the essential of what we know for certain about Akhnaton’s 
life. It is not much. Yet, it reveals an exceptional personality, with very 
definite leading features which one extremely seldom finds together, an 
enormous will-power and untiring energy entirely devoted to the service of 
that which he experienced as Tmth itself; a ruthlessly uncompromising mind 
and no less uncompromising feelings — the natural intolerance of absolute 
earnestness — and, along with that, such a reluctance to violence that one is 
forced to believe that it was the expression of a moral principle of his, no 
less than a deep-seated, unsurmountable trait of his nature; in other words 
that, in his eyes, to accept slaughter, even when it could have made possible 
the triumph of his religion, would have been to deny the basis of the latter, 
and was, therefore, out of question. 

Gifted with this most unusual combination of qualities, and inspired 
and sustained by his absolute devotion to his God — Aton — the young king 
declared war upon centuries of Egyptian tradition (or, to speak more 
accurately, upon that Which Tradition had become in Egypt in the course of 
centuries,) when he was eighteen. The main point — clue to the real nature 
of the conflict between him and the priests (and people) of his time — is: 
“Who was that new God (or what was that 



138 


new conception of a very old God) Aton, by Whom he strove to replace the 
whole pantheon of the Nile Valley?” 

Aton has been identified with “a tender loving Father of all creatures” 1 
by some of the most enthusiastic Twentieth Century admirers of the so- 
called “heretic” Pharaoh, and repeatedly compared by them with the 
personal God of the Christians — the “Father who is in Heaven” of the 
“Lord’s prayer” — obviously with the pious purpose of pointing out, in 
Akhnaton’s solar Faith, “a monotheistic religion second only to Christianity 
itself in purity of tone.” 2 This view, however, seems to be more the product 
of Christian wishful thinking than that of a rigourous and impartial 
deduction. It is surely not compatible with the fact that Aton is, before all, an 
immanent God, or rather immanent Godhead Itself. And that fact is perhaps 
the one which emerges with the maximum of certainty from all the data 
concerning Akhnaton’s religion. 

Already in the earliest known list of his titles, Akhnaton (who, at the 
time the inscription was set up, still bore the name of Amenhotep) is called 
“Wearer of diadems in the Southern Heliopolis” and “High-priest of Ra- 
Horakhti-of-the-Two-Horizons,” rejoicing in His horizon in His name: “Shu- 
which-is-in-the-Disk,” apart from “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and 
“Son of Ra,” like all Pharaohs since the Fifth Dynasty, and “Nefer-kheperu- 
Ra, Ua-en-Ra” — “Beautiful Essence of the Sun, Only-One of the Sun” — 
as he was to call himself in every one of his inscriptions, to the end of his 
reign. 

On the other hand, in the beginning of both the surviving famous 
Hymns to the Sun, which are the main source of our knowledge of the Aton 
religion, the God is designated as “Living Horns of the Two Horizons, Who 
rejoiceth in the horizon in His name: ‘Shu-which-is-in-the-Disk,’ the Giver 
of life for ever and ever” 4 or “Horakhti, the living One, exalted in the 
Eastern horizon in His name: ‘Shu-which-is-in-the-Disk,’ Who liveth for 
ever and ever.” 5 And in the Longer Hymn he is called, in addition to that, 
“the living and great Aton; He 

1 Arthur Weigall, “Life and times of Akhnaton” (edit. 1923), p. 101-104. 

“ Arthur Weigall, “Life and times of Akhnaton” (edit. 1923), p. 250. 

3 .... . 

In the inscription of Silsileh. See Breasted’s “Ancient Records of Egypt” (edit. 1906), 
Vol. II, p.384. 

4 

Sir Wallis Budge, loc. cit., p. 116 (Shorter Hymn). 

5 Sir Wallis Budge, loc. cit., p. 122 (Longer Hymn). 



139 


who is in the Set Festival, the Lord of the Circle, the Lord of the Disk, the 
Lord of Heaven, the Lord of earth.” 1 What strikes us in those texts is the 
identification of Aton (or Aten) — the Solar Disk — with two very old 
Egyptian gods — Sun-gods, specially worshipped in the sacred city of On or 
Anu (the “City-of-the-Pillar,” i.e., of the Obelisk, which the Greeks were to 
call Heliopolis, the City of the Sun) — and the identification of those, in 
their turn, (and therefore of Aton also) with the mysterious Entity “Shu- 
which-is-in-the-Disk.” 

Now, “wherever a solar god was worshipped in Egypt, the habitat of 
this god was believed to be the solar Disk, Aten or Athem. But the oldest 
solar god associated with the Disk was Tem or Atmu, who is frequently 
referred to in the religious texts as “Tem in the Disk”; when Ra usurped the 
attributes of Tern, he became “the Dweller in the Disk,” while “Horuakhuti 
(Horakhti) was ‘the god of the two horizons’ i.e., the Sun-god by day, from 
sunrise to sunset.” 2 To Akhnaton, however, the “Dweller in the Disk,” Ra, is 
the “Sun by day” and is the Disk itself: Aton. In the inscriptions upon the 
boundary-stones demarcating the king’s new capital, Akhetaton, the God 
who is, henceforth, to be the sole God of Egypt, and of the Empire, is 
actually designated as “Ra-Horakhti-Aton.” 3 And Sir Wallis Budge, whose 
words are all the more significant while he does not seem aware of their 
immense metaphysical implication, notes, in connection with King 
Akhnaton’s conception of the Sun as the sole object of worship: “But to 
him” (Akhnaton) “the Disk was not only the abode of the Sun-god, it was 
the god himself, who by means of the heat and light which emanated from 
his own body, gave life to everything on earth.” 4 

But that is not all. Shu — that mysterious Entity “which-is-in-the- 
Disk” — “we must translate by ‘heat’ or by ‘heat and light,’ for the word has 
these meanings.” 5 Which signifies that 


Sir Wallis Budge, “Tutankhamon, Amenism, Atenism, and Egyptian Monotheism” 

(edit. 1923), p. 122. 

2 

Sir Wallis Budge, loc. cit., p. 64-65. 

3 See Breasted’s “Ancient Records of Egypt” (edit. 1906), Vol. II, p. 386. See also A. 
Weigall, “Life and Times of Akhnaton” (edit, 1922), p. 88. 

4 Sir Wallis Budge, loc. cit., p. 80. 

5 Sir Wallis Budge, loc. cit., p. 80. 



140 


Akhnaton worshipped the “Heat-and-Light-within-the-Disk” — the Radiant 
Energy of the Sun 1 2 — which he looked upon not merely as inherent in, but 
as identical in, nature to the material Disk itself, and to supreme Godhead, 
whatever be the names by which men might try to characterise the latter, and 
under which they might worship It. 

It is remarkable that, among those names, the young king chose to 
mention only those of Sun-gods of the Heliopolitan Tradition — doubtless 
because he considered this to be the most consistent solar tradition that 
Egypt had known, up till then; and one by far more akin to his own religious 
philosophy than anything that could be found in the Southern Egyptian 
school of Wisdom headed by the High-priest of Anon. Throughout his reign, 
Akhnaton was to stress the connection of his Teaching with the wisdom of 
the Heliopolitan seers of old, as well as with Egypt’s most ancient political 
tradition of divine royalty. (He himself, in his capacity of “High-priest of 
Aton,” took over the title of Ur-ma — “great One of visions,” i.e. “seer,” 
initiate, — which the High-priest of the Sun in Heliopolis had born from 
times immemorial.) 

But that does not mean to say that his conception of the Divine was 
exactly that of the priests of Heliopolis. It was not. In particular, “the old 
Heliopolitan tradition made Tern, or Tem-Ra, or Khepera, the creator of 
Aten, the Disk, but this view Amenhotep IV rejected, and he asserted that the 
Disk was self-created and self-subsistent.” And Akhnaton’s notion of “Shu” 
— “Heat-and-Light-within-the-Disk” — which, to him, is supreme Godhead 
Itself and the same as the self-created and is self-sustaining Disk, is quite 
different from that of the “god” Shu, conceived (as in the old “Pyramid 
Texts”) as the radiation or emanation of Tern, or Tem-Ra, i.e. of the Creator 
of the Sun-Disk, different and distinct from it, and male counterpart of the 
“goddess” Tefnut (Moisture, also an emanation of Tern) who forms with him 
and with Tern the original Heliopolitan Trinity. It is the notion of Divinity 
conceived as Something absolutely impersonal, and undefmable; immanent 
in all material and non-material existence, and identical nature both to 
visible Matter (to the visible flaming Disk, 


1 Sir Flinders Petrie, “History of Egypt” (edit. 1899), Vol. II, p. 214. 

2 Sir Wallis Budge, loc. cit., p. 80. 



141 


everlasting and self-created) and to invisible Energy — Heat-and-Light — 
also self-created and everlasting, and inseparable from Matter as Matter is 
from It. 

And this is confirmed by the prayer inscribed upon the famous scarab 
discovered at Sadenga, in the Egyptian Sudan, and dating from the early 
period of Akhnaton’s reign. The text, though short (and mutilated), is 
extremely significant. The God to whom it is addressed, and who can only 
be Aton (for he bears some of the titles that characterise Aton in other texts) 
is called “great One of roarings” or “great One of thunders,” as though the 
king — and that, already before he had changed his name and entered into 
open conflict with the priesthood of Amon and with the traditional gods of 
Egypt, — had identified his one and pre-eminently solar God with a Storm- 
god. But, as I have tried to point out in another book, 1 coming from him, the 
worshipper of “Heat-and-Light” in the Sun-beams, such an identification can 
hardly mean anything else but the recognition of the equivalence of that very 
same “Heat-and-Light” to thunder in particular and to sound in general and, 
above all, to Lightning (Heat-and-Light inseparable from thunder), and to 
that mysterious form of energy, the presence and tremendous power of 
which Lightning and Thunder merely reveal: electricity, possibly better 
known, to the wise men, at least, in remote Antiquity, than we modem 
people, in our conceit, care to believe. We cannot help thinking, here, of the 
“threefold Agni” of the Vedas — Sun, Lightning, and Lire upon earth (and 
within the earth); Heat, Light, and electric Energy in one, — as well as of 
the modem scientific Idea of the equivalence of all forms of energy, and of 
the fundamental identity of Energy and Matter. 

All this makes it clear that Aton — the Solar Disk which is the same 
as the “Heat-and-Light-within-the-Disk” — is none other than He-She-It — 
That — which is the Essence of all material and immaterial existence; the 
undefmable Essence both of Matter and of Energy — “matter to the coarser, 
and energy to the finer senses” 2 — which is God. Not any God to, be 
compared with the loving “heavenly Lather” of the Christians or with 


1 “A Son of God” (edit. 1946), p. 100-101. 

2 “A Son of God” (edit. 1946), p. 103. 



142 


any personal God — least of all with the ill-tempered, narrow-minded and 
jealous tribal god Jehovah, created in the image of the Jews, — but the 
equivalent of the immanent, impersonal Tat — That — of the Chandogya 
Upanishad, no less than of das Gott (as opposed to “der Gott”) of the ancient 
Germans, and the one conception of Divinity that modern science, far from 
disproving, on the contrary, suggests. 

Such a God can neither “love,” in the all-too-human, Christian sense 
of the word, nor hate; nor give “commandments” and distribute rewards and 
punishments in the manner of a human king; nor perform “miracles” if, by 
such, one means actions in real contradiction with the iron Laws of Nature, 
which are His Laws; nor be “the Maker” of the world “out of nothingness,” 
in the sense a craftsman is the maker of an object, external to himself, out of 
metal, stone or clay. 

There is no common measure between Him — between Him-Her-It, 
— and the current conception of “God Almighty” as it exists to-day in 
Christian or in Mohammadan countries, or, rather, among pious people in 
countries where the influence of Christianity or Islam — any of the two 
great international monotheistic religions issued from Judaism, — has 
shaped religious and metaphysical ideas. And although He — He-She-It — 
be (substantially) less remote from the unknown and undefinable “Neter” or 
“pa Neter” — “God,” or the God behind all gods; formless, original creative 
Power, which existed of and by Itself, within the primeaval watery mass, 
Nenu, — of the most ancient Egyptians, than from that nowadays more 
popular conception of Divinity, He is different from him to the extent that 
“Neter,” according to the moral Papyri, 1 is still, for all practical purposes, 
endowed with a certain amount of anthropomorphic personality. Aton — 
Cosmic Energy, Essence of all existence; “Ka,” or Soul of the Sun (to quote 
a word from Akhnaton’s own hymns) identical to the Sun-disk itself and 
Essence of the material world — corresponds to a thoroughly impersonal 
and positive conception of Godhead. And, provided one takes the word 
“religion” in the sense the average 


See: “Precepts” of Kagemni (IVth Dynasty) and of Ptah-hotep (Vth Dynasty) of 
Khonsuhotep, or “Maxims of Ani”; of Amenemapt, (XVIIth Dynasty) (Sir Wallis Budge, 
loc. cit., p. 145-148.) 



143 


modem European does, i.e., in the sense of a system of beliefs centred 
around a personal God, an ideal of conduct “according to his will” and a 
definite conception of life after death, H. R. Hall is right in saying that 
Akhnaton’s “heresy” was “a philosophic and scientific revolt against 
religion” 1 * rather than a new religion. 

* * * 

Hall goes a little further and calls Akhnaton “the first example of the 
scientific mind,” meaning, naturally, the first one that we are in a position 
to link with a definite name and date and individual personality, for the 
“scientific mind” is as old as mankind or, at least, as old as the youngest 
among the superior races, the Aryan or Indo-European, one of whose glories 
it is to have evolved exact sciences out of logical thinking, and to have 
carried them to perfection. And Sir Flinders Petrie pays the Founder of the 
Religion of the Disk a magnificent tribute for his “really philosophical 
worship of the radiant energy of the Sun.” “No one,” says he, “seems to 
have realised until within this century, the truth which was the basis of 
Akhenaten’s worship: that the rays of the Sun are the means of the Sun’s 
action, the source of all life, power and force in the universe. This 
abstraction of regarding the radiant energy as all-important was quite 
disregarded until recent views of the conservation of force, of heat as a mode 
of motion, and the identity of heat, light and electricity, have made us 
familiar with the scientific conception which was the characteristic feature 
of Akhenaten’s new worship.” And, a little further: “If this were a new 
religion, invented to satisfy our modem scientific conceptions, we could not 
find a flaw in the correctness of this view of the energy of the solar system. 
How much Akhenaten understood, we cannot say, but he certainly bounded 
forward in his views and symbolism to a position which we cannot logically 
improve upon at the present day. Not a rag of superstition or of falsity can be 
found clinging to this new worship evolved out of the old Aton of 
Heliopolis, the sole Lord of the universe.” 3 


1 H. R. Hall, “Ancient History of the Near East” (ninth edit.), p. 599. 

“ H. R. Hall, “Ancient History of the Near East” (ninth edit.), p. 599. 

3 Sir Flinders Petrie, “History of Egypt” (edit. 1899), Vol. II, p. 214. 



144 


Scientific — rational — seems indeed to be the word by which one 
should characterise Akhnaton’s conception of Godhead, in opposition both 
to the crude polytheism of the Egyptian masses and to the monotheism of the 
Egyptian elite of his days, and, even more so, to the later monotheism of the 
Jewish prophets and of the Christians and Mohammadans who look upon 
them as “inspired men.” 

The expressions which one finds in the Hymns, pointing to Aton as to 
the one Creator, and exalting His love — “Maker of every land; Creator of 
whatsoever there is upon it”; “Mother and Father of all that Thou hast 
made”; 1 “Thou fillest every land with Thy love,” 2 , etc. — are not to be taken 
in the sense they would have in the case of a personal God. Other words in 
the same poems throw light upon them, while rendering, in a more precise 
manner, the idea of “creation” in connection with Akhnaton’s impersonal 
God: “Thou Thyself art alone, but there are millions of powers of life in 
Thee, to make Thy creatures live”; 3 “Thou hast produced millions of 
creations (or evolutions ) from Thy one Self” 4 They suggest a creation which, 
far from being the exceptional act by which a God, distinct from the created 
world, causes it to spring out of nothingness (or, at the most, out of a 
primeaval Matter which is not He) consists in a gradual and endless 
manifestation into actual existence, of the different possibilities latent within 
perennial, unmanifested Reality. 5 And the words “Father and Mother of all 
that Thou hast made” are neither the translation of an anthropomorphic idea 
out of keeping with that of a cosmic God such as Radiant Energy, nor a 
metaphor of mere literary import. They reveal an attempt at rendering, as 
forcifully as human speech can, the two complementary and inseparable 
aspects of the One Reality: the positive, active, or 


Shorter Hymn to the Sun, transl. by Sir Wallis Budge, loc. cit., p. 116. 

2 

Longer Hymn to the Sun, transl. by Sir Wallis Budge, loc. cit., p. 122. 

3 

Shorter Hymn to the Sun, transl. by Sir Wallis Budge, loc, cit., p. 116. 

4 

Longer Hymn to the Sun, transl. by Sir Wallis Budge, loc. cit., p. 122. 

5 See “A Son of God” (edit. 1946), p. 127. 



145 


masculine, forever urging new forms out of dim possibilities — the Purusha 
of the Sanskrit Scriptures — and the negative, passive (or, if active, not 
organisingly active) or feminine — the equivalent of the Sanskrit Prakriti — 
sensitive receptacle of all latent qualities, and matrix of actual existence; the 
One, everlasting Power of differentiation, and the everlasting and ever- 
differentiated underlying Oneness. 1 

As for the love of the One, impersonal, cosmic God, Aton, for the 
universe, it can mean nothing else but the relation of the Essence of all 
existence to the endlessly and orderly diversified individual lives, human 
and non-human, which are sparks of divine consciousness, more or less 
bright; an abstract, metaphysical relation of substantial dependence 
(illustrated in the word “bindesf’), not an emotional one, for God conceived 
as “the Heat-and-Light-within-the-Disk,” identical to the Sun-disk itself, — 
radiant Energy, Essence of Matter and of Life, — can have no emotions. 
That the Egyptians, Akhnaton’s own subjects, had no illusions about this, 
can be seen in the fact — put forward by Sir Wallis Budge and emphasised 
by J. Pendlebury — that “there are none of the pathetic appeals to the Aton 
for help or cure that we find addressed to other gods in happier times”; 2 that, 
indeed, such a God as the One Whose glory the young king proclaimed and 
sang, had “no time to worry about May’s headache or Sherira’s 
barrenness.” 3 

And the love of all men, nay, of all creatures, including plants, for 
Aton — the adoration of the divine “Ka” or Essence of the Sun by the whole 
scale of created beings, from the inspired Seer himself down to the humble 
water-lilies — is nothing more than the instinctive and universal love of life 
and sunshine, contemplated by a Man who really fell and worshipped the 
divinity of Nature; a Man who beheld the world and lived his own life in full 
consciousness of the Eternal manifested therein; in other words: a Man 
above Time. Such a Man saw the simple, everyday facts — birds circling 
round and round in the pure sky, with shrills of joy; beasts skipping about 
among the high grasses covered with morning dew; fishes, whose silver 
scales shine through the sunlit water, swimming up to 


1 See “A Son of God” (edit. 1946), p. 127. 

2 J. D. S. Pendlebury, “Tell-el-Amarna” (edit. 1935), p. 159. 

3 J. D. S. Pendlebury, “Tell-el-Amarna” (edit. 1935), p. 159. 



146 


the surface of the river, and flowers opening themselves to the touch of the 
first sun-rays — in their real light; with the eyes of a man of the Golden 
Age, to whom the world appears as a visible Paradise because he is in tune 
with it and with himself. Not only did he recognise, in cool judgement (as 
anybody would) the grandeur of the daily miracle of conception and birth, 
but he felt it with all the piety of a perfect artist; he felt, the beauty of every 
new healthy pattern of Life — young bird, newly-born baby; from the 
standpoint of Eternity, equally irreplaceable — and the solemnity of its 
unique appearing and fleeting passage amidst the ever-moving infinity of 
beings, witnesses of Aton’s inexhaustible creativeness. And he sang what he 
felt. And his song was — and could only be — a hymn of adoration 
unmarred by a shade of sadness; foreign to the idea of suffering and death; a 
hymn in the spirit of every one of the endlessly recurring Golden Ages, in 
which all is well with the visible and invisible world in complete harmony 
with each other and with their common divine archetype; the expression of 
more-than-earthly love and joy rooted in this sunlit earth, in this divine 
earthly life. 

H. R. Hall, apparently unable to see into the psychology of a “man 
above Time” or “outside Time,” calls the elation expressed in Akhnaton’s 
hymns a mere “cat-like enjoyment of the sun and of the fact that it is good to 
be alive.” 1 He thus intends to stress what seems to him to be a lack of 
spirituality. Yet, undignified as his sentence may sound, he is literally right, 
provided that one remembers that, to a man “above Time,” who actually 
feels the divinity of Life behind and within all diving forms, the purring of a 
cat, comfortably rolled up in the warm sunshine, is a hymn to the loveliness 
and glory of Life, as holy, in its innocence, and at its level, as any human 
words of praise; all the more divine that it is more spontaneous, more 
sincere, less penetrated with “intellect” as opposed to sensation and 
intuition; provided that one remembers that, to such a man, the joy of the 
whole created world at the feeling that “it is good to be alive” is an act of 
adoration. Akhnaton’s own joy at the sight of the rising Sun was not 
different, in nature, from that universal joy. It was merely the supreme, fully 


1 H. R. Hall, “Ancient History of the Near East” (ninth edit.), p. 599. 



147 


conscious expression of it: the joy which is inseparable from the direct 
knowledge of a Man “above Time”; from his experience of himself as part 
and parcel of the divine Cosmos, which he loves because it is so beautiful, 
and the hidden Essence of which he feels shimmering within his own nerves. 

* * * 

In that joyous cosmic consciousness lies the secret of the apparent 
amorality of Akhnaton’s Teaching, and its actual moral meaning. 

As I said already, such a God as “the Heat-and-Light-within-the-Disk” 
can issue no “commandments” like an exalted tribal deity made in the image 
of its worshippers. His laws are none but the unbending Laws of Nature, 
expression of the inner harmony of His own being at every stage and in 
every detail of His manifestation in Time. There is, indeed, and there can be 
no other rule of conduct for His worshippers but to “live in Truth,” i.e., in 
tune with the eternal Order of the Universe, accomplishing the diverse tasks 
which are theirs while remaining inwardly at peace with themselves and 
with every created being. And that ideal of life — which may well seem 
vague to those who do not grasp its implications — is precisely the one put 
forward by King Akhnaton. (The famous title “ Ankh-em-Maat ” — Living in 
Truth — accompanies his name in every inscription of his reign apart from 
the very early ones) And the only definite information that can be gathered 
about his actual practical Teaching, from the inscriptions in the tombs of his 
professed followers at Tell-el-Amama, is that he preached the love of “truth” 
in all walks of life. “The King has put truth into me, and my abomination is 
to lie,” 1 declares one of the courtiers, named Ay, and “truth” cannot mean 
anything else but that which I have just said (and “lie,” its contrary), in the 
case of a religion centred around Solar Energy, 

But neither Ay nor any other has attempted to make this clear and to 
describe the sort of conduct which he (or King Akhnaton himself) associated 
with “truth” and “living in truth.” None has even mentioned as an example, 
any action 


Inscription in the tomb of Ay at Tell-el-Amama. 



148 


which, in his eyes, corresponded to such an ideal of conduct. None has 
alluded to any punishments (or mere consequences) of sin, i.e., of untruth, in 
this life or another, or to any rewards (or consequences of faithfulness to 
“truth”) — apart from the very tangible royal presents which they received 
for having “hearkened to” Akhnaton’s “Teaching of life.” 

We know in fact nothing of the ethical code of the Religion of the 
Disk, and nay, all appears as though it never had an “ethical code” in the 
ordinary sense of the word — a list of “do”s and “don’f’s — nor implied any 
“sense of sin.” But that does not mean that it had “no ethics.” It had, I 
repeat, the only ethics that go hand in hand with faith in an impersonal God 
Who is the “Ka” or Essence (Soul) of the fiery Orb and of Life itself; the 
ethics implied in “life in Truth” — life according to the logic of the 
Universe: according to the biological and social laws that express the will of 
Nature, the will of the Sun; the supreme finality of Creation. 

It is difficult to say how far the king’s followers were aware of all that 
this means. But the king himself certainly was. It is, of course, possible that 
he did set up some rules of conduct, of the evidence of which no trace has 
been found. After all, an enormous amount of documents of his reign were 
purposely destroyed after his death by the enemies of the Aton faith, and 
surely any inscription or papyrus referring to his Teaching, was, when not 
protected by the sanctity of the tomb, destroyed before any other. But it 
would not be, on the other hand, at all surprising if he had remained 
contented with formulating his moral ideal in the motto “living in Truth” — 
his favourite motto — and with developing at most orally all that it implied. 
The history of his reign, in particular the official correspondence of his 
vassals and governors, forces one to admit that no man ever was more 
estranged to the reality of Time, and more unaware of the inherent 
weaknesses and passions of his contemporaries, than he. As we shall see in 
the next chapter, he was convinced that he could, in this very Age of Gloom, 
— his Age and ours, — build up an ideal State without having to resort to 
violence. It is natural that such a man, — pre-eminently “above Time,” or 
“outside Time,” — should have looked upon the implications of “life in 
Truth” as something self-evident, and not deemed it necessary to formulate 



149 


a “code” of behaviour. In a way, taking into account the fundamental 
difference between the two creeds, one could set his motto of “life it Truth” 
in parallel with Jesus Christ’s well-known sole commandment of love 
towards one’s neighbours which is the same as love towards God, the spirit 
of which Saint Augustine expressed most adequately in his laconic and 
forciful sentence: “Love! — and do whatever you please!” Akhnaton, — 
like Jesus Christ, a Man “above Time”; a Solar Being in the full sense of the 
word, — could well have said: “There is but one Law: to live in Truth, 
holding all forms of falsehood in abomination. Stick to Truth — and do 
whatever you please!” 

And “Truth,” to him, meant love — love of all beings , not of man 
alone, not of man specially; love of the sun-lit world (with all it contains,) 
for the sake of its beauty. It meant, also, knowledge of the eternal Order and 
of the eternal Values, through the contemplation of beauty, — for in every 
Golden Age, (Age of Truth), the visible is the faithful image of insible 
Perfection; and Akhnaton, being a Man “above Time,” lived (in spirit) in a 
Golden Age. 

And although nothing even hints at the existence of a code of ethics 
attached to the Religion of the Disk, in the amount of evidence yet 
unearthed, there are, in his Longer Hymn to the Sun, three remarkable lines 
which express, more eloquently perhaps than any others, the young king’s 
idea of man — three lines which have not attracted, as far as I know, the 
special attention of any archaeologists: “Thou hast put every man in his 
place. Thou framest their lives. Thou givest everyone his belongings, 
reckoning his length of days. Thou hast made them different in form, in the 
colour of their skins and in speech. As a Divider, Thou dividest the foreign 
people (from one another.)” 

These words clearly show that, far from putting “all men” on the same 
level, Akhnaton stressed the differences between one human race and 
another as an expression of that Will of the Sun that has moulded the world 
or, in modern speech, as a result of the fact that man, like the rest of 
creatures of this earth, is a “solar product,” owing his very being to a 
combination of definite bio-physical conditions. He states here without 
ambiguity that all features that differentiate one people 



150 


from another — features among which the racial ones: form and colour, are 
not only all-important but fundamental, the first ones mentioned, — are the 
Sun’s work: — “As a Divider, Thou hast divided the foreign people...” — 
which logically implies that those differentiating qualities should be taken 
into account in human legislation, if one is to have a world in which men 
‘dive in Truth.” The existence of different — unequal-human races comes 
within the pattern of the eternal order; has to be, according to the finality 
which lies, as a guiding principle, within the play of the immanent Creative 
Power: the “Heat-and-Light-within-the-Disk.” One is not to mix or to 
forward the mixture of that which the Creative Power has divided, — nor, in 
any way, to hide or suppress the signs of division. 

There is, here, of course, no question of struggle between races. There 
cannot be, in the mind of a man who is entirely “above Time”; who lives, in 
spirit; in a Golden Age, where all violence, nay, all conflict, is out of place. 
There is merely the idea of harmony between the different races, everyone of 
which has its place and purpose, its part to play in the universal concert, and 
should remain different in order to play it perfectly. There is a stress upon 
differences and division, which logically suggests that men have neither all 
the same rights nor all the same duties. And this is perhaps the ultimate 
reason why the ideal of “life in Truth ” — life according to one’s place and 
purpose in the natural hierarchy of beings, — cannot be made explicit in any 
universal list of concrete “do”s and “don’f’s, such as modem Christian 
critics of the Religion of the Disk would have liked to have found. All one 
can say is that to “sin” is to lie', to deny the eternal Order of things which 
are, independently of man, by refusing to live according to it; to say “no” to 
the Will of the Sun. 

One can agree with R. H. Hall that Akhnaton’s “enthusiasm for tmth 
and for what was right was not really religious, but scientific .” 1 if one thinks 
of a religion of the hereafter settled, like Christianity, upon impenetrable 
dogmas. But if one bears in mind that the Religion of the Disk is itself built 
upon a scientific foundation — upon intuitions concerning this 


1 R. H. Hall, “Ancient History of the Near East” (edit. 1936), p. 599. 



151 


living visible world, that have, centuries later, proved to be in keeping with 
the data of science, even if they were, in the consciousness of its Founder, 
directly experienced (and anything but the result of observation and 
induction) — then one can only assert that science and such religion are not 
only in harmony with each other, but identical as regards their ultimate 
object; that the truth around which they are centred is the same. The real and 
only difference between them lies in man’s approach to that truth: mainly — 
although never solely, — through the data of material experience and 
through the deductive (or more often inductive) mind, in the case of science; 
mainly when not solely through mystical yearning and direct intuition, in the 
case of “religion.” 

Morality — life in Truth, from the standpoint of the eternal (that was 
Akhnaton’s) — cannot be codified. It can be defined as the application of 
knowledge to right action i.e. to one’s contribution to the work of the 
Creative Power, in one’s natural capacity and from one’s natural place. We 
shall see that Akhnaton’s personal fulfillment of his own cherished motto 
consisted in bearing witness to the glory of all the Golden Ages or “Ages of 
Truth,” behind him and ahead of him, untiringly, even at the cost of material 
ruin and historical failure. 


* * * 

Archaeologists have more than once pointed out the foreign character 
of Akhnaton’s religion. Maybe the names of the One God — Aton, Ra, Ra- 
Horakhti of the Two Horizons rejoicing in His Horizon in His name “Shu- 
which-is-in-the-Disk” — were Egyptian, and nay, some of them, many 
centuries old; maybe, the king lost no opportunity of stressing the 
connection of his new cult with the venerable old Sun-cult of Heliopolis- 
and, as we shall see in the next chanter, the connection of his new art with 
archaic Egyptian art . 1 “But” — notes Sir Flinders Petrie — “a glance at the 
character of the whole age marks it out as due to some completely un- 
Egyptian influence, which no Heliopolitan source could ever have 
originated .” 2 While Sir Wallis Budge ascribes the failure 


1 Arthur Weigall. “Life and times of Akhnaton” (edit. 1923), p. 62-63. 

2 Sir Flinders Petrie, “History of Egypt” (edit. 1899), Vol. II, p. 212. 



152 


of the Aton religion to the fact that it was “too philosophical to impose itself 
upon the Egyptian mind,” and “probably based upon esoteric doctrines that 
were of foreign origin .” 1 And he wonders whether Akhnaton’s “insistence 
upon the beauty and power of light” was not a sign of “the penetration into 
Egypt of Aryan ideas concerning Mithra, Varuna, and Surya or Savitri, the 
Sun-god .” 2 

Since the discovery of the famous text of the treaty between 
Shubbiluliuma, king of the Hittites, and Mattiuza, son of Dushratta, it is a 
known fact that the kings of Mitanni — themselves Aryans — worshipped 
Aryan gods. Four of these gods are mentioned as guarantors of Mattiuza’s 
faithful observance of the treaty. Their names are practically the same as 
those of the Vedic gods Mithra, Indra, Varuna and the Nasatya Twins, and 
their identification with the latter “seems to be certain.” From Mitannian 
proper names, such as “Shuwardata,” one can also infer the presence of the 
Vedic Sun-god Surya (who was also revered by the Kassites, the Aryan 
kings of Babylon, under the name of Suryash) in the Mitannian pantheon. 
And the similarity between Akhnaton’s One God and Surya is indeed 
striking. Not only does the Sanskrit description of the divine Source of Light 
— “As the Vivifier and Quickener He raises His long arms of gold in the 
morning, rouses all beings from their slumber, infuses energy into them, and 
buries them in sleep in the evening ” 4 — correspond perfectly to the picture 
of Aton given in the Egyptian king’s hymns, (and to the Sun-disk with rays 
ending in hands, the Symbol of his religion,) but the idea of a both male and 
female (i.e. two-poled) Principle suggested in the other Sanskrit names of 
the Sun — for instance Savita, and Savitri, Savita’s Energy, — finds its 
parallel in the expression: “Father-and-Mother of all that Thou hast made,” 
applied to Aton. 

This has prompted number of writers to emphasise the supposed 
influence of his father’s Mitannian wives — nay, of 


Sir Wallis Budge, “Tutankhamen, Amenism, Atenism, and Egyptian Monotheism” 
(edit. 1923), p. 82. 

2 Sir Wallis Budge, Ibid., p. 113. 

3 Sir Wallis Budge, Ibid., p. 21. 

4 Wilkins, “Hindu Mythology,” p. 33. 



153 


the many Mitannians who doubtless were to be seen at the Theban Court, — 
upon the child who was to become Akhnaton, the Prophet of Godhead 
experienced as Radiant Energy; “Heat-and-Light-within-the-Sun-Disk.” 

To what extent such an influence should be taken into account, is, 
however, difficult to determine, first because we have no records of 
Akhnaton’s life before his accession to the throne, and second, because, 
apart from the mentioned treaty with the king of the Hittites, there are no 
Mitannian texts yet known, which refer to the Aryan gods, so that we cannot 
tell how far the Mitannian religious outlook embodied in their cult was 
similar to that of the Sanskrit-speaking Aryans and to Akhnaton’s; and 
finally because it is, in the two hymns to Aton that have come down to us, 
quite obvious that the reality of his impersonal God, “the Heat-and-Light- 
which-is-in-the-Disk,” appeared to Akhnaton himself as the object of a 
revelation from within', — as truth directly experienced, which he was the 
only one to understand because he was (as far as he knew) the only one to 
feel it. “Thou art in my heart,” says he, addressing himself to the resplendent 
Orb, — God’s visible Face, — in the Longer Hymn; “There is no one who 
knoweth Thee except Thy Son, Nefer-kheperu-ra Ua-en-ra. (Beautiful 
Essence of the Sun, Only-One of the Sun). Thou hast made him wise to 
understand Thy plans and Thy power .” 1 And as I have tried to point out in 
other writings, these words, coming from one who cared as little for 
conventions as Akhnaton did, express the innermost certitude of a self- 

realised soul who can sincerely say of God: “I am He” — or “I am That ” 

2 

rather than the pride of a king of Egypt in his solar descent. 

Of course, Akhnaton did not underestimate the privilege of that solar 
descent — of that double aristocracy of his, as offspring both of the kings of 
the Nile Valley and of the kings of Mitanni. The mere fact that he erected 
shrines to the memory of several of his ancestors (as we shall see) would 
suffice to prove that he was fully aware of all that he owed them. Nor should 
one brush aside that which he quite possibly owed to his 


Longer Hymn, Translation by Sir Wallis Budge. 

See “A Son of God” (edit. 1946), p. 26 and 27. Also “Akhnaton’s Message” (edit. 
1940), p.5-6. 



154 


contact, as a child, with the Mitannian and half-Mitannian — and Kassite — 
princesses of his father’s harem (and first of all with his own mother): 
memories of Aryan legends in which was exalted the triumph of the Forces 
of Light over those of Gloom, and — perhaps — the glory of a Sun-god with 
“long arms of gold,” the symbolism of whose image he may have felt very 
deeply, and never forgotten. Indeed, it must not have taken much to quicken 
the power of intuition and to awaken thought in such a child as he, marked 
out, already before his birth, to be a Man “above Time. “ Still, the part 
played by direct feeling must be given the first place in the genealogy of his 
conception of Divinity, i.e. importance must be given not so much to the 
name “Heat-and-Light-within-the-Disk” (which he found already existing), 
as to that which he put behind that name; as to that conception of 
impersonal, two-poled Reality which is both Matter and Energy — the Sun 
out of which sprang the Earth itself, and His life-giving Rays — and which 
manifests itself nowhere as well as in radiant Heat-and-Light or, (if we 
remember the scarab of Sadenga) Heat-Light-and-Electricity — and creative 
Sound — Its manifold, imponderable Vibration. 

We can well admit that Akhnaton was not unfamiliar with Aryan 
symbolism; that he had quite possibly heard of golden-armed Surya; even of 
Agni, the threefold Fire. But we should picture him, already as a prematurely 
thoughtful child, and then as an ardently sensitive adolescent, alone before 
the sight of the gorgeous sunrises and sunsets of Egypt, or before the deep 
blue infinity of the cloudless Egyptian sky. We should imagine him 
absorbed in contemplation, carried away, in almost physical rapture, by the 
feeling of “Heat-and-Light, and nothing else” — the consciousness of the 
burning blue Void in which nothing exists but Sun, rays, — or by the 
grandeur of the contrast between Light and Darkness in a country where 
dawn is sudden and overwhelming, and where there is practically no 
twilight . 1 And we should riot forget that he was half if not more than half 
Aryan, — that he had in his blood that enthusiastic devotion to Light and 
Life which had created, 


That feeling is illustrated in the forciful words: “Thou risest, and Thy creatures live; 
Thou settest, and they die,” which those alone who have lived in tropical lands can really 
understand. 



155 


among the fair Conquerors of India, the myth of the threefold Fire as well as 
that of golden-armed Surya-Savitri and, among the Kelts, who had not yet 
crossed the threshold of history, the myth of Lugh Langhana — Lugh the 
Longhanded — the life-giving god of Light; — but that he had other blood 
also: the blood of that venerable old Southern race out of which had sprung 
the kings of Thebes and the priests of Amon. To a great extent, no doubt, he 
owed his deep meditative sensitiveness to that also remarkable half of his 
ancestry. He put the whole of his being — all the extreme, and apparently 
incompatible forces rooted within his double heredity — to the service of his 
one purpose: the glorification of Aton, the One God, “Heat-and-Light- 
which-is-in-the-Disk.” 

For the sight of the fathomless blue of the sky, and of the gold and 
scarlet of dawn and sunset, had definitively tom him away from the gods of 
Thebes, exalted totems of very, very long before, to which the ingenious 
theological mind had given a more and more subtle symbolical 
interpretation. He could no longer feel attracted to them — in admitting that 
he ever had been, — after having merged himself, be it once, into the Soul 
of luminous Infinity. They seemed false to him; — clumsy, all-too-human 
caricatures of the One Reality. And they had, in his eyes, the pitiful ugliness 
of all caricatures, which becomes sacrilegious when connected with things 
divine. And much of that which was related to him of their legends must 
have shocked his Aryan mind athirst of logic. Some of it, of course, may 
well have appealed to his imagination. But the naked Tmth which he felt, in 
his growing consciousness of the sunlit Void, receptacle of all life, was so 
immeasurably more beautiful! And from his early adolescence onwards, — 
perhaps even from his childhood onwards; such a man as he had surely been 
an exceptional child, — he knew that he could never worship anything but 
the “Sun and His Rays — Heat-and-Light — the Soul of the resplendent 
blue abyss. It is possible that other people’s utterances — his mother’s; his 
step-mothers; and those of any other Mitannians or half-Mitannians that he 
may have known — consciously or unconsciously suggested to him the idea 
of those Rays ending in hands — the arms of the Sun — that were to play 
such a characteristic part as the visible Sign of his religion. But it is his 
Aryan blood 



156 


that gave him his spontaneous joy in light and life and the unbending 
consistency — the scientific mind, coupled with uncompromising will¬ 
power — with which he conceived his Teaching and carried it out in his own 
life, and imposed it (as far as he could) with all its implications, upon Egypt 
and the Egyptian Empire. 


* * * 

Akhnaton’s attitude to death seems to be (as far as one can make it 
out) a result both of his scientific thinking and of his natural and systematic 
rejection of all that is negative. 

From what remains of the tombs of his followers, one is induced to 
believe that the whole Egyptian tradition concerning the Tuat — the World 
of the dead — and the journey of the departed soul to the throne of Osiris, — 
the seat of Judgment — through all sorts of trials and dangers, appeared to 
him, if not as “ridiculous fictions ” 1 as Budge says, at least a s symbolical 
language, the accuracy of which could never be proved and had, after all, 
little importance. The idea of death seems to have inspired him neither fear, 
nor yearning, nor curiosity; like other negative ideas, such as violence, it 
simply had no place in his thought-world, which was the thought-world of a 
man of a Golden Age, faithful to this earth, and “long in duration of years” 
— of a man who, at least, felt himself to be so, in his realisation of the true 
world (the earthly Paradise) under (or beyond) the one which he saw without 
actually seeing it, and ignored. 

One does not know enough of the Aton Teaching to be able to say 
whether the idea of the perennial Struggle between Light and Darkness — in 
the rhythm of day and night and on all planes — was stressed in it or not. In 
all that has survived of the Religion of the Disk, there is surely no hint at the 
negative qualities of the Sun; nothing foreshadowing in the least the 
meaning of the Greek name of the god of Light, which is a typically Aryan 
god from the Far North:“ Apollon — the “Destroyer.” It would seem that 
Akhnaton refused to 


Sir Wallis Budge, “Tutankhamen, Amenism, Atenism and Egyptian Monotheism” (edit. 

1923), p. 94-95. 

2 

Apollon Hyperboreios. 



157 


see anything outside beneficient Heat-and-Light in the divine Energy of the 
Sun-beams; anything outside beautiful, happy life, upon this earth. 

He had to, in his time — some three thousand years after the Dark 
Age in which we are still living, had begun; and many myriads of years after 
the end of the latest Golden Age, in which all was perfect. He had to, being a 
man “above Time,” a complete “Sun-type” of a man, if he wanted at all to be 
“faithful to this earth”; to act upon earth as an earthly king and priest at the 
same time. His only alternative to that was either to turn from this earth or to 
impose his Golden Age Teaching by means of violence; to seek for himself 
and for others a way out of earthly conditions altogether, as the Buddha was 
to, some nine hundred years later; to live and act in this world without at all 
feeling bound to it, saying — like Jesus Christ was to, one day, — ”My 
Kingdom is not of this earth,” or else to become a man “against Time,” and 
to fight dispassionately for the triumph of his timeless Truth on earth with 
the only weapons that work within the bondage of Time, and specially 
within the Dark Age: fear, — terror — and occasionally bribery; intelligent, 
discriminate bribery, and well-conducted terror. He could take no other 
course because there is no other to be taken. He loved this beautiful earth too 
much to follow the first way: the way of escape from the earthly conditions 
of life altogether, which is that of most men “above Time.” His dream was 
that of an earthly Paradise. And his inborn reluctance to violence was too 
great — and too deep-rooted — for him ever to accept the conditions of 
victory in Time or “against Time”; to uphold, or even to stress any manner 
of destructiveness. 

His God, Aton, essentially an immanent and impersonal God, has 
surely very little, if anything, in common with the rather naive “loving 
Father” of the Christians, despite what Christian admirers of Akhnaton’s 
hymns may say or write. He may well be “international,” even “universal”: 
the “Heat-and-Light within the Sun-disk” could hardly be anything else. But 
He — He-She-It, — is so as a cosmic Entity, Principle of all life, human and 
non-human', adored not merely by “all men,” but also by all living creatures 
— quadrupedes, birds, fishes and plants; — full of sollicitude for all 
creatures, i.e. shaping them 



158 


(from within ) and making them all grow, indiscriminately, impartially, as 
only an impersonal God can. And there lies all the difference: Aton is the 
one God the modem scientific mind could acknowledge without difficulty. 

And He represents, under His Egyptian names and in spite of them, 
and in spite of the historical connection of His cult with that of the solar 
gods of Heliopolis, an Indo-European conception of Godhead — the eternal 
Idea behind long-handed Lugh; behind the almighty Father-of-Light — 
“ Lichtvater , der Allwaltende’' — of the ancient Germans; behind golden¬ 
armed Surya-Savitri — not because Akhnaton, who took consciousness of 
Him through some direct experience, had been influenced by Aryan people 
(specially by people of Mitannian origin), but because he — Akhnaton — 
was himself at least half-Aryan, and because, being so, he could not find a 
better expression of his inner experience — an expression that would both 
correspond to his direct intuition of the Supreme and satisfy his logical 
mind. 

But Aton is an Indo-European god, or rather the Indo-European 
conception of Godhead, without that element of destmctiveness inseparable 
from the notion of perennial Stmggle against Darkness and Chaos, which is 
present in most Aryan gods of Light and Life; an Indo-European God, 
conceived by a Man faithful to this earth, no doubt, but who lived entirely 
“above Time” or “outside Time,” according to the vision of a Golden Age 
world-Order, — while the Indo-European or Aryan race (the youngest of our 
Time-cycle) is essentially the race “against Time.” 



159 


CHAPTER X 

THE SEAT OF TRUTH 


The Religion of the Disk was a State religion. From the beginning, 
Akhnaton had intended it to be. This fact is strongly emphasized by some 
archaeologists such as Sir Wallis Budge, while others seem to be more 
impressed by — and more interested in — the actually religious (or 
philosophical) side of the King’s Teaching: its simple, and scientifically 
accurate, theology; its absence of any explicit moral code; its Founder’s 
inherent reluctance to violence. I say: not merely a State cult — compatible 
with any religious views and moral principles (provided these were not, 
directly or indirectly, dangerous to the security or prestige of the State) like 
the cult of the traditional gods of Rome was one day to become, under the 
tolerant rule of the emperors, — but a State religion, dictating a definite 
metaphysical conception of the Universe and a definite ideal of life to a 
whole people, nay, to a whole empire and (in Akhnaton’s mind) to the whole 
world; a State religion that was at the same time a world religion, and a 
religion exalting individual perfection — ’’life in Truth” — as its goal; such 
was, as I have tried to point out in another book , 1 that solar religion which 
Sir Flinders Petrie considered “fit to satisfy our modern scientific 
conceptions .” 2 It was, in other words, not a way out of this life (or out of the 
endless cycle of birth and death and rebirth) into a Kingdom of 
Righteousness which is “not of this earth” or into the absolute peace of 
Nothingness, but a way of life here and now, upon this earth, in tune with 
this earth, and therefore a State religion — for life here and now, in tune 
with this earth, presupposes social order, political order, hierarchy — 
organisation — and religion, — real religion — whenever it is not a path of 
escape from life, is inseparable from any real State, as it is from life itself. 


1 A Son of God” (edit 1946). 

2 Sir Flinders Petrie, “History of Egypt” (edit. 1899), Vol. II, p. 214. 



160 


This is no arbitrary assumption. We have, of course, no written 
records of any Age save of the one in which we are living to this day — the 
Dark Age {Kali Yuga of the Sanskrit Scriptures.) Archaeological evidence 
helps us to reconstruct something (be it extremely little) of the preceding 
Age. And Tradition alone gives us, in the absence, of any glimpse into the 
actual history of the two first Ages of our Time-cycle, — the long Satya 
Yuga (or Krita Yuga) and the Treta Yuga of the Sanskrit books; the Golden 
Age and the Silver Age of the ancient Greeks, — at least a hint as to the 
quality of their civilisations. Yet it is noteworthy — nay, visible already 
within this present Dark Age, — that, more one goes up the stream of time, 
more religion and State-power are tightly bound together, not separated. In 
the very early part of this Age of Gloom — two thousand and more than two 
thousand years before Akhnaton, — royal power and priestly dignity were 
the attributes of the same person. And it remained so for a long time. Every 
patesi in old Sumeria was chief-priest as well as king in the area over which 
he held sway. And so were, — and so remained, formally at least, for 
centuries, — the Chinese Emperors, “Sons of Heaven,” whose office it was 
to perform the Four Ceremonies and to fix the Calender, i.e. to put their 
realm in harmony with Space and Time. And in the former Age, and in the 
one before it, it was more and more generally so, if we believe Indian 
Tradition in connection with all the “rajrishis” — rulers and saints, i.e. men 
having realised the Divine within themselves while they maintained, or tried 
to maintain, the divine Order within the world, — some of whose names 
have come down to us. While in the Golden Age, in all countries, the gods 
themselves were kings — “the gods” i.e. supermen, as far above even the 
beautiful humanity of their times as average mankind is above average 
animality. The “separation of Church and State” is a modern invention or, to 
speak more accurately, an increasing necessity of the late Dark Age, readily 
recognised by the great men “within Time” — who are all tolerant towards 
the existing religions of their epoch (unless they consider it their interest to 
use one of them against the others) — and by any such men “against Time” 
who feel that they must, for practical reasons, first seize power, and then 
only set their higher programme, their real programme, 



161 


through. It is unconceivable in any time save the last period of our Age, even 
though, for centuries already, neither State nor “Church” any longer be what 
they should be, and what they are, to the supreme degree, in the Golden 
Age. It is less and less conceivable as one reaches back into remoter 
Antiquity; least of all in the Golden Age itself, — or in the minds of those 
men “above Time” who live in spirit within such an Age. 

Akhnaton could not, any more than his fathers had, isolate religion 
from the State. He could not want such an unnatural and absurd separation. 
He could want it far less than they, who had understood the meaning and 
purpose both of religion and of the State less clearly and vividly than he. His 
religion was bound to be a State-religion, not because he was bom a king, 
but because he was born a man “above Time” living in spirit within the 
Golden Age, and a man of action, faithful to this earth, and because, along 
with that, he happened to be a king. 


* * * 

But while the pharaonic State was the outcome of the slow evolution 
of the perfect theocratic State-idea of the “days of Ra” in the course of 
endless time, Akhnaton’s ideal City was to be (in his mind at least) built 
upon that State-idea itself. It was to be the living expression of nothing less 
than the original divine Order — i.e. of the Golden Age Order, — in its 
uncompromising purity; in other words: a broad-scale earthly Paradise. In it 
— over it — the direct, absolute, yet mild and peaceable rule of a god-like 
Man, “Son of the living Aton, like unto Him without ceasing,” — namely 
his own rule, — was to replace the less and less happy (and less and less 
effective) collaboration of temporal power and spiritual authority — royalty 
and priesthood, — that Egypt and practically all countries had hitherto 
gradually evolved. The “Teaching of Truth” could only be the State-religion 
of a Golden Age State organised according to its spirit. 

And it really looks as though, with that youthful confidence in the 
irresistibility of Tmth which was to characterise his whole career, Akhnaton 
had first tried to turn Thebes 



162 


into the capital of that State of his dreams. It is at least significant that, after 
building his first known temple to the Sun-disk within the enclosure of 
Karnak, already holy to the Thebans for hundreds of years, he renamed the 
glorious city of his ancestors “City of the Brightness of Aton.” It is no less 
remarkable that he seems to have done all he could to replace smoothly and 
peacefully the pharaonic regime of his time by his lofty Golden Age 
theocracy. 

The nature of his faith was conducive to such a policy. 

We have seen in the preceding chapter that, contrarily to the opinion 
of some modern authors, Aton — Ra-Horakhti-Aton, as He is called on the 
boundary-stelae of Tell-el-Amarna, — never was, — could in no way be — 
a “jealous” God; that, philosophically speaking, He had no quarrel with the 
all-too-human conceptions of Divinity which the Egyptians cherished, nay, 
not even with Amon himself. (Impersonal Energy manifested in the Sun¬ 
beams; “Heat-and-Light-within-the-Disk” — Aton is nothing else — could 
hardly be so narrow-minded!) The fact can never be too emphatically 
stressed. And it explains why there are, in the early part of Akhnaton’s reign, 
no signs of “religious intolerance” whatsoever — however much the young 
king may have looked upon many deep-rooted Egyptian beliefs with 
unmixed contempt; and however much he may have deplored the raising of 
Amon, a local tribal deity, to the rank of the Great God of the Empire, nay, 
his identification with the venerable Ra of Heliopolis, the Sun-god of those 
hallowed Pharaohs who had built the Pyramids. It explains why the 
fragments of sand-stone that were once part of the first Aton temple bear, 
besides the exalted name of Horns, the names of such other traditional 
Egyptian gods as Set, and jackal-headed Wepwat. It explains why the royal 
steward Apiy did not hesitate to mention Ptah and “the gods and goddesses 
of Memphis” in his letter to the king, in the fifth year of the latter’s reign — 
letter in which Akhnaton is still called Amenhotep, although he already 
bears the significant title: “living in Truth.” It explains why there was, 
originally, above the inscription of Silsileh commemorating the opening of 
quarries in the South, to provide stone for the earliest known Aton temple, a 
figure of the king worshipping Amon, while the Sun-disk — Aton — shed 
over him the famous 



163 


Rays ending in hands, symbol of Energy — “Heat-and-Lighf ’ — in the new 
religion . 1 2 

As I have tried to show in other writings, Akhnaton was then already 
conscious of what Godhead meant to him, and, which is more, already eager 
to preach his new (or rather eternal) religion, wherever he deemed any man 
worthy to hear of it, as it is quite clear from the inscription in the tomb of 
Ramose in Thebes . 3 

This signifies that the change that was soon to appear in his attitude 
towards the traditional gods of Egypt in general and towards Amon in 
particular, and the steps he was soon to take against the priesthood of Amon, 
had a political rather than a “religious” meaning, — but a political meaning 
that cannot be grasped apart from the Religion of the Disk as an organic 
system of thought; a meaning derived from the very definite conception of 
the State which goes hand in hand with it and with the fact of Akhnaton 
being a Man “above Time” who had not renounced this world. 

That conception of the State, — that regime , to use a very modern 
word in connection with a very ancient reality, — was, as I said, a theocracy. 
Not an arbitrary government of priests pretending to rule on behalf of the 
Gods or “of God,” — that which one generally calls “theocracy” through a 
misuse of the word, — but the real thing: the government of God Himself, 
exercised by an actual “Son of God” “wise in the understanding of the plans 
and of the might ” 4 of Him Whom he had realised, and rightly endowed both 
with temporal power and spiritual authority. 

It is that idea, that conception, to which the priests of Amon so 
strongly objected rather than to the king’s metaphysical conception of Aton. 
Unfamiliar, unorthodox — un-Egyptian, — as the latter may have sounded 
to them, they never would have deemed it worth while setting themselves in 
open, bitter opposition to the lawful Pharaoh in order to destroy it. Like all 
ancient religions, theirs recognised the fact that many and various ways lead 
to the knowledge of the Hidden One — Amon, 


1 Breasted. “Ancient Records of Egypt” (edit. 1906), Vol. II, p. 384. 

2 See “A Son of God,” Chapter 2 and 3. 

3 Breasted. “Ancient Records of Egypt” (edit. 1906), Vol. II, p. 389. 

4 

Longer Hymn to the Sun. 



164 


Aton, whatever men may choose to call Him, — and that the Hidden One 
Himself has many and various attributes. It did not proclaim itself the only 
possible approach to Truth. And they were not fighting to forward the belief 
that it was, or that it should be looked upon as such. They were fighting for 
their own survival as the “spiritual Authority” behind the Egyptian throne — 
a “spiritual Authority” which had, in fact, long ceased to be purely spiritual, 
but that they claimed all the more violently to represent as a means to an 
end. They had become, in course of time, a more and more intriguing, more 
and more power-grabbing organisation. They were fighting to retain the 
possibility of indefinitely extending their privileges. Their ultimate goal 
(which they were to reach two and a half centuries later ) 1 was not the 
defence of the pharaonic order as it stood — royal power separated from, yet 
in close alliance with priestly authority, — but nothing short of the seizure 
of the royal sceptre in their own hands and the establishment, to their own 
profit, of a theocracy in the most ordinary sense of the word, i.e.: of a regime 
under which both temporal and spiritual power would be theirs. They were 
fighting, apparently maybe, as champions of the existing order; but in 
reality, to forward that bold dream of priestly rule. 

It was a necessity for them to crush Akhnaton and his dream of divine 
rule, under which they would have no place. It was a necessity for him to put 
an end to their intrigues, and to suppress their influence. From the sixth year 
of his reign onwards, he stood up alone against centuries of tradition and 
waged war on Amon and on practically all the gods of Egypt, not because 
his lofty impersonal God had suddenly become a “jealous” one in his eyes; 
not because he had, himself, become a religious “fanatic” (or an intellectual 
one), but because he had grown thoroughly conscious of the danger that the 
priests represented from his point of view, i.e., from the point of view of his 
State-idea. 

The necessity that prompted him to action was more than “religious” 
or, to be more accurate, it was not religious at all in the narrow, individual 
sense of the word. It had nothing to 


In 1117 B.C., when, at the death of Ramose the Eleventh, Hrihor, High-priest of Amon, 
ascended the Theban throne. 



165 


do with his realisation of the Divine, which nobody contested, nor with the 
destiny of his personal soul, with which nobody interfered. It was the 
necessity of coping with danger. It arose as a consequence of the stubborn 
opposition of the priests of Amon to his conception of an ideal theocratic 
State, headed by himself, and specially to his attempt to make Thebes, — 
their sacred Thebes, stronghold of their power for centuries, — the centre of 
such a State. That opposition had to be overcome at any cost, if Akhnaton 
was at all to try to bring his Golden Age theocracy into existence. But it was 
powerful, for the priests of Amon were, as a body, fabulously rich. And it 
was bitter, — desperate; — for the issue at stake presented itself to them in 
the form of the tragic dilemma: to rule or not to rule, which, to their 
ambitious hearts, meant: to be or not to be. 

We do not know what they actually did to confound the king’s plans. 
But they surely did something which provoked Akhnaton’s greatest 
indignation: we have an echo of his vehement reaction to their stand in an 
unfortunately mutilated inscription upon one of the boundary-stones of Tell- 
el-Amarna; the text is eloquent, even though many words are missing , 1 and 
shows at least that the Founder of the Religion of the Disk saw in the priests 
of Amon an essentially evil force. Evil, and mighty. Exceptional situations 

— dangerous situations — call for exceptional measures. King Akhnaton 
answered the priests’ hostility by a declaration of war to the finish: he 
banned the name of Amon as the symbol of the hitherto pharaonic State in 
which those priests had had so much to say, and as that of the priestly State 

— the false theocracy — by which they dreamed of replacing it one day; 
and he had it and all representations of the Theban god erased from all 
public and private monuments, even from the walls of his own father’s 
tomb; he clanged his own name, Amenhotep, which meant “Amon is at 
peace,” into Akhnaton — ”Joy-of-the-Solar-Disk.” And he confiscated the 
priests’ wealth: their enormous land-property, and all their treasures on 
which he could lay hands. And he caused 


“For as may Father liveth ... more evil are they (the priests) than those things which I 
have heard in the 4th year; more evil are they than those things which King ... heard; 
more evil are they than those things which Menkheperura (Thotmose IV) heard ... in the 
mouth of Negroes; in the mouth of any people!” 



166 


the doors of the great temple of Amon in Kamak to be closed. Then, seeing 
in the priesthoods of the many other gods a force that could only ally itself to 
that of Amon’s servants in their struggle against himself and against the 
State he intended to build, he soon dismissed them also, and had the names 
of the traditional deities and the plural word “gods” erased from the 
inscriptions, and all temples closed (with the exception of those of the Sun- 
gods of Heliopolis, in connection with whose tradition he intended to give 
his Aton religion a hold upon his people). And finally, — when he realised 
that the City of Amon would irredeemably remain hostile to his plans; when 
he lost all hope of making it the centre of his ideal State — he moved from 
Thebes in search of some virgin soil upon which he could lay the 
foundations of the City of his dreams, new capital of the Egyptian Empire; 
political and religious centre of a new world. 

From there, his struggle against the priests of Amon — now 
dispossessed, but never persecuted, for Akhnaton, the Man “above Time,” 
was opposed to all violence — would no doubt continue; and so would, from 
all Egypt, their struggle against him. It was, however, we repeat, — for one 
can never repeat it and stress it enough — anything but a struggle between 
his God-conscious “individual” soul and the traditional gods of the 
community: the national gods as such. It was, least of all, a struggle between 
“monotheism” and “polytheism.” It was a conflict between the Golden Age 
conception of the State ruled by an actual King-god — one of the rare divine 
Men that appear now and then in all ages, but with less and less power on 
earth as time follows its downward course, — and the conception of the 
State ruled by a king assisted, and gradually dominated — overshadowed, — 
and finally replaced by an increasingly powerful priestly class; conception 
which leads ultimately to priestly rule (in the name of the gods, for the 
benefit of the priests.) It was the conflict between the long-forgotten State- 
idea implied in the “Kingdom of Ra,” and that embodied in the pharaonic 
State rapidly evolving towards the kingdom of Hrihor; in other words, the 
conflict between real and false theocracy. 


* * * 



167 


In the sixth year of his reign, Akhnaton founded the City that was to 
be the pattern and the capital of his ideal State. And he named it Akhetaton 
— the City-of-the-Horizon-of-the-Disk. 

As stated above , 1 the place which he selected — and where the ruins 
of the City are still to be seen, — lies some hundred and ninety miles south 
of the site of modem Cairo, on the eastern bank of the Nile. It is a crescent¬ 
shaped bay, some eight miles long and three miles wide, at the foot of the 
limestone desert-cliffs which, to the north and to the south of it, abmptly 
recede from the river. 

It is difficult to tell what hidden reasons — what mysterious but all- 
potent cosmic correspondences — prompted the young. Prophet of the Sun 
to order his ships to be anchored and his, following to land, as he beheld the 
predestined bay on his right hand side, during his slow and thoughtful 
journey down the Nile. There must have been such reasons; there always are 
for the determination or, rather, for the discovery of a sacred spot, anywhere 
upon the surface of the earth. And from what one can guess of his religious 
sensitiveness, Akhnaton was surely aware of their existence, even though it 
be rash to assert that he “knew” them, intellectually, i.e., that he could have 
formulated them in clear sentences; explained them. However, two factors 
undoubtedly played a decisive part in his conscious choice of the site: first, it 
was beautiful; in the distance, the light-grey lime-stone cliffs — that looked 
white under the dazzling midday sun, pink or violet at sunset — resplendent 
between the yellow desert-sand and the pure sky, unbelievably blue. And, 
coming from the South, one could see their clear-cut outlines, bordering the 
bay to the North, above the shining, greyish-blue waters of the Nile. Under 
moon-light (in supposing that Akhnaton had a first glimpse of it at night) the 
place was no less if not even more dream-like. And, in addition to that, it 
was virgin land — religiously speaking; sacred, no doubt, according to the 
untraced cosmic parallelism that made it so, but never yet noticed, never yet 
recognised and utilised as such; never connected with the cult of any of the 
man-made deities, or with the life of any king. In the words of the first 
boundary-stelae of Tell-el-Amarna, it belonged “neither to a 


1 Page 135. 



168 


god nor to a goddess; neither to a prince nor to a princess .” 1 It was awaiting 
its first consecration — like the new, purified earth, at the opening of every 
further Time-cycle. It symbolised that innocent and beautiful new Earth. 

Akhnaton consecrated it to the fiery Orb, Aton, Source of Life, 
whence the atoms of its material substance had sprung, milliards of years 
before; to Aton Whose Essence — Heat-and-Light; vibrating Energy, — he 
had experienced, realised, to be the same as the essence of his own being, 
and Whom he could therefore rightly call his “Father.” 

He caused a solemn sacrifice to be offered. And then, proceeding to 
the South and to the North, he halted, and fixed the limits of the holy 
territory. And he caused the words of consecration to be inscribed upon the 
stelae set up at its limits: frontier-posts between the world as it was — the 
world that had refused his message — and the earthly Paradise, like unto 
that in the far-gone “days of Ra,” which he hoped to reinstall upon that 
stretch of land, which had never before born a temple or a palace: “It 
belongs to my Father, Aton; mountains, deserts, meadows, islands, high- 
grounds, low-grounds, land, water, villages, embankments, men, beasts, 
groves, and all things which Aton, my Father, will bring into existence, 
forever and ever .” 2 

The area occupied by the demarcated territory, which stretched on 
both sides of the Nile “from the Eastern hills to the Western hills” (including 
the island in the midst of the river) was indeed very small: it measured 
roughly eight miles (from north to south) by seventeen (from east to west) 
— a spot, in comparison with the surface of Egypt, not to speak of the 
Egyptian Empire and of the whole Earth. And Akhnaton swore a great oath 
that he would not extend it. He felt, perhaps, that he hardly could expect to 
bring the world of his dreams into existence, unless it be (to begin with, at 
least) within a very restricted area. 

The size of the place has, however, little importance. What counts is 
the spirit — the meaning — of its consecration; the intention behind the 
symbolical gesture opening (or, to be more accurate, haltingly 
foreshadowing, God alone knew how many 


Tell-el-Amarna boundary-stelae. 

2 

Second Foundation inscription, quoted by A. Weigall, “Life and times of Akhnaton” 
(new and revised edit. 1922), p. 89-90. 



169 


thousands of years in advance, the opening of) a new era. As I said, this era 
was to be nothing less than the “Era of Truth” — the Golden Age — in 
which the world, aware of all that is implied in its filiation to the Sun, is 
governed by “gods,” real “Children of the Sun,” not for the greatest 
“happiness” of the greatest number of men (a decadent idea) but for the 
fulfillment of Lifers highest purpose, which is to be a conscious hymn to the 
Sun. And the words of consecration and the oath, first pronounced “on the 
13th day of the fourth month of the second season,” in the sixth year of the 
king’s reign, were repeated, according to a tablet, “on the 8th day of the first 
month of the second season,” in the eight regal year, when Akhnaton came 
back to inhabit his newly-built capital; repeated, nay, with renewed stress: 
“It” (the dedicated territory) “shall be for Aton, my Father: its hills, its 
deserts, all its fowl, all its people, all its cattle, all things which Aton 
produces, on which His rays shine; all things which are in Akhetaton, they 
will be for my Father, the living Aton, unto the temple of Aton in the City, 
forever and ever. They are all offered to His spirit. And may His rays be 
beauteous when they receive them.” 1 

The oath the young king had sworn not to extend the sacred territory 
beyond the limits he had given it, did not bind him to remain, within it, cut 
off from the rest of the world, as though in an ivory tower. It merely 
emphasised the extraordinary importance which he gave the demarcated land 
(possibly for mystical reasons, unknown to us) and his desire to restrict to it 
(doubtless for practical reasons) his direct experiment of the ideal State. We 
know, in fact, from the famous Tell-el-Amarna tablets — a part of his 
diplomatic correspondence with other kings and with his own high officials 
and vassals in Syria and Palestine — that he continued governing the Empire 
from his new capital (only that he governed it in the strange manner of a 
man who did not live in his own Age). And we know that, apart from the 
City-of-the-Horizon-of-the-Disk, he founded at least two other towns 
dedicated to Aton, and intended (in his mind) to be, like the capital, radiating 
centres of the new worship: one somewhere in Syria — we 


1 Quoted by A. Weigall, “Life and times of Akhnaton,” 1922, p. 93. 



170 


do not know where, — and one, named Gem-Aton, in Nubia, near the Third 
Cataract of the Nile. 1 

As I have pointed out elsewhere 2 one is tempted to see, in the choice 
of these two places, one at each end of his dominions, a sign of Akhnaton’s 
effort to prepare his whole Empire to become sacred territory, “property of 
the Sun” in the highest sense of the word. His ultimate desire was, no doubt, 
to see the rule of the Sun — the socio-political (and religious) earthly order 
identical to the divine cosmic Order, — established in every land: the 
Religion of Light and Life as cosmic Energy cannot be limited to a particular 
area of the earthly sphere. But after his bitter experience in Thebes, he was 
aware of the difficulties that stand in the way of such an achievement, and of 
the necessity of acting gradually. The best he could do, to begin with, was to 
see to it that at least three dedicated cities were built within his Empire. And 
of these, Akhetaton, the capital, founded upon holy ground which he had 
personally selected, and directly governed by him, was to be the first visible 
and tangible instance of the Golden Age theocracy of his dreams: the first 
example of what the earth can become when a true child of the Sun “causes 
it to belong to Him Who hath made it.” 

* * * 

This is not the place to describe in details the City-of-the-Horizon-of- 
the-Disk. That has been done by archaeologists far better than I could do it. 
But it is not superfluous to point out that the most suggestive observations of 
those who, themselves, without prepossessions, have “dug up the past” upon 
the famous site, confirm that which I have stressed concerning Akhnaton’s 
tremendous dream, and show, at the same time, how lamentably the City, 
even when it was at the height of its splendour, fell short of it — for even a 
Man “above Time” is, in connection with his practical achievements, a 
prisoner of the Age in which he lives; and no earthly Paradise is possible in a 
Dark Age. 


1 J. Baikie, “The Amarna Age” (edit. 1926), p. 263. Also A. Weigall, l.c., p. 166. 

2 “A Son of God,” p. 65. 



171 


One of the most pathetic facts about Akhetaton, the “Seat of Truth,” is 
certainly the haste with which it was built. 

Within about two years — between the date of the solemn 
consecration of the holy territory, in the sixth year of Akhnaton’s reign, and 
the date at which he came and settled there, early in the eighth year, — the 
new capital took shape, with the result that, in many instances, instead of 
finely-cut masonry, “rubble was used, with a thin stone facing. Mud brick 
was white-washed to look like lime-stone.” 1 Even the tombs, — “houses of 
eternity” — that the king caused to be hewn out of the live rock, in the desert 
hills to the east of the City, for those of his followers that he particularly 
wished to honour, “also witness to the furious hurry in which everything was 
done and to the lack of sufficient skilled artisans and artists.” 2 It was as 
though Akhnaton had known from the start that his days were numbered, 
and had been obsessed by the tragic dilemma: “Now, — or never!” (which 
is, in fact, the dilemma hanging over the genesis of all great achievements 
within Time, more or less at any period, save at the beginning of a new 
Time-cycle, and whatever be the quality — “in Time,” “above Time” or 
“against Time” — of the men fated to act; the dilemma more and more 
inseparable from action in Time as such, as one advances towards — or into 
— the Dark Age.) 

And yet, — in spite of that haste, — the City, the central part of which 
at least was “particularly well laid out,” 3 was, on the whole, an exceptional 
abode of order and beauty. It stretched between the light, greyish-yellow 
sand of the desert and the orchards and gardens that bordered the Nile, over 
a distance of five miles from south to north, on either side of two main 
avenues. One of these is, to this day, known to the inhabitants of the near-by 
villages as “the Imperial Way” — Sikket-es Sultan — while the other, 
somewhat further east, has been given the name of High-Priest Street by the 
modem excavators of the site — as though the theocratic idea that gave birth 
to the short-lived capital had imposed itself upon their 


1 J. D. S. Pendlebury, “Tell-el-Amarna” (edit. 1935), p. 17. 

2 J. D. S. Pendlebury, Ibid., p. 56. 

3 J. D. S. Pendlebury, Ibid., p. 41. 



172 


sub-conscious mind. In the Northern Suburb, “High-Priest Street” is 
continued as “West Road,” while another thoroughfare, parallel to it, — 
“East Road” — has been cleared to the east of it. A number of other streets 
ran from West to East, at right angles to the former. The breadth of the town 
was roughly three quarters of a mile. In the centralmost locality, fronting on 
the main avenue — the “Imperial Way” — lay the king’s vast estate, with its 
private and official quarters, its gardens and pleasure-lake, its beautiful 
private temple, and, to the North of it, the Great Temple of Aton. There was 
another palace at the northern end of the City, and several more temples. In 
fact, every house — whether that of a well-known courtier or high-official, 
lodged in the immediate neighbourhood of the royal estate, or that of a man 
of less exalted condition, such as those who lived in what is now known as 
“the Northern Suburb” — was provided with a chapel. About a mile to the 
South of the capital, were the famous gardens of Mara-Aton, — the nearest 
approach to an earthly Paradise, if any, — with their fresh green arbours, 
their colonnaded pavilions and their artificial lakes full of pink and white 
lotus-flowers. While to the East, between the City and the lime-stone hills 
that limited the landscape, lay a small walled village, regularly planned, with 
neat rows of cottages all alike, destined, — the archaeologists presume, — to 
the workmen occupied on the tombs in the Eastern hills. 

In glaring contrast to all the older temples of Egypt — and, may I add, 
to the classical temples of India, to this day, — in which the holy of holies, 
abode of the hidden God, is the smallest and the darkest room, “the Temple 
at Amama was a true sanctuary of the Sun, with airy courts open to the sky 
succeeding one another as far as the High Altar.” 1 And this is true of all the 
religious buildings of Akhnaton’s capital, from the Great Temple of Aton, 
which was to be the centre of the new worship in the whole of the Egyptian 
Empire, down to the most modest private chapel, comprising just one altar in 
the midst of a small court. 

The spirit of the new worship, — the idea that enthusiasm at the sight 
of light and beauty is the best form of adoration, — 


1 J. D. S. Pendlebury, “Tell-el-Amarna,” p. 77. 



173 


is everywhere obvious. A curious fact, however, — too curious not to be 
mentioned — is that, while in the State temples the altar was always 
approached facing the East, “orientation did not seem to matter in the private 
chapels, which faced “in all directions .” 1 2 Was this, on the part of many a 
house-owner, a senseless and spectacular reaction against Tradition, taken 
indiscriminately, as a whole? And if so, how is it that the king — who did 
not reject that which, in Tradition, actually symbolised eternal facts or laws, 
— allow his subjects to disregard such an important matter as the 
orientation of their Sun-chapels? The only possible answer to that question is 
that, although he considered it his duty to observe the potent symbolism of 
orientation with regard to State temples, (thus putting the State in harmony 
with the Solar System) Akhnaton was, like all those who have risen above 
the bondage of Time and Space, convinced that “wherever one turns, there is 
God,” and that he therefore judged it unnecessary to interfere — taken, of 
course, for granted that he knew that so many chapels within his sacred City 
were not oriented. To him, as I just said, the most important thing in religion 
was reverent, adoring joy at the awareness of supreme beauty. The right 
sense of symbolical correspondences was, indeed, the natural outcome of 
true devotion to true Divinity. Its natural outcome, but not its generator. The 
important thing, in practice, remained the creation of that atmosphere of 
beauty and innocent joy of life — that actual Golden Age atmosphere, — 
external expression of wisdom “above Time” and yet “faithful to the earth,” 
in the midst of which the symbolical correspondences — signs of harmony 
between earth and cosmos, — would automatically appear, and be felt. 

Everything in Akhetaton — everything, at least, which lay within the 
king’s power; everything that illimited wealth and unfettered artistry could 
produce, at the command and under the inspiration of a god-like Man who 
was himself an artist," — was designed to forward such an atmosphere. 


1 J. D. S. Pendlebury, Tell-el-Amarna.” 

2 J. D. S. Pendlebury, (Tell-el-Amarna,” edit. 1936, p. 92) suggests that Akhnaton quite 
possibly used himself to paint. “Two paint brushes of palm-fibre, several fish-bones for 
use of drawing quills, the end still stained with colour, and a good deal of raw paints were 
found in a private room of the king’s palace.” 



174 


Both the Great Temple of Aton and the king’s main palace were buildings of 
unbelievable splendour. 1 The decoration of the latter, — its painted 
pavements in the new, free “Amama style,” representing calves gambolling 
through high grasses full of poppies, or wild ducks waddling their way 
through marshes, (or, in the more public rooms, processions of the subject- 
races of the Empire: Negroes and Nubians, Libyans and Semites); its wall- 
frescoes picturing birds and butterflies fluttering over ponds covered with 
water-lilies, while silver-scaled fishes swam between the reeds; its painted 
ceilings, picturing flights of pigeons, — was, like that of the Northern 
Palace, a hymn to the loveliness of Life; the visible equivalent of the well- 
known songs of praise through which we infer the essential of Akhnaton’s 
religion. And one can hardly imagine the impression that one must have had 
on entering what seems to have been its immense reception hall, the 542 
palm-shaped pillars of which bore capitals inlaid with gold and richly- 
coloured glazes. 

And although the temple has been so utterly destroyed that nothing is 
left of it but the foundations, we can safely presume that it was no less 
beautifully adorned than the king’s own dwelling. 

Indeed, even the ordinary middle-class house in Akhetaton, the type 
of which can be studied in the remains of the Northern Suburb of the City, 
was more lovely than many a rich flat of our modem world. Not only was it 
independent, — self-contained — and practically always situated within 
extensive grounds, 2 but it had more than a sufficient number of rooms to 
secure privacy to the members of a large household and was provided with 
all the comfort that was possible in Eighteenth Dynasty Egypt. And the walls 
were painted with birds and garlands, less elaborately, of course, than those 
of the palace, but in the same nature-loving spirit, and the inside of it, though 
simple, “must have been a glow of colour, 


See the description of them in Arthur Weigall’s “Life and Times of Akhnaton” (edit. 
1922) — in Baikie’s “Amarna Age” (edit. 1926); in J. D. S. Pendlebury’s “Tell-el- 

Amarna” (edit. 1935), etc. 

2 

The house T. 36, 11 studied by J. D. S. Pendlebury, lay, for instance, in an enclosure of 
seventy yards by fifty. (See Pendlebury’s “Tell-el-Amama,” edit. 1935, p. 102 and 
following.) 



175 


with the patches of bright paint and the gilded or polished furniture.” 1 

The remains of the whole place testify to Akhnaton’s attempt to make 
it the pattern and the centre of a world of beauty and happiness; of a world 
regenerated through utmost truth to Nature — faithfulness to the spirit of the 
Sun. And more eloquent, perhaps, than all the rest, are the ruins of the 
“workmen’s village” to the East of the City. There stood regularly planned 
“neat rows of cottages side by side,” 2 along roads at right angle to one 
another. Each labourer shared with his family one of those little cottages, 
which comprised “a front room, used both as a kitchen and as a parlour, 
bedrooms, and a cupboard at the back Inside the houses, rough paintings on 
the mud walls hint at the effort of the individual workman to decorate his 
surroundings and to express his piety; the charms and amulets picked up on 
the floor show which of the many goods of Egypt were most in favour with 
working men; scattered tools and implements tell of the work of each, or of 
his pursuits in leisure hours.” 3 And if, as it has sometimes been supposed, — 
as the single entrance to it, the “marks of patrol roads all round it,” the 
surrounding walls “in no way defensive” but high enough to “keep people 
in,” 4 and its apparently intentional aloofness from the City, would perhaps 
suggest, — this “workmen’s village” was, in fact, a place of internment for 
men who had disobeyed the king, (what people call to-day a “re-education” 
camp, when they are polite, or a concentration camp, when they are not, or 
when they speak of “the enemy’s” institutions), then its evidence would be 
even more eloquent still. For, dreary as they may have looked, in their 
uniformity, those little houses all in a row were far better than any “coolie 
lines” of modern India (before 1947, at least), nay, better than the English 
workmen’s dwellings of the dark years of industrial growth, in the 
nineteenth Century. And their 


1 J. D. S. Pendlebury, “Tell-el-Amarna” (edit. 1935), p. 109. 

2 J. D. S. Pendlebury, “Tell-el-Amarna” (edit. 1935), p. 58 and 118. See also Sir Leonard 
Woolley, “Digging Up the Past,” p. 61-63. 

3 Sir Leonard Woolley, Ibid., p. 62. 

4 See J. D. S. Pendlebury, “Tell-el-Amarna,” (just quoted). 



176 


inmates — whether free labourers or “internees” — had “leisure hours.” 
And they were not asked — or “conditioned” — to, pay homage to the faith 
in power, as people are to-day under every capitalistic and non-capitalistic 
form of Democracy. “They clung to their old gods, and their favourite seems 
to have been Bes, the little dancing lion-dwarf.” 1 Akhnaton was a forerunner 
neither of Christianity nor of Democracy nor of Marxism, nor of any man- 
centred faith of this world or of the next, — product of decay, typical of an 
advanced stage of the Age of Gloom or misapplication of a doctrine of 
despair and escape from earth. He was, as I said before, one of the very rare 
men “above Time” who, while refusing to accept the conditions of the Age 
of Gloom, did not turn their backs to this world; and perhaps the only such 
one endowed, in historical times, with absolute power. Only if one considers 
him — and it — in this light, can one hope to understand his creation: 
Akhetaton, centre of true solar theocracy and capital of a new earth. 

* * * 

Only if one considers it in its political symbolism — as an expression 
of Akhnaton’s claim to embody the oldest and true — the perennial-solar 
Tradition, in contrast to what that Tradition had become through the gradual 
rise of Amon (i.e. of Amon’s priests) to prominence, — can one grasp the 
right meaning of the most discussed and most misunderstood aspect of the 
“Amama style,” namely, of the treatment of the king’s own figure, and of 
that of the members of his family, in nearly all but the very early paintings 
and reliefs of his reign. 

In all these pictures “the skull is elongated; the chin, as seen in profile, 
is drawn as though it were sharply pointed; the flesh under the jaw is 
skimped, thus giving an upward turn to the line; and the neck is represented 
as being long and thin,” details to which one must add the prominent paunch 
and the abnormally large hips and thighs, “though from the knee 
downwards, the legs are of more natural size.” 2 The explanation given for 
those anatomic abnormalities by many, 


1 J. D. S. Pendlebury, “Tell-el-Amarna” (edit. 1936), p. 58. 

2 Arthur Weigall, “Life and Times of Akhnaton” (edit. 1922), p. 59. 



177 


nay, by most archaeologists, is simple — too simple, in fact. It rests upon the 
following reasoning process: in all its other aspects, (as one can see from the 
scenes of animal and plant life on the walls and pavements of the palaces,) 
the Amama art excells in faithfulness to nature; it has represented Akhnaton 
with a misshaped head and an ungainly body; therefore he must have been 
afflicted with both.” Too simple, I say, for this is contradicted by several 
likenesses of the king such as the life-size lime-stone bust of the Berlin 
Museum, 1 which is anything but out of proportion. The true explanation is 
to, Ire sought elsewhere: in the time-honoured tradition that “Ra-Horakhti 
had once reigned on earth,” and in the comparison of the strangest 
“portraits” of the king, queen and princesses with the Egyptian “wood and 
slate carvings and ivory figures of archaic times.” “The similarity between 
the treatment of the human body in this archaic art and the “new” art of 
Akhnaton at once becomes apparent,” writes Arthur Weigall, the one 
archaeologist who, to my knowledge, and whatever may have been his 
prepossessions about the Aton religion, hinted at the right significance of the 
strange “exaggerations” of the Amama artists; “in all representations of 
archaic men, one sees the elongated skull, so characteristic of the king’s 
style; in the clay and ivory figures is the prominent stomach; and here also, 
most apparent of all, are the unaccountably large thighs and ponderous 
hips.” 2 And he produces, in support of this statement, two royal heads and a 
statuette in archaic style discovered by Sir Flinders Petrie at Abydos and 
Diospolis, 3 works of art in which the “Amarna features are obvious,” and he 
boldly holds Akhnaton’s “new style” for what it is: not the realistic 
portraiture of an ungainly model, still less the sickly creation of decadent 
artists in search of bizarrerie, but an “archaic renaissance” with a deep 
political meaning; the external sign of a return to the old idea of divine 
kingship, with its old implications. 

This is indeed the only explanation of the “Amarna style” In the light 
of which the apparent contrast between the utter realism in the rendering of 
nature scenes (and in some of the 


Now in Wiesbaden. 

2 Arthur Weigall, “Life and Times of Akhnaton” (edit. 1922), p. 63. 

3 

See the pictures in WeigalTs quoted book (p. 64). 



178 


portrait painting and sculpture) and the strangeness of the distorted 
“portraits,” disappears. The figures of calves and ducks and papyrus-reeds 
and water-lilies merely had to be true to life — and decorative; the figures of 
the king, son of the Sun, had first (and even at the cost of external beauty) to 
be true to the meaning and purpose of his reign; they had, through 
unmistakable filiation to models as archaic as possible, to manifest, in a 
manner likely to strike the Egyptians, the fdiation of Akhnaton’s new order 
to the “days of Ra,” past and to come; they had, nay, to be a sign that, with 
him, in Akhetaton at least, the “days of Ra” had returned. 

The same intention, the same theocratic symbolism, is to be noticed in 
the fact — equally stressed by A. Weigall, — that the king is nearly always 
represented with the crown of Lower Egypt — by far the oldest of the “Two 
Lands,” and the immemorial seat of that Heliopolitan Sun-worship with 
which he tried so hard to connect his, In the minds and hearts of his subjects, 
— and that “the names of the new God were placed within royal 
cartouches”; 1 2 3 also in the fact that, wherever one turns in Akhetaton, the 
person of the King is honoured, exalted — adored — along with the Disk 
with rays ending in hands, Sign of impersonal, cosmic Godhead. 

This can be seen in the most simple, the most average private houses 
of the sacred City. Every house was, as stated above, provided with a more 
or less elaborate private chapel, the place of worship of the family. There, 
“on the back wall behind the altar” — the wall one faced when standing 
before the altar, in the attitude of prayer-would be placed a stele not merely 
picturing the Sun-disk, Symbol of the all-pervading He-She-It, “Heat-and- 
Light-within-the-Disk,” but “showing the King worshipping the Disk of the 
Sun.” And there were representations of the King, as well as written words 
in praise of Aton, in more than one part of the house outside the chapel; 
many a niche or false door, sunk into a wall for the sake of symmetry, was 
inscribed with prayers, and “one at least shows a scene of the king making 
an offering,” while “the 


1 Arthur Weigall, “Life and Times of Akhnaton” (edit. 1922), p. 65. J. D. S. Pendlebury, 
l.c., p. 14. 

2 J. D. S. Pendlebury, “Tell-el-Amarna” (edit. 1935), p. 102. 

3 J. D. S. Pendlebury, Ibid., p. 109. 



179 


lintel of the front door” (in the same house) bore a picture of the owner of 
the house “worshipping the royal and divine Names, and saying a short 
prayer.” 1 

This can be seen also, and no less glaringly, in the twenty-five tombs 
in the desert hills, to the East of the City. “Taken together,” those tombs, 
where not a single reference to Osiris or to any of the old mythology of the 
Netherworld is to be found, and where only two funeral scenes are depicted, 2 
“only reveal one personality, one family, one home, one career and one 
mode of worship. This is the figure, family, palace and occupations of the 
King, and the worship of the Sun — which also was his.” 3 Of course, scenes 
from the career of those men to whom the tombs were destined, — in the 
tomb of Mahu, for instance, scenes showing the latter’s efficiency as 
Commander of the Police, — were also represented upon the walls. But they 
are always connected, in one manner or another, with the person of the King. 
They tell the loyalty which the courtiers (outwardly at least) professed to 
him; their readiness to “hearken to his Teaching of life”; the generosity with 
which he lavished rewards upon them for their zeal in the discharge of their 
official duties and for their alleged orthodoxy regarding the Religion of the 
Disk. And the scenes of domestic life-the naturalness of which has been 
emphasised by all archaeologists, — show the life of the royal family. And 
the scenes of worship picture the King and Queen before the altar of the Sun. 
And in their prayers, the noblemen, owners of the tombs, beg Aton, the 
Source of life, Who is also the Ruler of Destiny, to grant them to continue 
serving the King beyond the gates of death, and proclaim, again and again, 
in beautiful words, Akhnaton’s divinity as Son of the Sun: “Thou hast 
formed him out of Thine own Rays... He is Thy Emanation...”; 4 “Thy rays 
are upon Thy bright Image, the Ruler of Truth, who proceedeth from 
Eternity; Though givest him Thy duration and Thy years... As long 


1 J. D. S. Pendlebury, Ibid. p. 103. 

2 

In the burial chamber of Princess Makitaton, and in the tomb of Huya. 

3 Norman de Garis Davies, “The Rack Tombs of el-Amama,” p. 18-19. 

4 

Tomb of Vita (Inscription). 



180 


as Heaven is, He shall be!” 1 “Thou art eternal, Neferkhepe-rura Ua-en-Ra” 
(Beautiful Essence of the Sun, Only One of the Sun); “living and sound art 
thou, for He begat thee.” 2 

One has indeed to follow the stream- of history nearly three thousand 
years — namely, down to the relatively modern great Sun-state of South 
America, the Inca Empire, to find such an absolute identification of the 
person of the King with the Sun, Principle of cosmic Godhead. But there is 
an enormous difference — a difference in nature, in meaning, not merely in 
years, — between that latest in date of the traditional Sun-kingdoms 3 and the 
short-lived City of the Horizon of Aton. The Inca State was perhaps the most 
eminently “totalitarian” State of all times (if I be allowed to apply that 
fashionable word to a reality centuries old), a State in which everything, — 
including private individuals’ marriages — was firmly and minutely 
regulated by the Government, and, in addition to that, a warrior-like State, 
— a State in which the necessity of war was, at least, fully recognised, 
although its kings were not wantonly aggressive. With its lofty solar 
religion, — very much the same as Akhnaton’s and, contrarily to that of 
Japan, the only religious force in the land, 4 — and its great ideal of social 
justice, it was what I would call a State “against Time.” Akhnaton’s holy 
City was a place of individual liberty as well as a place of beauty, and his 
new order, an order of peace, for he was a Man “above Time.” They were 
fully so, however, only to the extent it was for him materially (and 
psychologically) possible to bring his dream of an earthly paradise into 
existence. And this was not possible for, as I said before, there is and there 
can be no State “above Time” in the Dark Age. 


Tomb of May (Inscription). 

2 

Tomb of Ay (Inscription). 

3 

Japan, the one Sun-State of our contemporary world is much older. But I do not 
mention it in this connection because of the very long eclipse of the Emperors’ personal 
rule, (from the days of Yoritomo, the first Shogun, (1186-1199) to 1866.) Also because of 
the part played by thought currents other than State Sun-worship (Buddhism; 
Confucianism, etc.) in Japanese history. 

4 

Even before 551 A.D. (date of the introduction of Buddhism) Japan had other important 
gods besides the Sun-Goddess. Legend shows that for a long time the supremacy of the 
latter had to be won over the claims of her powerful and troublesome brother Su-sa-no- 
wo, the tempest god. 



181 


* * * 


There can be none, because every State rests upon coercion — i.e. 
violence — nay, because, always, save at the very dawn of a new Time- 
cycle, — and all the more as one advances into an Age of Gloom, — life 
itself is inseparable from violence under some form or another. And 
archaeological evidence shows that, with all its loveliness, Akhnaton’s City 
was no exception to the eternal Laws. However much the sight of it may 
have been, as a whole, “like a glimpse of Heaven,” 1 it bore, even materially, 
the signs of the Dark Ages: behind the beautiful estates that lined the roads 
in the North Suburb and the “second ring of medium-sized houses” at the 
back of these, “finally came the slums: a mere tangle of hovels, sharing 
common court-yards.” 2 In spite of his endeavour to give everyone a place 
within his sacred territory; nay, in spite of the fact that he had, in his hymns, 
laid down the principle of the separation of races, implying the idea that only 
natural differences among men should be sanctioned and stressed in a 
society copied upon the eternal Order of heaven, Akhnaton could not, even 
in the City of his dreams, avoid the bitter struggle for space between the 
well-to-do and the poor, on grounds of wealth alone, struggle that had, in his 
days already, long become one of the permanent features of human life. It is 
indeed difficult to say whether, in that “tangle of hovels” — the back streets 
of the Northern Suburb, — no Egyptian lived, whom his sincere adherence 
to the Religion of the Disk and his qualities of character should have 
recommended to the king’s attention and won him a private house as 
comfortable as that which Pnahesi the Ethiopian (or the Negro) occupied to 
the South of the official Quarters. 

There is more. As I said above, the so-called “workmen’s village,” 
some miles to the East of the capital, looks strangely like a model convicts’ 
camp, run under exceptionally humane conditions. Now, even if it were just 
a workmen’s village (which is, possible, despite the isolating walls, and the 
traces 


Inscription in the tomb of May (tomb 14) at Tell-el-Amarna. 

2 J. D. S. Pendlebury, “Tell-el-Amarna” (edit. 1935), p. 45. 

3 

Sir Wallis Budge, “Tutankhamon, Amenism, Atenism and Egyptian Monotheism,” p. 
92. 



182 


of patrol roads all round it), still the fact would remain that there existed an 
armed police-force in Akhetaton, and that this force did not confine its 
activity to mere parades. This is unmistakably shown upon the walls of the 
tomb of Mahu, “Chief of the Police,” 1 where malefactors are actually 
pictured “led handcuffed into the presence of the Vizier and other nobles, for 
examination.” 2 There is, admittedly, no evidence at all of the death-penalty, 
or even of drastic repression methods, having existed within the sacred area 
(or, in fact, anywhere in Egypt) during Akhnaton’s reign. (Sir Wallis 
Budge’s assumption of the contrary is a purely gratuitous one, based, as he 
himself states, upon the mere fact that Akhnaton’s was an “Oriental” 
Court.) And even the priests of Amon — the King’s arch-enemies, — were 
merely dispossessed of their fabulous wealth, and, apparently, neither killed 
nor in any way persecuted (otherwise, this would have been recorded — and 
stressed — in such inscriptions as the Cairo stele, describing conditions 
under Akhnaton’s government, retrospectively, after the restoration of the 
cult of Amon). Yet, the mere existence of a force of coercion in Akhetaton 
shows that the City was not the earthly paradise of the king’s dreams. 

The maintenance of a police was not the only willing or unwilling — 
conscious or unconscious — concession of the Man “above Time” to the 
necessities (or to the standing conditions) of this Dark Age. All 
archaeologists agree that not only was Akhnaton himself “no hunter,” but 
that there is in his reign no evidence of hunting, as though the cruel sport 
had been forbidden, or at least strongly discouraged, as contrary to the spirit 
of a religion which exalted the beauty and sanctity of Life. Yet, on the other 
hand, it is more difficult to deny the evidence of at least occasional animal- 
sacrifices in connection with the Religion of the Disk. Even though the 
offerings may have consisted “mostly of vegetables, fruits and flowers”; 4 
even though a passage of Sir Wallis Budge relating to the altars in the open 
courts of the Great Temple of Aton 


Tomb No. 9, (southern series) at Tell-el-Amama. 

2 J. D. S. Pendlebury, “Tell-el-Amarna” (edit. 1915), p. 52. 

3 

Sir Wallis Budge, ‘Tutankhamen, Amenism, Atenism and Egypt, Monotheism, p. 107- 
108. 

4 A. Weigall, “Life and Times of Akhnaton” (edit. 1922), p. 108. 



183 


would seem to suggest that no sacrifices were offered upon them, any more 
than on the altar which Queen Hatshepsut had erected to Ra-Horakhti in her 
temple at Der-el-Bahri, 1 there remains the first inscription set up in 
commemoration of the foundation of Akhetaton, which states that the King 
offered Aton a great sacrifice “of bread, beer, homed bulls, polled bulls, 
beasts, fowl, wine, incense and all goodly herbs”; 2 there remains the 
disturbing, even if not hundred per cent convincing, pictorial evidence of 
garlanded bulls, 3 and of feasts in which the presence of meat and poultry is 
suggested. 4 It may be, of course, that Akhnaton only allowed animal 
sacrifices in order to impress upon his people the filiation of his “new” cult 
to the immemorial Sun-cult of Heliopolis, of which such ritual blood-shed 
was a feature, — he needed spectacular concessions to deep-rooted tradition, 
if he was to impose upon Egypt, “peacefully,” a religion as “un-Egyptian” as 
his. It may be also that he realised that, if suppressed, the time-honoured rite, 
which at least regulated and restricted meat-eating to some extent, would 
only be replaced by a more extensive and more gmesome slaughter of 
animals in the name of gluttony alone (as it actually was to be, one day, in 
the Christian world). But whatever be the explanation one might put forward 
to reconcile his attitude in this matter with the lofty Golden Age wisdom that 
radiates from all we know of Akhnaton’s career, it cannot destroy the fact 
that the two are incompatible. 

There never was and there never can be any killing of innocent birds 
and beasts, — be it as offerings to the Sun — in a 


1 Sir Wallis Budge, “History of Egypt” (edit. 1902), Vol. IV, p. 122: “...it is possible that 
the idea of the altars was suggested to the architect Bek, the son of Men, by the altar 
which Queen Hatshepsut, had erected in her temple at Der-al-Bahari. It is an interesting 
fact that no sacrifices of any, kind were offered up either on the Queen’s altar on the 
altars of her successors, and it must be noted that the Queen says in bar inscription that 
she had built the altar for her father Ra-Harmachis, and that Ra-Harmachis was the one 
ancient god of the Egyptians that Amenhotep IV delighted to honour.” 

2 Quoted by A. Weigall, “Life and times of Akhnaton” (edit. 1922), p. 83. 

3 

In the tomb of Merira, (tomb 4) at Tell -el-Amama. 

4 

In the tomb of Huya, (tomb 1) at Tell-el-Amarna. 



184 


real Golden Age. And the toleration of this most ancient rite, even 
exceptionally, and with the most laudable practical justification, in 
Akhnaton’s holy City, merely illustrates with further forcifulness how 
impossible it is for a Man “above s Time” — nay, specially for a Man 
“above Time” — to create an earthly paradise within our Dark Age. 

* * * 

But the most tragically instructive instance of the application of a 
Golden Age wisdom to the earth in this Dark Age, regardless of the 
conditions of the latter, is to be studied in Akhnaton’s uncompromising “no” 
to war, in his refusal, as the head of an Empire, to accept the law of violence, 
which is the law of Time par excellence (and specially the law of Time in all 
Dark Ages.) 

The story of the unrest in Syria and Palestine — i.e. in the whole 
northern portion of the Egyptian Empire, — in Akhnaton’s reign has been 
pieced together from some three hundred clay tablets covered with 
cuneiform writing — the diplomatic script of his days, — found in 1887 and 
1891 among the ruins of Akhetaton, and representing the despatches sent to 
the King by vassal dynasts and Egyptian governors of the war-tom lands. 
We do not — and, unfortunately, shall never — know the whole story, for 
over two thirds of the clay tablets were lost through senseless mishandling, 
after their discovery. 1 But from what we do know of it, the situation can be 
retrospectively summed up and characterised as “a great concerted anti- 
Egyptian movement” 2 led by local vassal princes in close alliance with wild 
plundering elements, apparently desert tribes: the Sa-Gaz, in North Syria, 
and the Habiru (in wham some authors are tempted to recognise the 
“Hebrews,” in one of the invading waves that carried them to what they 
called their “promised Land”) in Palestine, while at the back of it, invisible 
organiser of all the trouble, stood Shubbiluliuma, the ambitious and crafty 
king of the Hittites, whose aim it was to extend his own domination at the 
expense of the Egyptian Empire. 


1 Sir Flinders Petrie, “History of Egypt,” Vol. 11, p. 259. 

2 S. Cook, “Cambridge Ancient History” (edit. 1924), Vol. 11, p 303. 



185 


The movement seems to have had two main centres: the land of 
Amor, in Northern Syria, and the Plain of Jezreel, in Palestine. The Amorite 
chieftain Abdashirta and his three sons — and, foremost among these, the 
famous Aziru, — and Ikatama, the “man of Kadesh,” and, in the South, 
Labaya (or Lapaya), Tagi, Milki-Ili, and others, were the most troublesome 
anti-Egyptian dynasts, — those whose names one reads over and over again 
in the complaining reports addressed to Akhnaton by loyal ones such as Abi- 
Milki of Tyre, Biridiya of Megiddo, and, above all, Ribaddi, the 
indefatigable “king” of Gebal (Byblos), and Abdikhipa, Governor of 
Jerusalem. 

These both remained unflinchingly faithful to the end (even after Abi- 
Milki and many another staunch ally of Egypt had long gone over to the Sa- 
Gaz in sheer desperation, as no help had come to him from Pharaoh, in 
answer to his pathetic despatches.) Their messages are not only the most 
numerous (over fifty letters addressed to Akhnaton by Ribaddi alone have 
come down to us), but they are moving beyond words, even to this day, at a 
distance of three thousand three hundred years — moving, as completely 
selfless loyalty, (loyalty coupled with the certainty of disaster) always is. 
And at first, one can only experience bewilderment at Akhnaton’s attitude as 
he took knowledge of them; bewilderment and something more, at his 
apparent indifference to the fate of those who were dying for him with such 
faith. But let us recall in a nutshell the general course of events, as one 
follows it in the “Tell-el-Amama Letters.” 

The immediate impression one gathers from these most ancient 
diplomatic documents is extremely confusing. A number of local princes and 
chieftains, after equally lengthy and vehement protestations of their own 
loyalty to the King of Egypt, describe him the growing unrest in their 
particular areas, every one of them accusing his neighbour of being a friend 
of the Sa-Gaz (or of the Habiru ) a liar and a traitor. It is only gradually, — 
as one reads further messages, — that one begins to understand who is really 
loyal and who is not. Then one reads of dynasts at first faithful to Egypt — 
such as Abi-Milki — who, one after the other, go over to the opposite — 
anti-Egyptian — camp. Their names are given in the letters of other local 
dynasts, who still hold on. But from the increasing 



186 


entreaty in their own messages — appeals for military help and protection — 
one concludes that no satisfactory answer had reached them from the distant 
Capital of the Sun, and that they have gone over to the enemy in sheer rage 
and disgust, not wanting to die uselessly for a king who did not seem to 
value their devotion to his cause. Soon, there are practically only two 
chieftains who have accepted to carry on, in the name of and for Egypt, the 
struggle against the Sa-Gaz and Habiru and whomever might stand on their 
side; two last sincere allies of Akhnaton as an emperor: Ribaddi and 
Abdikhipa. The letters of both of them give a rapidly darkening picture of 
the situation, and lay more and more stress upon the urgency of the 
Pharaoh’s intervention, if the Empire is to be saved. 

The progress of the Amorites, under Abdashirta and his sons, towards 
the South (and towards the sea-coast) makes Ribaddi feel threatened in his 
stronghold. And yet, in the beginning, his demands strike us as being indeed 
very modest, “May it seem good to my Lord, the Sun of the Lands, to send 
me twenty pairs of horses,” 1 2 writes he, in one of his early despatches. In 
another he merely asks for “three hundred men” to help him to hold Gebal 
(Byblos) against the increasing menace. But that aid is, apparently, never 
sent. And although Abdashirta is killed in a skirmish, the Amorites push 
forward, now in alliance with Arvad, a coastal town that has thrown in its lot 
with theirs. And they are besieging Simyra, another — important — 
harbour. “As a bird in the fowler’s snare, so is Simyra. Night and day the 
sons of Abdashirta are against it, by land, and the men of Arvad by sea.” 3 
Meanwhile, the elders of distant Tunip, in North-East Syria, send Akhnaton 
what is, certainly, one of the most moving official documents of all times: 
“Who could formerly have plundered Tunip, without being plundered by 
Men-kheper-Ra? (Thotmose the Third) ... May the king, our Lord, ask his 
old men if it be not so. But now, we no longer belong to Egypt” ... “Aziru 
will treat Tunip as he has treated Niy ... And when Aziru enters Simyra, he 
will do to us as he pleases, and 


1 Letter 103, (Knutzon Collection). 

2 Letter 93, (Knutzon Collection). 

3 Letter 84, (Winckler Collection). 



187 


the King will have to lament... And now, Tunip, thy city, weeps, and her 
tears are flowing and there is no help for us. For twenty years we have been 
sending (despatches) to our Lord, the King of Egypt, but there has not come 
to us a word from our Lord — not one!” 1 

Still no aid comes. It is as though Akhnaton were deaf to all appeals: 
as though the fate of his dominions did not interest him or, as though, 
perhaps, — one wonders — the Syrian news never reached him. 

More local dynasts — Zimrida, of Sidon; Yapa-addu, and others, — 
join the enemies of Egypt. Ribaddi sends the king a list of the towns that 
“the sons of Abadashirta” have taken, describes his own plight, cut off as he 
is from the ports of Northern Syria and surrounded by enemies closing in on 
him, and begs, again and again, for troops to be sent to him, to help him 
defend Simyra. For if Simyra falls, Byblos is sure to fall. But no troops are 
sent. And a line or two upon a clay tablet tell Akhnaton the result of his 
refusal to fight: “Simyra, thy fortress, is now in the power of the Sa-Gaz .” 2 

Then follows the whole story of Ribaddi’s desperate stand, from the 
midst of a starving town in growing rebellion against him, — alone; loyal, to 
his overlord to the bitter end, in spite of every sign of the latter’s 
indifference; — and his last pathetic appeal: “O, let not my Lord the king 
neglect the city” and his last brief news: “The enemy does not depart from 
the gates of Byblos....” 

As Byblos fell, he was captured by Aziru, and delivered into the hands 
of the confederate Amorite chiefs, to be put to death in a manner one is left 
to imagine. We know it from Akhnaton’s one surviving letter, written to 
Aziru after the happening. The King’s grief and indignation, as the deed was 
brought to his knowledge, seem hardly compatible with his constant refusal 
to help the most faithful and the bravest of all his vassals. 

The despatches from Palestine give the account of parallel events 
succeeding one another at the same tragic tempo: 


1 Letter 41, (Winckler Collection) quoted (CLXX) by Sir Flinders Petrie “Hist. Egypt,” 

Vol. II, P- 292-293. 

2 

~ Letter 56, (Winckler Collection). 

3 Letter 137, (Knutzon Collection). 



188 


increasing pressure of the Habiru from all sides, and increasing disaffection 
of the chieftains hitherto loyal to Egypt, as they receive no aid in answer to 
their distressed letters; intrigues of the most able hostile princelings in order 
to bribe or threaten into their alliance (and that of the Habiru) those who still 
hesitate, wondering where their interest lies; and, from the one man faithful 
to Egypt to the end, namely Abdikhipa, Governor of Jerusalem, further 
reports of spreading lawlessness, — plunder and murder — and desperate 
appeals for help, and desperate warnings that, if no help comes, the whole 
land will become the prey of the rebels and of their allies — “If no troops 
come this year, all the lands of the king, my Lord, will be lost”; 1 2 — 
postscripts addressed to Akhnaton’s cuneiform scribe, with whom 
Abdikhipa seems to have been personally acquainted: “Bring clearly before 
the king, my Lord, these words: All the lands of the king my Lord are going 
to ruin.” And finally, the faithful Governor’s last report of disaster: “Now, 
the Habiru occupy the cities. Not one prince remains; all are ruined,” 3 — and 
his last protest of loyalty, in, spite of all: “The king has set his name upon 
the Land of Jerusalem, for ever; therefore I cannot forsake the Land of 
Jerusalem.” 4 

There is no evidence that Akhnaton did anything to defend his last 
stronghold in Asia, be it at the eleventh hour; or that he tried to recover any 
portion of the lost territories. And thus “from the boundaries of Asia Minor 
and Northern Mesopotamia to the Sinai Desert, Egyptian domination now 
became a thing of the past — a thing, nay, that was, despite the efforts and 
partial success of the Pharaohs of the next dynasty, never to be again.” 5 

And along with the Egyptian Empire (and with Akhnaton’s prestige at 
home, which alone victorious war could have strengthened) disappeared the 
chances of the Religion of the Disk to remain the State religion of Egypt and 
to become, in the form Akhnaton had given it, a world-force. In Syria, harsh 


1 Letter 183, (Winckler Collection). 

2 

Same letter. 

3 Letter 181, (Winckler Collection). 

4 Quoted by J. Baikie, “The Amarna Age” (edit. 1926), p. 183. 

5 See “A Son of God,” p. 208. 



189 


Hittite domination replaced mild Egyptian rule. And if the Habiru of the 
Tell-el-Amama Letters really be the all-too-well-known Hebrews, it is 
hardly necessary to point out what far-reaching consequences — totally 
unpredictable in Akhnaton’s days — their permanent settling in Canaan was 
to have for world history. This was not the last time that a ruler’s reluctance 
to war was to originate developments far worse (in the long run) than war 
would have been, nor — if the above suggestion be right, — the last time 
that a generous dream was finally to forward the ends of the least generous 
of all races. But it was the first — and last — time that such a powerful 
potentate, — the mightiest of his epoch, — took on such a terrible 
responsibility for the sake of and sacrificed so much to an ideal of peace 
rooted neither in a philosophy of decay (like the pacifism of most of our 
contemporaries) nor in a lofty, but other-worldly wisdom, such as Emperor 
Asoka’s Buddhism, but in a Golden Age conception of life, at the same time 
unquestionably generous and faithful to this earth. 

For there is no reason to suppose, as some archaeologists seem to, that 
Akhnaton acted, or rather, abstained from acting, out of sheer ignorance of 
the situation. True, the Tell-el-Amama Letters are confusing. Tme, the most 
decidedly treacherous vassals of Egypt, such as Abdashirta, or Azim 
himself, express their allegiance to their “Lord, the King, the Sun of the 
lands” in the most glowing phrases (all the more glowing that they are more 
treacherous). Tme, there were at the Court of Akhetaton, elements of very, 
very doubtful loyalty (such as that Tutu, with whom Azim was personally in 
correspondence, and to whom he used to send presents). And Akhnaton 
“may well have received a very censored and edited version” 1 of the Syrian 
despatches. Still, of all that amount of appealing distress, something must 
have reached him. And there remained to him, anyhow, one reliable way of 
finding out the tmth, and that consisted in going to Syria himself, as his 
forefathers had, one after the other. That way be never cared — or wished — 
to take. 

On the other hand, “supineness and apathy” 2 are not the 


1 J. D. S. Pendlebury, “Tell-el-Amarna” (edit. 1935), p. 221. 

2 J. Baikie, “The Amarna Age” (edit. 1926), p. 375. 



190 


proper words by which to describe his attitude, or one would not, in his one 
own surviving letter to Aziru, feel that sincere grief and righteous 
indignation at the news that Ribaddi has been handed over to the Amorite 
princes, his bitterest enemies — an indignation that prompts the king even to 
threaten his vassal with death. Nor would Akhnaton have done all he could 
and had his other most faithful supporter, Abdikhipa of Jerusalem, safely 
brought to Egypt according to the latter’s expressed wish, if he just had not 
cared what happened to those who defended the Empire in his name. No, the 
young king’s bewildering reaction to the Syrian war cannot be so lightly 
explained. There is, in fact, no logical explanation for it, outside that given 
by Arthur Weigall: “...Akhnaton definitely refused to do battle believing that 
a resort to arms was an offence to God. Whether fortune or misfortune, gain 
or loss, was to be his lot, he would hold to his principles and would not 
return to the old gods of battle.” 1 Only, the ideal in the name of which he 
acted, (or, to be more accurate, refrained from acting), was not the Christian- 
like ideal of “brotherhood of all men” that Arthur Weigall supposes. It was a 
broader and more rational — truer — ideal; a cosmic ideal, in the light of 
which “peace on earth and good will towards men” were a mere implication 
of the established harmony between heaven and earth on all planes', the ideal 
of paradise here and now, in beauty and fullness of life; I repeat: a Golden 
Age ideal, faithful not to: this earth as it is, but to this earth as it was and will 
be, at the beginning of every Time-cycle, when strife is yet unconceivable. 

In other words, he refused to act according to the law of violence, 
which is the law of any development in Time save in a Golden Age. 

And yet lie did not turn from this fallen world — renounce the 
responsibility of temporal power, as Prince Gautama (the Buddha) and 
Mahavira (the Founder of the Jain religion, also a Kshattriya by birth) were 
to do, some eight hundred years later. But he lived in it and for it, as though 
it were not fallen. He refused to become what I have described in the 
beginning of this book as a “man against Time.” And yet 


1 Arthur Weigall, “Life and Times of Akhnaton” (edit. 1922), p. 202. 



191 


he did not seek, beyond the loveliness of this sunlit world — and beyond its 
unavoidable violence — the eternal Principle of that refusal, but found it in 
the beauty of his earthly Golden Age dream alone. 

In this lies his unique position among the famous men “above Time.” 

* * * 

The great Indian Emperor Asoka, son of Bindusara, who was to 
appear eleven hundred years after him, is the one towering historical figure 
with whom one might compare him: a man “above Time,” like himself, 
endowed, like he, with unlimited temporal power; like he, a king who held 
both hunting and war in abhorrence. (The world-famous apostle of “non¬ 
violence” in our times, late Mahatma Gandhi, is not in the same class as 
either Asoka or Akhnaton. His “nonviolence” is, in reality, the subtlest form 
of moral violence — a typical product of our Dark Age that distorts and 
corrupts all vital instincts, and calls them by the wrong names. And he is, — 
or was — a most realistic man “against Time,” who used that distorted 
violence as a weapon, identifying it — falsely, though sincerely, — with the 
real non-violence of those who are not of this world and who do not fight for 
worldly ends). 

But there are differences between the Maurya potentate and the 
“'King of Upper and Lower Egypt, living in Truth.” First, a fundamental 
difference in the nature of their creeds; for, although Asoka might not be 
described as “an ascetic,” the creed in the name of which he protected all life 
(and first gave up war) was an ascetic one: a creed of renunciation of this 
world; a way explicitly intended to lead men out of the endless cycle of 
birth, death and re-birth, considered as a cycle of suffering. Non-violence 
was, to him, a consequence of that renunciation of the curse of earthly life 
— nay, of any form of individual life — while it was, to Akhnaton, an 
inseparable condition of life in beauty and truth, here and now. Then, an all- 
important difference in the history of the two potentates Asoka was a 
convert to his creed of detachment and love; Akhnaton was the originator of 
his, and had practised it from the beginning. This may be, from the 
standpoint of the 



192 


“soul” of the two great men, just the same. It is not at all “the same” from 
the standpoint of their creation in Time. 

Chandasoka — Asoka before he became a Buddhist, — had not only 
taken violence for granted, as the most natural thing, but had exerted it 
himself, to the utmost extent. He had been a warrior, and a fierce one, — 
and, which is more, a victorious one. Dharmasoka — Asoka after the sight 
(and the experience) of the horror of war had changed his heart, — had 
Chandasoka’s career behind him. And, painful as the memory of it doubtless 
was to him — and ironical as the fact may be, — this gave him an immense 
practical advantage: he did not need to sacrifice an inch of his empire to his 
creed of non-violence: the people of Kalinga had been too ruthlessly crushed 
even to dream of rebellion. And thus, in the peace and safety won by his 
own sword at the time he still had been but a Kshattriya full of the lure of 
carnage and conquest, the great patron of Buddhism could devote his whole 
energy, and the revenues of a prosperous realm, to his new ideal of 
meekness and love towards all creatures — his new dream of escape from 
the bondage of Time. The consequence of his former ruthlessness — the 
existence of a strengthened centralised State, with increased resources — 
forwarded the unhindered development of his new creation: the Buddhist 
State, with its glorious laws regulating social welfare and restricting, and 
finally forbidding, the slaughter of animals, and its organised missionary 
activity infusing the spirit of non-violence and the yearning of renunciation 
— the ascetic contempt of this world within Time, — into human hearts, 
from Ceylon and Burma to Palestine, Alexandria, and even Greece and Italy. 

Asoka never ceased taking the conditions of this Dark Age into full 
consideration: first, — when he was yet a man “in Time” — in order to 
conquer (through violence) and then, — as he rose “above Time” — in order 
to renounce this world, to reject it as his home, while still governing it in a 
spirit of non-violence — with infinitely more thoroughness and more logic 
than the Christians (with their dogma of personal immortality and their 
childish partiality towards “man” among all creatures) ever were to show. 
Arid he was, as the patron of the great other-worldly religion of peace and 
love, as successful as he had been as a warrior, and more so. 



193 


Akhnaton, who, although he had in him the will-power and 
uncompromising determination of a fighter, had never been a man of 
violence, lost everything for the sake of a creed that was anything but an 
ascetic one. He lost everything, and did not succeed in leaving the stamp of 
his Teaching upon the future, precisely because of his stubborn refusal to 
wage war, when war was the only way to that order and peace (and prestige) 
that he so needed, if his lofty solar philosophy was to continue to find 
expression in a State-religion. Nor did he, on the other hand, go as far as 
Asoka in the enforcement of non-violence in everyday life. He surely sang 
the loveliness of Life under all its forms, and was no friend of the chase. But 
no edicts of his forbade or restricted, as far as we know, the slaughter of 
creatures for man’s food, as Asoka’s did, and that alone must be looked 
upon as an abdication before the power of the Dark Age; as a recognition 
that he could not change its conditions of existence, or its scale of values. 

But, as I already said, instead of combating these (in this and other 
expressions of theirs,) in the name of his religion of this world and of this 
life, and standing “against Time,” as other great teachers and leaders were to 
do in the name of various creeds — some worldly, some other-worldly — he 
was contented with bearing witness to the beauty of his Golden Age wisdom 
in the splendid new capital — Seat of Truth — that he had built, but which, 
in spite of all his efforts, was not the perfect oasis of peace that he had 
wanted. He alone was, in the midst of it, an oasis of true peace — of inner 
peace, — and of invincible cosmic joy. Deaf to the noise of strife, blind to 
the conditions of this Dark Age, he carried on his earthly paradise 
experiment, feeling himself strong enough to create new, conditions, at least 
within his immediate surroundings. He presided over solar rites in which 
solemn music, hymns and sacred dances 1 played a great part; he burnt 
incense upon the altars of the Great Temple of Aton, under the open sky, so 
unbelievably blue; he entertained himself with his disciples (or those who 
pretended to be such ones) about the mystery of the divine Rays of the Sun 
— Light, which is 


Sir Wallis Burge, “Tutankhamen, Amenism, Atenism and Egyptian Monotheism” (edit. 
1923), p. 92. 



194 


Heat; Heat, which is Light; — he set before his people the example of 
domestic harmony, symbolising (in him, the King, and in the Queen) the 
ineffable harmony within the Twofold Principle — He and She — kernel of 
all things, while messengers brought him such letters as those of Ribaddi and 
Abdikhipa; such ones as that of the elders of Tunip: “Tunip, thy city, weeps, 
and there is no help for us...” And with the sword in hand, — needing only 
to utter a word in order to send the whole Egyptian army across the border, 
— he chose not to fight. He chose to remain to the end, in the midst of strife, 
the witness of a long-forgotten world, the return of which seemed 
impossible: a world of beauty, without strife. 

The result was material — and moral — disaster: the plight of endless 
streams of Egyptian and Syrian refugees, pouring across the Sinai Desert; 1 
the king’s own premature death (perhaps due to-slow poisoning: he had 
enemies even in his near entourage)', the systematic destruction of his 
Capital after a few years; the relentless persecution of his already unpopular 
faith (many supporters of which changed their minds anyhow, as soon as he 
was no longer there to reward them with gifts of “gold and silver”); the 
anathematisation of his name as “that criminal of Akhetaton” and, finally, 
his fall into total oblivion for thirty-three hundred years-until his diplomatic 
correspondence and then his two surviving hymns to the Sun were brought 
to light in modern times. Disaster, as complete as that of any movement 
crushed in the bud — and without the hopes of speedy resurrection that the 
latter has, when its followers are of a better metal than those of the Egyptian 
king, and when they are, also, in the Dark Age, prepared to use Dark Age 
methods. 2 Disaster... And yet — within the endless downward evolution of 
history since the dawn of our Time-cycle, a unique stand: an extraordinary 
testimony to man’s immemorial yearning for the splendour of the Golden 
Age as it was : without the renunciation yet unknown 


“They have been destroyed, and their towns laid waste, and fire has been thrown (into 
their grain)...; their countries are starving; they are like goats upon the mountains.” 
(Words of an Egyptian officer, who was in charge of those refugees. See Breasted, in 

“Cambridge Ancient History” (edit. 1924), Vol. 11, p. 125. 

2 

~ As it is, for example, the case, with the persecuted National Socialists of to-day. 



195 


known to it, and without the bitter struggle of the men “against Time”; a 
unique stand which springs, as I stated in other writings, from an essentially 
aesthetic standpoint, and which is beautiful in itself, despite the unavoidable 
failure implied in it. 

Beautiful; and also instructive, inasmuch as the study of the 
imperfections of the Seat of Truth “like unto a glimpse of Heaven,” and that 
of the nature and consequences of Akhnaton’s “pacifism,” glaringly show 
the impossibility of carrying out, in our Dark Age, (or, by the way, at any 
moment of Time, save in a Golden Age itself) an earthly paradise 
programme through peaceful methods. Peace is not the law of action in a 
fallen world. One has either to accept violence — the condition of any 
development in Time, — and to fight, with the methods of the fallen world, 
against that world, and “against Time,” for a Golden Age ideal, or to project 
that ideal “outside” this visible and tangible earth, according to the words of 
Jesus of Nazareth “My Kingdom is not of this world” (and the words of the 
Christian hymn: “This world is not our home...” 1 ) which express the attitude 
of all men essentially “above Time,” with the one outstanding exception of 
Akhnaton, King of Egypt. 


A French Protestant hymn: “Non, ce monde n’ est pas notre patrie...” 



196 


CHAPTER XI 

TOO LATE AND TOO EARLY 


The tragedy of Akhnaton’s life lies in what I am tempted to call the 
middle position which he occupies in our Age — i.e. in the Dark Age of the 
present Time-cycle, — and in our world of many races. 

When he came into it, this world was nearly as old as it is to-day. (For 
what are thirty-three hundred years, compared with the aeons that the 
present Time-cycle had already lasted?) One still spoke, of course, of the 
hallowed and mysterious “days of Ra” or “days of the Gods” — the more 
and more distant Golden Age, when this earth had been in glorious harmony 
with the rest of the Cosmos and with itself. One will still speak of it, under 
some name or another, and with ever-increasing yearning, to the very last 
minute of this Time-cycle. But one had been, for millenniums and 
millenniums, out of touch with it, and it had become more and more 
mysterious. Even the Second great Age, or Silver Age, — into which decay 
had already set itself, in spite of the still clear and widespread knowledge of 
the original Nature-wisdom, — was so far away that one hardly 
distinguished it from the First. One had at the most, some faint idea of the 
last part of the Third Age — of the kingdoms before the Great Flood, — like 
now; and perhaps a more accurate idea of it and of them, then, through 
tradition alone, than now, through the painstaking piecing together of very 
scanty archaeological evidence. But one was, like now, already shut in the 
present Dark Age, just as in the court-yard of a prison. Like now, the Golden 
Age — “Age of Truth”; “Age of the Gods” — was not merely unreachable 
(even through Tradition) but unthinkable. The intuition even of such a man 
as Akhnaton could barely grasp but some of its glorious features, and stress 
them, while remaining impervious to others, and therefore incapable of 
evoking the real atmosphere of the divine epoch, in its organic integrity. 
Like now, 



197 


the latter was already something towards which one tended, rather than 
something which one could in any way describe. And there was 
undoubtedly, at the bottom of the hearts of those who “tended” the most 
ardently towards it, (even in Akhnaton’s own heart, at times, at least) the 
secret feeling that all efforts were useless; that it was too late to try to restore 
it — the saddest and most depressing of all feelings; and the one 
corresponding to the sole fact of which we are sure, with regard to the long 
golden Dawn of our Time-cycle. 

On the other hand, if the thirty-three centuries that separate Akhnaton 
from us are nothing compared with the many myriads of years that stand 
between both him and us and that far-gone First Age of innocence and glory, 
they still represent a long time if one takes, as one should, into account, the 
acceleration of the tempo of decay within the Age of Gloom. 

This earth was surely no paradise, in Akhnaton’s days. Not only did it 
contain the “germs” of degeneracy, — these are inherent in life in Time as 
such, and became noticeable as soon as the Golden Age had come to an end, 
but it was already glaringly stamped with all the characteristics of the Dark 
Age: selfishness, wanton brutality, superstition, conceit, fear and hypocrisy. 
Its wars were (outwardly) about as horrible as ours, despite the fact that 
fewer people were killed and fewer buildings destroyed. And the everyday 
life of its men and women was about as dreary as that of the majority of our 
contemporaries. And yet, in spite of all, it was, decidedly, anything like as 
bad. Technical progress was not, for three thousand years more, to turn 
men’s heads and hearts to the new superstition of “happiness” through ever- 
increasing production. Nor were the dangerous — and false — idea of 
human equality and the dangerous illusion of liberty to appear, for a very 
long time. And things were still called by the right names, and facts — hard 
facts; consequences of the Fall that had started the obvious process of decay, 
thousands of years before, — were faced without fear or squeamishness, as 
things that have to be. However outwardly barbarous, wars were, innerly, far 
more honest than those of our world: they were not called “crusades” against 
this or that idea which 



198 


people had, first, been systematically taught to hate , 1 or wars “against war,” 
but were frankly carried out “to extend the limits” of a king’s realm, and to 
exploit the vanquished after plundering them, — to acquire living space, raw 
materials and cheap labour, as those of us who are not liars say to-day. But 
then, everybody said it. There were acts of cruelty in war. But people were 
neither ashamed of them nor indignant about them — did not call them “war 
crimes” when they happened to be “the enemy’s,” and conceal them, when 
they were their own doings. Kings caused, as a matter of fact, accounts of 
such actions of theirs to be written down upon stone, to last forever. There 
were, as now, enslaved people, — the spoils of war. And they worked in the 
victors’ mines, or rowed the victors’ ships. But many centuries were to pass 
before the victors’ priests were to bother their heads about their “souls” and 
offer them promises of hypothetical happiness in the hereafter, in 
compensation for their wretched lot on earth, — and many more centuries 
before the victors’ men of law were to give them lectures about an 
hypothetical “universal moral conscience,” the commands of which they 
should have obeyed, instead of ruthlessly fighting for their kings. They had 
no compensation for their lot, save the games of dice or the merry-making 
that occasionally relieved the monotony of daily tail, or — when they 
happened to be men of a higher type, — the pride of facing heroically a 
bitter, but unavoidable destiny.... Christianity as we know it — that anti¬ 
natural religion, based upon lies, — was not to appear for another one and a 
half millennium. And Jewish thought (for non-Jewish consumption) — the 
main factor of world disintegration from at least the third Century B.C. 
onwards, (if not from the fourth) — was yet totally inexistent. 

And the perennial Paradise-dream, although it was just as unrealisable 
in practice as it is now, was purer, more sincere and more disinterested than 
all the pacifist utopias of later times. Its expression was not, like theirs, 
necessarily silly. 


Like Eisenhower’s disgusting “Crusade to Europe.” 

2 

For instance. Amenhotep the Second’s account of his treatment of the seven Syrian 
Chiefs, and, later, the countless Assyrian written accounts. 



199 


It could be great, and beautiful. It was great and beautiful when it was the 
product of the yearning, imagination and logic of such an artist as Akhnaton. 
The time had not yet come when wise men of his spiritual class would 
either, in despair, turn their backs to all manifestations in Time and choose 
the way of renunciation, or else, fight with the weapons of violence against 
the downward current of history — “against Time” — also in despair. 

In other words, the latest Golden Age behind Akhnaton (and us) was 
by far too remote in time for any attempt to restore it not to be a complete 
failure. While, on the other hand, the world was not yet ripe — not yet 
corrupt enough ; not yet visibly enough lost, — for a wise man, inspired with 
the dream of earthly Perfection, i.e. with the dream of harmony between 
earth and Cosmos, to feel himself “cornered” and, either to call every 
manifestation in Time a thing of sin and sorrow and to seek for Perfection in 
escape from the conditions of fallen life, through inner discipline, or else, to 
stick to this world as to his home, and to fight the increasing effects of Time 
in the advanced Dark Age, and establish a State “against Time,” forerunner, 
amidst this fallen mankind; of the next Golden Age, ahead of us and, a 
fortiori, of him. The impossible State “above Time — the State “Seat of 
Truth” — was still dreamable; dreamable for the last time perhaps in the 
history of this Dark Age; dreamable, but yet, as impossible, in practice, as it 
had been for millenniums, and as it is, a fortiori, to-day. Akhnaton’s unique 
position in history lies in the fact that he is the last Man “above Time” who 
had enough faith in the remaining goodness of men (in spite of the Fall) and 
enough courage-and enough political power — to try, in all earnest, to bring 
it into being. 


* * * 

The last, I say, for all the well-known men “above Time” who have, 
after him, proclaimed their uncompromising condemnation of violence — 
considering the latter incompatible with timeless Truth, — have renounced 
every temporal power for themselves, and every hope of a temporal order of 
perfection in this fallen world. They have given up the fallen world as past 
praying for, and rejected, before hand, as doomed 



200 


utopias, all dreams of restoring the long destroyed harmony between Heaven 
and Earth, and turned to the individual “soul” — the only thing that one still 
can save, even up to the last day of the Dark Age. All the religions which 
they have preached: Buddhism, Jainism, Taoism and, finally, Christianity, 
(real Christianity as a purely personal faith and discipline, not as an 
organised Church), are paths leading the individual soul out of the sinking 
ship; out of this world, irredeemably unfaithful to its heavenly pattern: — 
out of the bondage of Time. And the “non-violence” common to all of them 
is not that implied in the lost Religion of the Sun-disk — not the radiant aura 
of an earthly paradise, but the tangible sign that the individual soul has given 
up its solidarity with this Time-ridden world, “its pomps and its vanities”; 
that it no longer accepts it as its real fatherland, and no longer is, therefore, 
bound to recognise the law of violence, which is its law. 

Another characteristic of these religions of meekness and self-denial 
originated by men “above Time” is that they take absolutely no account of 
race either as a feature of the natural Order (as the Religion of the Disk did) 
or as a factor of salvation (as the oldest Way of life “against Time” which I 
can think of — Brahmanism, — did and still does.) And this is to be 
understood: they are, as I said, paths out of this fallen world; when one no 
longer belongs to this earth, the natural barriers within the realm of Life 
disappear no less than the artificial ones; the Sannyasi has no longer any 
caste. And it is written in the Book of books that “a sage” — i.e. a man who 
has freed himself from the ties of Time, — ’’looks upon a learned Brahmin, a 
cow, an elephant, a dog, and even a man who eats dog’s flesh, in the same 
light,” or, according to another version, “sees in them the One Reality .” 1 

But Brahmanism is, as I said, essentially a way back to world 
harmony and perfection, taking into full account the conditions of each Age, 
and particularly those of the present Dark Age; a way of life “against Time.” 
The sannyasi, the man who has renounced the world completely, and risen 
“above Time,” has first lived in the world the life of the world: as 


1 Bhagavad-Gita, V, verse 18. 



201 


a young man struggling to be, even in thought, master of his senses, as a 
householder with responsibilities, as a dweller in retirement. At all these 
three classical stages , 1 — as long as he has not yet renounced the world 
completely — a man’s caste, — his race 2 — and the Age in which he lives, 
determine his duties and his rights. The higher his place within the natural 
hierarchy of races, the more exacting are his duties: what is allowed to a 
Sudra is forbidden to a Brahman or to a Kshattriya — a member of the 
Aryan castes. And also, the further one goes down the stream of Time, the 
stricter and the more exacting are the duties, and the greater the 
responsibilities of the higher race, destined to start a new world of 
perfection, here on earth, as soon as the Dark Age will — at last, — come to 
an end. Marriages that were, at former epochs, allowed to the members of 
the top-most castes, — the best in fact in a society dominated to this day by 
the ideal of blood-purity, — are, according to the Laws of Manu, no longer 
allowed within the Dark Age. And it is, — normally — less difficult for a 
man bom as a Brahmin or a Kshattriya than for another, to become a real 
sage. Nay, he who has “fallen from yoga” — who has sincerely striven to 
attain the wisdom of Timelessness but who failed, — is finally “reborn in a 
pure and blessed house” and, “having recovered the characteristics of his 
former body, again laboureth for perfection .” 3 Moreover, even the “sage” — 
as long at least as he has not severed all ties with human society, and 
become a mere meditative ascetic, — should act, and perform the duties of 
his race and position: fight and kill, in the name of a just cause, if he be of a 
race of warriors, “for there is nothing more welcome to a Kshattriya than 
righteous war .” 4 But he should act with complete detachment “for duty’s 
sake alone .” 5 In other words, in all Ages but that in which the manifested 
Universe, realm of Time, still is in tune with Eternity, the perfect Man 
“above Time” should also be the most active and the most thorough Man 
“against Time,” faithful to race and 


The three ashrams: that of the brahmachari, of the grihastha, of the vanaprastha, which 

lead nonnally to the fourth: that of the sannyasi. 

2 

Varna, one of the usual Sanskrit names for caste means “colour.” The other name for it 
“jaf’ means race. 

3 Bhagavad-Gita, VI, 41-43. 

4 Bhagavad-Gita, II. 31. 

5 Bhagavad-Gita, III, verses 19-25-30. 



202 


State and duty in the natural sense of the word; faithful to this earth, in 
action, although living, in spirit, already in Eternity. 

Akhnaton, in his youthful confidence in man and in his own power as 
a king, and the Founders of the great other-worldly religions of meekness 
and renunciation, in their thorough distrust of man taken en masse and of all 
mass-regulations and of all States, have both overlooked the fact that Life is 
irredeemably bound to the conditions of the Age through which it is passing. 
And both failed even to prepare the coming of the new Golden Age, save 
through the beauty of their own lives. 

Akhnaton’s ideal theocratic State — ever-peaceful Kingdom of the 
Sun on earth, — was, and remains, an impossibility in our Dark Age. It was 
from the beginning stamped with the sign of failure. And the “un-Egyptian” 
character of the particular solar Wisdom upon which it was to be built, was, 
perhaps, the pretext, but certainly not the deeper cause, of its failure. (Other 
nations had accepted, or were to accept and keep, outwardly at least, for 
centuries, religions that were anything but in harmony with the genius of 
their people: one only has to think of the Aryan wisdom of the Vedas, held 
sacred to this day by millions of Dravidians, sons of the “Dasyus” of old, the 
overwhelming majority of the Hindu population; or to consider how 
Christianity was successfully forced upon the Germanic people of Northern 
Europe, much against their will; or how Buddhism peacefully conquered 
millions of followers among the yellow races — in particular, how it 
managed to become one of the leading creeds of warrior-like Japan, — or 
how Islam spread, also peacefully, to the Isle of Java.). The cause of the 
failure of the Religion of the Disk to survive, even in an imperfect form, is to 
be sought in its own inner contradictions: in the fact that it rests, as I said 
before, upon a thoroughly Indo-European conception of the Divine and yet, 
that its wisdom is not a wisdom “against Time,” a warrior-like wisdom as 
would befit the young race predestined to open the next Time-cycle, and to 
rule the world in the coming “days of Ra,” after the collapse of this Dark 
Age; not a wisdom “against Time” and also not a wisdom of despair. It is to 
be sought further still, perhaps, in the deepest 



203 


contrasts of Akhnaton’s own heredity, as scion of the aristocracy of elder 
mankind (akin to Sumerians and to Mohenjo-Daro Indians), and, at the same 
time, of the rising Aryan race. 

The Egyptians shared with the other noble races of the pre-Aryan 
world a profound love of peace. This may seem in fiat contradiction with the 
history of the Twelfth and specially of the Eighteenth Dynasty . 1 Yet these 
recurring periods of conquest and of punitive expeditions in conquered land, 
even the hundred and fifty years of warfare that stretch (with one remarkable 
interruption) - from Sequenen-Ra to Thotmose the Fourth, — partly to be 
understood as a reaction against the twice as long and bitterly hated 
domination of the Semitic conquerors of Egypt, the Hykso Kings, — were 
but mere episodes in the endless history of the “Two Lands.” The Egyptian, 
like the Indian of the Indus Valley Civilisation, only fought when he felt 
himself forced to, and then, never with the wholehearted ness of either the 
Semite or the Aryan. 

Akhnaton inherited that deep-rooted reluctance to violence, which his 
immediate forefathers had discarded. He inherited it along with outstanding 
Aryan qualities: creative intelligence; will-power and consistency; 
thoroughness. These qualities enabled him to grasp the idea of the “Heat- 
and-Light-within-the-Sun-disk” and to worship it as the one Thing divine. 
And he made further use of them to forward, in the name of that amazingly 
impersonal God, a Golden Age ideal of peace within a beautiful world; of 
peace through the love of Life and Beauty — in other words, to answer, or 
try to answer, here and now, the immemorial yearning of the older races for 
the mysterious lost Paradise at the dawn of our Time-cycle. 

There was. in him, too much of the softness of the very old and 
refined South for him to become a man “against Time” — a fighter, 
accepting the methods of this Dark Age and working, with their help, in 
view of the next Golden Age. And the Dark Age was, in his days, not quite 
advanced enough for escape out of the conditions of life in Time altogether, 
to have 


See the great inscription of Senusret the Third (sixteenth year of his reign) at Semneh, 
thirty miles above the Second Cataract of the Nile. Also Thotmose the Third’s hymn of 

victory at Karnak. 

2 

The peaceful reign of Queen Hatshepsut. 



204 


become, for an uncompromising peace-lover and lover the Life, gifted with 
unbending logic and will-power, the only thinkable course. 

* * * 

Thus, myriads of years after the latest Golden Age, the hazy vision of 
which was the pattern of his impossible theocracy, and centuries before the 
redeeming crash that will put an end to this present Age of Gloom, 
Akhnaton, half-Egyptian, half-Aryan, — last heir, in direct line, of the 
Southern royal house of Thebes, and heir of the kings of Mitanni, — stands 
alone, as a pillar of light, at a great turning point in the downward stream of 
Tine that nothing can hold back. He is the last man, at least the last great 
king and teacher, “above Time,” faithful to this sunlit world, like the earliest 
“sons of Ra,” or the “rajrishis” of most ancient India. After him, no peaceful 
divine rule on earth is even dreamable. (And he came already thousands of 
years too late for his solar theocracy to have been anything more than a 
dream). After him, at least in the Western half of what is now known as the 
old continent — from Europe to India, — the relatively peaceful non- 
Semitic Southern peoples were, gradually, to play a less and less active part 
in world history. The fair and vigourous Aryan race which, in its far-away 
(Northern home, had steadily clung to the perennial cult of Light and Life in 
its purest form, was to continue pushing southwards and eastwards, entering 
in contact with other cultures and, everywhere or nearly everywhere, while 
leaving the stamp of its creative genius upon conquered populations, 
forgetting something of the original solar Wisdom in an attempt to 
understand new myths or to account for new experiences. And the Semites 
were also to increase their influence — quite a different sort of influence — 
through political power and, later on, through faiths centred around a 
personal and transcendent God, the philosophical opposite of Akhnaton’s 
“Heat-and-Light-within-the-Disk.” The overthrow of Mitannian tutelage by 
Ashur-Uballit, son of Erba-Adad, king of a yet unimportant Assyria, during 
Akhnaton’s reign, and the intensified infiltration of the Habiru into 
Palestine, at the same time, fare early signs of this new rise of the Semite, 
while, in faraway India, Aryans were devising the Caste system, or giving 



205 


it a new — racial — interpretation, and laying, in the midst of an immense 
foreign environment, the foundations of the oldest truly rational civilisation 
of the Dark Age: Brahmanism, a civilisation “against Time”; and while, less 
than a century later, the Thesprotian invasion was to carry to Greece “an 
overwhelmingly Aryan population” 1 : the new blood that was to evolve 
Hellenism out of its own genius and of the old Aegean culture, still alive. 

But, I repeat, no race and no man was ever to renew Akhnaton’s 
experiment of a State ruled in defiance of the conditions of the Dark Age, 
according to a creed of this earth. In fact, as the Dark Age goes on, States 
and all temporal organisms — with a few glaring exceptions — become 
more and more organisms “in Time,” the real aim of which is merely the 
worldly welfare of a ruling family or of a ruling minority, or of a whole 
people, without that family, group, or people being, from the standpoint, of 
the natural hierarchy of life, “the worthiest”; without its privileges being 
justified in the light of cosmic Truth. The great men “above Time” who 
appear after Akhnaton turn their backs to this hopeless world and seek, as I 
said before, the salvation or “liberation” of the individual soul; its escape 
from the bondage of Time altogether. The Buddhist Sanga and the even 
more unworldly brotherhood: of Jain ascetics, are communities of people 
who deliberately leave no descendants, and concentrate all their efforts upon 
never being, themselves, born again, if they can help it. The Kingdom of 
Jesus Christ is “not of this world.” And although it is, according to the 
actual, practical founder of the Christian Church, Paul of Tarsus, “better” for 
a Christian (as it is, by the way, “better” also for a Buddhist or a Jain) “to 
marry than to burn” (with passion), it is, for him, better still, whenever 
possible, to live in celibacy. The Christian doctrine is doubtless less 
consistent than the Buddhist or Jain, with regard to non-violence. The much 
over-rated “love” that it preaches is shockingly limited to man, of all living 
beings. But the Christian ideal — the aim of the religious discipline both of 
the individual mystic and of the mystical community, — is also an 
essentially ascetic and other-worldly one; one in the light of which the saint 
who 


1 H. R. Hall, “Ancient history of the Near East” (ninth edition), p. 67. 



206 


is not of this earth is looked upon as the highest type of human being; the 
type to which the faithful should aspire. Whether the saint be finally 
expected to reach the state of nirvana or the more personal bliss of the 
Christian “Heaven” is, from the standpoint of wisdom rooted in and faithful 
to this earth, just the same. In either case, he saves himself, leaving the 
doomed earth to her fate, — at the most coming back (being born again) of 
his own free will, as a “Bodhisattva,” to help other souls out of the 
nightmare of existence in Time, or helping them directly, from the stage of 
bliss he has attained, in accordance with the Christian dogma of the 
“communion of saints” — the solidarity between the “triumphant” and the 
“militant” churches, which is nothing more than a natural fact expressed in 
religious language. 

But he has no part in the one struggle, the aim of which is to prepare 
the coming of the next Golden Age: the struggle “against Time,” here and 
now. 

On the contrary: the great other-worldly religions that exalt escape 
from the conditions of this Dark Age in particular and of Time in general, — 
individual “salvation” or “liberation” — merely succeed, in practice, in 
making the conditions of the Dark Age all the worse. They do so for the 
simple reason that they draw the best of human energy, — and, to begin 
with, the best of human blood, — away from this earth. The first, and many 
of the latter well-known Buddhist ascetics, and many of the Jain, were 
Brahmins or Kshattriyas — Aryans, — and many of the unmarried Christian 
saints were of Germanic stock. 

If only the ascetic religions really could draw all men away from this 
planet, their effect would not be so tragic. It would, in course of time, 
amount to the extinction of mankind through the most non-violent process of 
all: through lack of interest in reproduction; lack of desire to live in this 
world as anything save travellers to the next or, beyond death, as anything 
save “liberated” souls — not as new living men and women, inheritors of the 
character and possibilities of existing human races and of their Nature- 
ordained tasks, struggles and greatness. But only minorities are capable of 
carrying out an uncompromising teaching, to its last logical consequences. 
And therefore, no religion of however unworldly a character has, yet, as far 
as I know, ever had a sufficient appeal to lead the whole community 



207 


of its believers to that extinction through indifference to life, which I just 
mentioned. For next to the good monk who, in thought and deed, holds 
virginity to be better than marriage, is the lay man who merely remembers 
that “it is better to marry than to burn,” and who has a family. The monk, — 
who often is a man of the very best blood, — is lost to this earth, in the 
earthly sense. The lay man becomes positively dangerous as soon as he 
forgets that disregard of race is, at the most, permissible to those who tread 
the ascetic path, and who disregard life as such; to those who, already in this 
world, “neither marry nor give in marriage.” And he always forgets this 
sooner or later, in the course of decades or centuries, for not a single other¬ 
worldly creed has, to my knowledge, taken the trouble of stressing the fact. 
(Brahmanism has stressed the fact. But Brahmanism is not an “other-worldly 
creed,” a religion “above Time”; it is the one social system “against Time” 
in the frame of which there is place for all creeds (worldly and other¬ 
worldly) and all races, form the lowest of all to the pure Aryan, in a harmony 
which reflects — or is, at least, intended to reflect — the original harmony 
of Creation). 

Thus the practical result of the great religions of escape from the 
conditions of Time, the practical result of the teachings of the great, men 
“above Time” after Akhnaton, is a lowering of the racial level and therefore 
of the quality of their own adherents and, through them and their proselytes, 
of mankind in general: not — unfortunately! — a generation of “sadhus” 
and meditative saints, followed by a planet without men (doubtless more 
beautiful than it has been for a very long time) but cross-products of Aryan 
and Mongolic, or Aryan and Jewish blood, and a further non-descript hotch¬ 
potch of all the races of the Far and Middle East, or of all the races of the 
Near East and of Europe, professing increasingly debased forms of 
Buddhism or Christianity, and breeding, breeding and ever breeding 
increasingly debased specimens of the two-legged mammal. In other words: 
a tightening of the grip of Dark Age conditions upon the world, and further 
disintegration. 

It is hardly necessary to add that this disintegration has been 
encouraged and exploited by every power “m Time” in need of 
Menschenmaterial regardless of quality. The other-worldly 



208 


teaching according to which man is to be looked upon before all as “a soul” 
has been mobilised in support of schemes of unjustified worldly domination 
by the Christian Church itself and by a number of Christian rulers. A typical, 
but by no means unique, instance of this opportunism is that of Albukerque’s 
policy in Goa, encouraging mixt marriages between Portuguese and Indian 
Christians of any caste. Every new crossbreed, christened by the holy 
Church, would be — at least Albukerque expected, — a future saint in 
Heaven and, in the meantime, a loyal supporter of Portuguese interests. The 
Spanish viceroys of Mexico and Peru have encouraged mixed marriages in a 
similar spirit, and so did, long before them, in the Near East, the Byzantine 
Emperors and the Khalifs of Damascus and of Baghdad. It is the most 
natural policy of a ruler “in Time” whose religion happens to be a fraternity 
of faith, regardless of blood, — and all the more so if this religion be, like 
Islam, an other-worldly one, no doubt, but by no means a “non-violent” one. 

Would the definitely non-violent but not other-worldly Religion of the 
Disk have followed, in practice, the same path, had it lasted? The path is in 
contradiction with the idea of the God-ordained separation of races, implied 
in Akhnaton’s words: “Thou hast put every man in his place; Thou hast 
made them different in shape, colour and speech; like a Divider, Thou hast 
divided the foreign people from one another .” 1 But who can ever tell what a 
religion might become in the hands of ambitious and greedy lip-adherents, 
when it has no hard and fast code of conduct, nothing to guide the faithful 
(as far as we know) save the intuition of an artist, in tune with the beauty of 
Creation? We know that several of Akhnaton’s contemporaries and 
professed followers were, at least, anything but such artists. It is difficult to 
say what would have been his further followers, and whether any great man 
would have — could have — arisen among them, to save that which could 
be saved of the young king’s Golden Age theocracy in this Dark Age, giving 
it the rigid laws that any Dark Age organism needs, in order to endure. All 
we can say is that such a leader would necessarily have been — would have 
had to be — a man “against 


Longer hymn to the Sun. 



209 


Time”; “above Time,” no doubt, but “against Time ” also, not merely “above 
Time” as Akhnaton himself and as the Founders of the non-violent, other¬ 
worldly religions after him. There is, as I said, in the Dark Age, no place, no 
possibility of existence for a State “above Time.” However much the 
inspiration, the philosophy, behind the State rule be oh a nonviolent nature, 
(worldly or other-worldly) the methods have to be the hard methods of the 
Dark Age. The one man who avoided these methods in his Buddhist Empire 

— Asoka, — was only able to do so because he had applied them, with a 
vengeance, before his conversion to non-violence. 

In other words, there is, in this Dark Age, place only for religions 
“against Time” — apart from false religions “in Time.” The sincere, 
intelligent, and absolutely consistent follower of a teaching hundred per cent 
“above Time” — hundred per cent non-violent as such, — has only one 
course left to him: he should disappear. He does not belong to this planet in 
this Age; he should get out of it, — and never come back. Non-violence is 
not only incompatible with the existence of any State, nay, of any collective 
life, in any period of Time, apart from a Golden Age, (and, a fortiori, in our 
Age) but it is, save in a Golden Age, incompatible with Life itself. 

Of all the followers of non-violent religions, the Jains are the ones 
who, apparently, have understood this the best. They are, no doubt, like 
others, divided into a minority of monks and a majority of people who live, 

— as non-violently as it is materially possible, — the life of this world. But 
their ascetics go further than any others I know along the path of 
renunciation for the sake of love towards all creatures. Not contented with 
respecting animal life alone, like the lay Jains and all the vegetarians of the 
world, they serenely refuse all compromise with the hard Law of Life in all 
times but the unthinkable Golden Age: kill, and eat; kill, and live. And, 
gradually pushing aside vegetables, fruits, and finally even water, they die of 
inanition in the name of the real logic of Non-violence — of the only logic 
of men of our Dark Age who cling to the bitter end to their will to defy the 
conditions of existence in Time. 

There is one consistent alternative to this extreme position — one 
position as logical and as heroic as it — and that is the one of the 
philosophical equivalent of Brahmanical racialism in 



210 


our technically advanced and yet dangerously decadent world; the one of the 
modem creed “against Time” and “faithful to this earth” par excellence, or, 
to be more accurate, of the modern form of the perennial Wisdom of Light 
and Life: National Socialism, which short-sighted people mistake for a mere 
political creed and nothing more. 

And this alternative is, for those at least who are of Aryan blood and 
of a warrior-like nature — for Kshattriyas , — the best of the two. For it is 
written in the Book of books, addressed k by God Himself — i.e., by the 
Genius of the Race, in human garb, — to a prince of Kshattriyas, that 
“action is superior to, inaction.” 1 


Emsdetten in Westfalen (Germany), 23 rd of May 1954 
1 Bhagavad-Gita, III, Verse 8 



211-212 


PART IV 

BOTH SUN AND LIGHTNING 


(Adolf Hitler) 



213 


CHAPTER XII 

THE LATE-BORN CHILD OF LIGHT 


It was in 1889 — during the first year of Kaiser William the Second’s 

reign. 

Bismark — the Iron Chancellor; the maker of the Second German 
Reich — was still in power, though not for long. The hidden anti-German 
forces that were soon to cause his dismissal and then, gradually, to break the 
impetus he had given things, were already at work; had been at work for 
years. But there were imponderable factors — moral and mystical forces — 
besides and, nay, behind them: the very forces of disintegration that had 
been, for over two millenniums, 1 striving to lead the Aryan race to its doom. 
And it needed a more-than-political genius, nay, a more-than-human 
personality, to stand in the way of those. 

Specially for the past hundred years, i.e., since the outbreak of the 
French Revolution, Europe had been sinking, more speedily than ever, under 
the influence of international Jewry and of its cunning agents: Free Masonry, 
and the various so-called “spiritual” secret bodies directly or indirectly 
affiliated to it. Centuries of erroneous application of Christianity — an 
essentially other-worldly creed — to worldly affairs, had prepared the 
ground for the triumph of the most dangerous superstitions: the belief in the 
“equal rights” of “all men” to life and “happiness”; the belief in citizenship 
and “culture” as distinct from and more important than race; the belief in 
illimited “progress” through a presumed universal receptivity to “education” 
and in the possibility of universal Peace and “happiness” as a result of 
“progress” — the wonderful 


I say “over two millenniums” meaning that the disintegrating influence of Jewry upon 
the Aryan race began before the advent of Christianity. The disastrous new scale of 
values drawn from the misapplied other-worldly religion, and the spreading of the creed 
itself, were the consequences of Jewish influence, not its causes. 



214 


discoveries of science being put to the service of “man”; the belief in the 
right of man to work against Nature’s spirit and purpose for his own brief 
pleasure or profit. One had increasingly stressed, exalted, made popular the 
sickly love of “man” as distinct from and opposed to all other creatures, or, 
to be more accurate, the love of a repulsive, standardised conception of “the 
average man,” “neither all good nor all bad” but weak, mediocre, — as 
foreign as possible to the age-old warrior-like Aryan idea of superior 
humanity expressed in the conception of the “hero like unto the Gods,” to 
use Homer’s words. 

And colonialism was at its height, and Christian missionary activity 
also. Which means that, after having given herself up to the forces of 
disintegration, Europe was rapidly handing the rest of the world over to 
them; preparing the very last phase of the Dark Age: the state of biological 
chaos which is the preliminary condition of the rule of the worst and the 
systematic annihilation of any surviving human elite of blood and character. 

* * * 

At that time, an elderly, honest and hard-working Customs officer 
lived with his wife and family in Braunau, a pretty little town on the river 
Inn, on the border of Austria and Germany. 

The town, with its main square, on one side of which an old fountain, 
dominated by a stone statue of Christ, is still to be seen; with its old houses 
and churches, its old streets, — clean, but often narrow, — and the four¬ 
storied “tower” — Salzburger Turm, —that already separated the main 
square from “the Suburb,” 1 was little different from any small town in the 
region. It probably looked much the same as it does to-day: small towns 
change less than large ones. And the Customs officer, whose name was 
Alois Hitler, lived and re-acted to, life as many a Government clerk. Gifted 
with enormous will-power and perseverance, he had, in his youth, worked 
himself up from the position of a village lad to that of a scribe in a 
Government office, which appeared to him as the summit of respectability. 
And now, after all these years, the days of 


1 


Die Vorstadt. 



215 


which were so desperately alike, his dreary life did not seem dreary to him, 
for he had no time to think of it as such. Meticulously dutiful, he worked and 
worked. And days and years went by. Time would soon come when the 
honest clerk would retire, with a small pension. 

Meanwhile, he lived in “the Suburb,” only a few footsteps from the 
Salzburger Turm, in an old, two-storied house that had picturesque arched 
landings at the top of each flight of stairs, and spacious rooms. His wife, 
Clara, was pretty: blonde, with magnificent blue eyes. Aged twenty-nine 
only, (she was his third wife) she was of an ardent, thoughtful and self- 
possessed nature; as imaginative and intuitive as her husband was 
unromantically pains-taking; as loving as he was dutiful; and capable of 
endless sustained sacrifice. She respected him deeply; he was her husband. 
But she loved her children — and God; God in her children. And she did not 
herself know how right she was, i.e., how truly the divine spirit — the divine 
collective Self of Aryan mankind, Whose manifestation appears now and 
then in the form of an extraordinary human being, — lived in the youngest 
baby son that she was nursing: her fourth child. 

She had just given birth to him on the 20th of April, at six o’clock 
eighteen in the afternoon, in that large airy room on the second floor — the 
last on the right hand side, at the end of a narrow passage — in which she 
was now reclining, still feeling weak, but happy. The three windows opened 
on the street. Through their spotless glass-panes and white blinds warm 
sunshine poured in. The baby slept. The mother rested. She did not know 
that she had just been the instrument of a tremendous cosmic Will. 

A few hundreds of yards away, — beyond the Salzburger Turm and 
the broad Square surrounded with relatively high houses, — on flowed the 
greyish-blue River Inn, tributary of the Danube. There was a bridge over it, 
like to-day. The landscape — soft green hills, with woods here and there; 
and neat and homely red-roofed houses, and, occasionally, the steeple of a 
church, between the river bank and the rich green slopes in the distance — 
as the same on both sides of the bridge. The people were the same: 
Bavarians; — Germans. But this side — where the main Square with its old 
fountain, the Salzburger 



216 


Turm and “the Suburb” stood — was called “Austria”; the other side: 
Germany. 

The baby slept; the mother rested; was grateful for the bright sunshine 
and the coming summer. She would be able to take the child out, now and 
then, when she would find time. In the meantime she prayed to the Queen of 
Heaven that he might live: her three first children had died, one after the 
other. 


* * * 

The Child was christened Adolf. 

Thirty-five years later, the Man into whom he had grown was to write: 
“It appears to me to-day that Destiny has happily appointed me Braunau on 
the Inn as a birthplace. This little town lies indeed on the border of the two 
German States, the unification of which we men of the younger generation 
consider as our life’s work, to be carried out by all means.” 1 

He referred to “Destiny.” Had it not been for the oddness of such a 
statement in a book written for millions of Europeans hardly concerned with 
or interested in the idea of birth and rebirth, he could have, with equal if not 
greater accuracy, spoken of his “own choice.” For according to the Ancient 
Wisdom, men of such a quality as he choose to be bom, without being 
compelled to, and choose their birthplace. 

Invisible in the blue sky above the little frontier-town, the stars 
formed, on the 20th. of April 1889, at six o’clock eighteen in the afternoon, 
a definite pattern marking the return to earth of Him Who comes back; of the 
divine Man “against Time” — the incarnate collective Self of superior 
mankind, — Who, again and again, and every time more heroically, stands 
alone against the ever-accelerated current of universal decay, and prepares, 
in hard, bloody stmggle, the dawning of the following Time-cycle, even if 
he be, for some years or decades, apparently bound to fail. 

For the newly born Babe was none other than He. 

* * * 


1 Adolf Hitler, “Mein Kampf,” p. 1. 



217 


Never had circumstances been more unfavourable to His recognition, 
nay, to the very possibility of His taking consciousness of His mission in the 
garb of a predestined ruler. Not only was there, as everyone will readily 
agree, a long way from the child’s humble status to that which he had to 
attain in order to play, in the history of the West, the political part he was 
destined, but nothing seemed likely to prepare him for the accomplishment 
of his even greater task, namely that of awakening the Western Aryan Soul 
to its own natural wisdom. Aryan Wisdom, in its conscious, warrior-like 
form, in opposition to all the traditional values of Christianity, was unknown 
in the Western world of the time, let alone in Braunau on the Inn, — 
unknown, at least, to all but a few lonely thinkers such as Friedrich 
Nietzsche. The heavenly Powers, however, gave the divine Child two main 
privileges through which he was, amazingly soon, to become aware of it; to 
reinvent it of his own accord; first, a pure, healthy heredity, containing the 
very best both of Nordic and of Keltic blood — the fiery imagination and 
mystical intuition of the Kelt, allied to Nordic willpower, thoroughness, 
efficiency and sense of justice, (and insight also); and, along with that, a 
passionate, limitless and fathomless love for that German Land that stretched 
on both sides of the Inn as well as on both sides of the Danube and beyond, 
and for its people, his blood-brothers: not those who are perfect specimens 
of higher humanity (for there are none in this Dark Age) but for those who 
can and will become such ones, while they have the stuff in them. 

Through that love — and through it alone — he was to raise himself 
to the intuitive certitude of the eternal Truth upon which he was to build the 
National Socialist Doctrine, modem form of the perennial Religion of Life; 
to that certitude which separates him from even the greatest politicians and 
sets him straight away into the category of the warring Seers, Founders of 
the healthiest civilisations we know; into the category of the. Men “against 
Time,” whose vision grasps, beyond our sickly world, doomed to speedy 
destmction, the yet unthinkable following Golden Age, of which they are the 
prophets and will be the gods. 


Written in Emsdetten in Westfalen (Germany), on the 14th of August, 1954. 



218 


CHAPTER XIII 

THE STRUGGLE FOR TRUTH 


Whether alive or dead in the flesh, the predestined Child of Braunau 
— Adolf Hitler, — lives forever in National Socialism, his creation and 
integral expression. To understand the latter is to understand him: to see him 
in the proper light and to place him — whether one be, personally, attracted 
to him or not, — on the proper level and in the proper class among the 
galaxy of exceptionally great men. And that is precisely what most National 
Socialists, even those who remained after 1945, irreproachable in their 
profession of faith — even “fanatical” ones — (let alone our enemies, and 
the world at large, which lies for the last ten years under their influence), 
apparently fail to do, out of lack off, feeling for cosmic realities and, in 
particular, out of lack of awareness of the rhythm of Time which explains an 
laws of history, when not also all great happenings. 

One should carefully distinguish the ephemeral N.S.D.A.P., — the 
National Socialist German Workers Party; 1 an organisation in view of 
precise aims, which have their place in German and European history, — 
from the everlasting National Socialist Idea. 

The Party came (officially) into existence on the 24th of February 
1920; in fact, already in 1919. It was a revolutionary body determined to win 
power for its Leader — and for its members, — to rid Germany of the 
enslavement and shame resulting from the Versailles Treaty, and — for the 
first time in the history of the West, — to apply, on a broad scale, solid — 
eternal — biological principles to social and to political life. It had, however, 
the characteristics of even the very best organisations of our Dark Age: their 
inherent clumsiness; their all-too-human short-comings. There were all sorts 
of people — fearless idealists and time-servers; heroes, nay, demi-gods, and 
an immense majority of irresponsible, sheep-like creatures, and a few 


1 Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter Partei. 



219 


influential traitors — among the thirteen million members it had at the 
height of its glory. It achieved a lot, and yet it failed. It has, since 1945, 
ceased to exist as a body, and even if it be, one day, destined to rise again 
under its old name and everlasting Sign, will never be restored exactly as 
before. Cannot be; for it belongs to Time, and in Time nothing is ever 
restored. Should not be; for restoration would mean stagnation, whence 
incapacity to face new circumstances and overcome new dangers. 

The National Socialist Idea is not the Party. Not only was it in 
existence —“in the air” — more or less in its present-day garb, before the 
Party (the Proclamation of Friedrich Lange’s “Deutsches Bund,” in 
Heidelberg, on the 9th of May 1894 — when Adolf Hitler was five years old 
— has all the traits of a National Socialist Manifesto; and so have Hans 
Krebs’ declarations in 1904), but it is, in its essence, as old as the oldest 
contact and first clash between the Germanic race and the outer world. 
Fundamentally, it is nothing else but the expression of the collective will of 
the race to survive and to rule; of its readiness to combat and eradicate all 
that which, from without or from within, stands in the way of its survival 
and expansion; of its healthy consciousness of itself— of its strength; of its 
youth; — and of Godhead within itself: a biological reality stressed in 
political and in social life, rather than a “political” idea. One could say that 
Theodoric the Great acted in the true National Socialist spirit when, fourteen 
hundred years before the famous “Nuremberg Laws,” he did all he possibly 
could to prevent marriages between his Goths and the racially less pure — 
less Aryan — people of conquered Italy, let alone people of altogether non- 
Aryan stock. And I have many times and in different writings pointed out 
that there is no difference in purpose and in standpoint between the National 
Socialist attitude to life and that of the ancient, warrior-like Aryans, 
worshippers of Light, who were conquering North-West India, setting the 
caste-system, conceived on a racial basis, between themselves and the 
conquered people, and praying the Vedic Gods for “many sons,” prosperous 
flocks, and “victory over the dark-skinned Dasyus” — for Lebensraum — 
several thousands of years before 1919, 1933, or 1935. 

One could go a step further and state that, in its essence, 



220 


the National Socialist Idea exceeds not only Germany and our times, but the 
Aryan race and mankind itself and any epoch; that it ultimately expresses 
that mysterious and unfailing Wisdom according to which Nature lives and 
creates: the impersonal Wisdom of the primaeval forest and of the ocean- 
depth, and of the spheres in the dark fields of Space; and that it is Adolf 
Hitler’s glory not merely to have gone back to that divine Wisdom, — 
stigmatising man’s silly infatuation for “intellect,” his childish pride in 
“progress” and his criminal attempt to enslave Nature, — but to have made 
it the basis of a practical regeneration-policy of world-wide scope, precisely 
now, in our over-crowded, over-civilised, and technically over-evolved 
world, at the very end of the Dark Age. 

In other words, it is impossible to understand National Socialism 
unless one integrates it into the cyclic conception of history as suggested by 
Tradition, i.e., unless one sees in it not a political system among many 
others, — not an ephemeral “ism,” product of ephemeral circumstances, — 
but the last, (or, as we shall see, the one before the last) effort of the 
permanent and more-than-human Forces of Life within this Time-cycle, 
against the accelerated current of degeneracy characteristic of any advanced 
development in Time, or, in one sentence, unless one sees in it the effort 
“against Time” at the very end of the last Age of our present Cycle. 

Seen in this light, the whole well-known struggle to free Germany 
from the enslavement to which the Versailles Treaty had reduced her, — the 
National Socialist struggle for “freedom and bread.” (and far space); for the 
German people’s right to thrive in healthy creative activity, — is the last (or, 
rather, as we shall see, the one before the last) phase of the perennial 
Struggle for Truth within the present Time-cycle the form which that 
perennial Struggle was bound to take at our epoch, i.e., at the end of the 
Dark Age. And Adolf Hitler is the most heroic of the heroes who, in the 
course of history, stood in the way of the world’s fated downward rush 
towards its doom; the One Who comes back, in His last desperate attempt to 
save that which is still worth saving, before it is too late, — the typical Man 
“against Time.” He embodies that eternal Nature-wisdom to which I have 
alluded in the former paragraph — the only wisdom that deserves the name 
of divine, and opposed it, — not human arguments, —to the false science, 



221 


and false religion and false morality and, of course, also false political 
conceptions of our decadent Age, and made Germany’s struggle for freedom 
the occasion of a broader systematic struggle for the liberation of higher 
mankind from the chains of the Dark Age. And made the Sign of the Sun — 
the Sign of Health 1 — the Symbol of both German and Aryan regeneration, 
and Germany, the holy Land of the West — the Stronghold of regenerate 
Aryandom. 

Considered as the twentieth century expression of the age-old 
yearning of Aryan mankind to free itself, here and at once, from the 
appalling determinism of decay, National Socialism begins before Adolf 
Hitler’s political career. Its un-recorded but real evolution as an incarnate 
Idea, — its true history — starts with the future German Fiihrer’s gradual 
awakening to the consciousness of his own scale of values, of his 
fundamental aspirations and repulsions, and of his mission: the awakening of 
the Man “against Time,” as such. 


* * * 

There are, to my knowledge, — unfortunately, — no records of Adolf 
Hitler’s childhood. And, enlightening as it surely is, the little one can gather 
about it from a conversation with his most sympathetic old tutor, Herr 
Mayrhofer, (who is still living in Leonding, near Linz, and whom I met 
twice) and the little he mentions himself in “Mein Kampf ’ (which is not an 
autobiography) is not enough to buttress such a definite (and unusual) view 
of him as the one put forth in the present study. The one apparently 
authoritative picture of the future ruler’s life and character, years before he 
“decided to become a politician,” is to be found in the very good book in 
which August Kubizek — the one friend he had in early youth, — has 
related the story of his four years’ friendship with him, namely from 1904 to 
1908. 2 

In those years — i.e., when he was over fifteen, less than nineteen, — 
Adolf Hitler’s main traits of character were already fixed, and visible at 
every step of his: in all he said or did. 


1 The Swastika, “Swasthi,” Sanskrit, meaning: “health,” “well-being.” 

2 

August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfround” (Leopold Stocker Verlag, 1953.) 



222 


His scale of values was already that one which was, in later years, to set him 
apart from every political leader of our times. And the psychological (the 
real) basis of his philosophy the source of his unshakable faith in it, and the 
key to his whole career, — was already definite. In other words, the man he 
was to be — the Man he could but be, under the given circumstances, — had 
already taken shape and was, with the sureness of instinct, with a 
mysterious, inner knowledge, a logic of his own that baffled all human 
calculations, invincibly following the path of his tremendous destiny. And 
the features of the rapidly awakening personality were unmistakably those, 
and the unfailing, baffling logic, that, of a Man of the type I have, in this 
book, characterised as “against Time”: of an inspired, ruthless and realistic 
— extraordinarily far sighted — fighter for a Golden Age ideal, in the depth 
of our Dark Age. 

And, were we able to trace the history of Adolf Hitler’s evolution 
further into those very early years which he describes as providing (from the 
standpoint of events) “little to remember,” 1 it is not only probable but certain 
that we would find, in him, up to the very beginning of his life, the self¬ 
same, deeply distinctive traits of character, the self-same fundamental 
aspirations — the same person. Such men as he are not, as so many people 
seem to think, the “product of circumstances,” but predestined beings who 
use the given circumstances to the utmost, for a purpose which far exceeds 
the obvious, immediate aim of their action, or, to speak the language of 
ancient Wisdom, — and one is, ultimately, compelled to speak that 
language, — great free Souls, 2 no longer bound by the law of birth and 
rebirth, who choose to be bom in the environment (within the race, the 
country, the social stratum) in which, and to grow into leading men and to 
stmggle as such under the circumstances under which they are to act the 
most efficiently, in the highest interest of Creation. They are children and 
adolescents “against Time” before leaving in history the mark of their 
passage as Men “against Time.” 

One of the most noticeable traits of people “against Time” — no less 
than of those I have described as “above Time” — is that they fit nowhere in 
the world as it is; that their moral 


1 “Mein Kampf,” I, chapter 1, p. 2. 
“ In Sanskrit “Mukta Purusha.” 



223 


and aesthetic — and practical — standards: their conception of happiness 
and unhappiness, their idea of “success” and failure, and of usefulness, in 
one word their values, and its, have nothing in common. And, from all that 
his friend A. Kubizek relates about Adolf Hitler’s adolescence in Linz, that 
appears precisely to have been the case of the future master of Germany, .at 
that time a no doubt remarkably gifted but, in the estimation of cool-minded 
grown-ups, “unpractical” youth, who had recently left the middle-school 
without completing the course of his studies, and nourished the ambition of 
becoming a great artist — a painter, or perhaps an architect — with little 
material prospects of fulfilling it, and who lived on his widowed mother’s 
meagre pension, and roamed about the streets — or the countryside — and 
occasionally went to the theatre (taking admittedly the cheapest seats,) and 
made gigantic plans and spoke — already — with compelling eloquence, — 
of things that interested nobody but himself, while other boys earned their 
living and helped their families, or were learning something “useful.” “He 
just fitted into no social frame whatsoever,” 1 2 concludes A. Kubizek, after 
having tried to, analyse the reasons why his friend, despite capacities by far 
above the average, failed, even in subsequent years, to “get on” 
professionally. “He had not the slightest ambition of securing himself a 
livelihood” and of being comfortable. He did not wish to be “comfortable.” 
He did not — and never was to — think in terms of comfort or of personal 
“happiness.” What others called “enjoying life” was something absolutely 
foreign to him. 3 Nor could he “take things as they came” and live lightly, 
free of worry, entirely within the present. 4 He was, at a very early age, 
intensely aware that things were wrong in the world round him — wrong in 
every walk of life, in every domain of thought and action, from A to Z, — 
and he felt himself duty-bound to change them; not to change this or that in 
them, leaving the rest untouched, but to change them ruthlessly and 
radically, for they were radically wrong, and to build everything anew, 
according to principles different from those that had prevailed up till then. 


1 August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,” p. 37. 

2 

August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 36. 

3 

August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 37. 

4 

August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 43. 



224 


And this was not a mere wish, a more or less vague desire or day¬ 
dream. It was a purpose that he pursued with “deadly seriousness ” 1 and 
unfailing consistency,“ busying himself long before hand with the most 
minute details of his plans in every particular case, without for all that ever 
losing sight of the spirit and general lines of his creation as a whole, so much 
so that that “extraordinary seriousness” and consistency — and merciless 
radicality — struck all those who knew him as the main trait of his 
character. He pursued it — nay, already in those years in which he was not 
yet politically active; already while he himself still believed that art would 
remain, throughout life, his first and foremost concern — with that feverish 
impatience which finds its expression in the words: “Now, or never”; with 
the haste inherent in all earnest action “against Time.” And that impatience 
— that tragic awareness that “tomorrow will be too late” — was to stamp his 
whole career as a ruler and as the Founder of the last true civilisation within 
the Dark Age. In it, in fact, lies the source and the explanation of Adolf 
Hitler’s most drastic — and most criticized — steps in later life and the sign 
that National Socialism, that most heroic of all reactions against our Dark 
Age, historically still belongs to this Age, while transcending its spirit. 

* * * 

The ideal in the name of which Adolf Hitler constantly rebelled 
against practically all he saw in living life — already as an adolescent, and 
then more and more as a young man and as a man thirty and over thirty — 
was nothing less than that which I have described in this book as “a Golden 
Age ideal”; the inner vision of a healthy, beautiful and also peaceful 
(j necessarily peaceful) world; of the real earthly paradise, faithful image of 
cosmic perfection, in which righteousness prevails as a matter of course. 
There can be no doubt about it if one reads not only that interesting story of 
his youthful years which his friend A. Kubizek has written, but also all that 
he wrote and said himself in later, active life. And in an epoch such as that in 


1 August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 43. 

2 

August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 52. 
3 August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 203 



225 


which we are now living — when, all over the world, every possible attempt 
is made to present him not merely as “a war monger” but as the “war 
criminal” number one, — it is not superfluous to stress the fact that Adolf 
Hitler was, not only at the dawn of his awakening as a “Man against Time” 
but all his life, “a bitter enemy of war” 1 as such; the fact that he was by 
nature “gifted with deep sensitiveness, and full of sympathy for others” 2 ; 
that his programme was essentially a constructive one, his struggle, the 
struggle for an exalted, positive aim, his aim: the regeneration of higher 
mankind (of the only section of mankind worth saving) and, ultimately, 
through the survival of regenerated higher mankind, the restoration of the 
long-destroyed harmony between the cosmic Order and the sociopolitical 
conditions on earth, i.e., the restoration of Golden Age conditions; the 
opening not merely of a “new era” for Germany, but of a new Time-cycle 
for the whole world. 

It is not superfluous, in times like ours, to remind the reader of all the 
Fiihrer’s efforts to avoid the Second World War, even at the price of heavy 
concessions, and then, (when this had proved impossible) to stop it, while it 
could yet be stopped. It is not superfluous to recall the words he addressed 
his old friend Kubizek on the 23rd of July 1940, i.e. when, from a military 
standpoint, all seemed to be going on splendidly; when the Swastika Flag 
was fluttering over public buildings in the capitals of seven conquered 
States, — “This war thrusts us years back in our constructive work. It is 
deplorable. I have not indeed become the Chancellor of the Greater German 
Reich in order to conduct war!” 3 Not only was he against war for war’s sake 
(or for the sake of worthless motives) but he was against any form of useless 
violence, not to speak of “useless cruelty,” which was, under the Third 
Reich, according to law and (whenever detected) also in fact, a severely 
punishable offence. 4 The news of even such an understandable outburst of 
broad-scale revengefulness as that which took place during the 


August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,” p. 294. 

2 

August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 44. 

3 

August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 345. 

4 

It is a fact, for instance, that Martin Sommer was, in 1943, i.e. under the N.S. regime 
and by a N.S. tribunal, sentenced to three years imprisonment for ill-treating internees in 
the Buchenwald concentration Camp. 



226 


“Kristall Nacht” (8th-9th of November 1938) — attacks on Jews and Jewish 
property, and burning down of synagogues in answer to repeated Jewish 
provocation , — brought him “to the pitch of indignation.” 1 2 3 

That inborn reluctance to wanton violence is a trait common to all 
those whom I have called men “above Time” (such as King Akhnaton, the 
Buddha, or Jesus Christ) and to the great fighters “against Time,” Founders 
of new religious and cultural eras, such as Lord Krishna or, nearer to our 
times, the Prophet Mahomet, the only men with whom Adolf Hitler can be 
compared if one feels at all the necessity of drawing historical parallels. 

It is one of the signs that his ultimate aim remained — like theirs — a 
state of deep-rooted, lasting, (more-than-human) harmony, not of conflict 
among men; in other words, I repeat, a restoration of the original Golden 
Age conditions upon earth, the only conditions under which absolute health 
— which means: perfection, — ever prevailed. Considered in the light of 
such an aim, every necessary violence is a “deplorable” necessity (to quote 
once more Adolf Hitler’s own words about, the Second World War in 1940). 
Every unnecessary violence is a denial of the spirit of such a struggle 
“against Time” as that of National Socialism for power; a foolish 
provocation of the Dark Forces that stand in the way of its success, and. 
therefore a sin against the Cause of Truth. And that is the real, deep meaning 
of the Fiihrer’s bitter words, addressed to Dr. Goebbels at the news of the 
“Kristall Nacht”: “You people have thrust back National Socialism, and 

'y 

spoilt my work for many years when not for good, through this nonsense!” 

* * * 

Adolf Hitler’s leading emotion is obviously his “love beyond all 
measure” for Germany and all that is German. “He lived in the German 
people; nothing counted for him, save they.” 4 These words, describing the 
future ruler’s feelings al-ready in early youth, are true at all stages of his life. 
And his 


1 K. Hierl, “In Dienzt fur Deutschland,” p. 138. 

2 Hans Grimm, “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” (edit. 1955), p. 184. 

3 A. Kubizek, loc. cit., p. 292. 

4 

A. Kubizek, loc. cit., p. 115. 



227 


main intellectual, or rather, spiritual, feature, is perhaps that inborn, baffling 
intuition of history in the broadest sense of the word — of history as our 
planet’s destiny, — which lifts him straight above all politicians, generals 
and actual kings, to the level of the great Seers, and gives his whole career 
that extraordinary, “dream-like” 1 character of which Hans Grimm so 
appropriately speaks. The originality of his genius lies in the fact that he 
lived his German patriotism from a cosmic point of view, giving both 
Germany and the history of our times their true significance in the light of 
not merely human but cosmic evolution. 

I do not know whether Adolf Hitler would have been, at any period of 
his career, in a position to give a learned lecture about the cyclic conception 
of history according to ancient Wisdom. But I am absolutely sure that he 
felt, thought and acted, from beginning to end, in full consciousness of the 
eternal truth — both biological and metaphysical, — which this conception 
expresses. His writings — specially the general statements which he laid 
down in Chapter XI of the first part of “Mein Kampf ’ — his speeches before 
and after his rise to power, and more eloquently than anything, the great 
decisions of his life, prove that he did. The basical tenets and entire spirit of 
the National Socialist doctrine prove that he did. For what is the latter, if not 
a passionate denial of the wide-spread belief in the “dignity” of “man” as 
such (of any human creature of any race) and of the no less wide-spread and 
no less arbitrary idea of man’s “mastery” over Nature, and of his illimited 
“progress”? The denial of these dogmas in favour of an aristocratic 
conception of the Universe and, in particular, of history, in the light of which 
the noble races (and, among them, in first rank, the Aryan, the noblest of all) 
are alone capable of bringing collectively into material fulfillment, the whole 
wealth of higher human possibilities? Their denial, also, in favour of the 
bold assertion that history is, — in fact, has always been, — a long process 
of more or less slow decay from original perfection to a final state of chaos 
out of which one rises once more not through regular, unbroken evolution, 
but abruptly, — i.e., through revolutionary methods — to the state of health, 
virtue 


Traumhaft is the word H. Grimm repeatedly uses (See quoted book). 



228 


and beauty, i.e., of earthly godhead, which marks the springtime (all the 
successive spring-times) of Creation? 

Considered in its essence, it is, indeed, that, before anything else. 
More so: the fact that it is that governs, as we shall see, its attitude, — 
determines its position, —with regard to the various “questions” of our 
times, from the all-important, worldwide Jewish problem (which is anything 
but “modem”) to those affairs which, at first sight, seem to concern 
Germany alone. (And there lies precisely the hidden but actual source of its 
unpopularity in this Dark Age.) 

Years before he came to power; nay, years before he started his 
political career, — Adolf Hitler was vividly aware of that incompatibility 
between this Age, this world as we see it, and the healthy, glorious world of 
his dreams. And he sought the reality of the latter, when not in the historical 
Golden Age of our Time-cycle — so far behind us and so different from all 
we know that it is practically unthinkable, — at least in as remote a past as 
his imagination could reach: in the legendary Age before the dawn of 
recorded German history; the Age pictured in the old Germanic sagas. He 
did not study that age, as a student of archaeology would have. He lived in it 
through his own visionary’s intuition and through the magic of Richard 
Wagner’s music, which he loved. And far from being the mere product of an 
ephemeral youthful enthusiasm, that consciousness of the World of the 
Sagas was precisely that which, more decisively than anything else, 
“conditioned his historical and political views.” 1 It was the consciousness of 
the world “to which he felt he actually belonged.” And “all through his life, 
he found nothing for which he could stand with such pious devotion as he 
did for that world, which the Sagas of the German heroes had opened to 
him.” 2 

In other words, it is the healthy, strong, beautiful Germans of the 
heroic Age who, in his eyes, represented real Germany; eternal Germany. 
Maybe they have, historically, lived only a few millenniums before the 
beginning of the present Dark Age (in what the Sanskrit authors call the 
Dwapara Yuga; the third of the four great Ages) maybe, already within this 
present Age of Gloom itself (I mean, in the very first part of it). 


August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,” p. 99. 

2 

August Kubizek, Ibid., p. 99. 



229 


That is not the point. The point is that, faithful in fact to Tradition, Adolf 
Hitler believed in the existence of earthly perfection as a reality both of the 
future and of a very, very remote past. The point is that, whatever might 
have been the epoch in which they — or their historical prototypes — 
actually lived, the men and women of the hallowed “world of the Sagas” 
signified, symbolised, for him, that earthly perfection, that humanity without 
a flaw for which he yearned with all the ardour of his heart and nearer and 
nearer to which one reaches to the extent one follows Time further and 
further up-stream. 

There is more. Strange as this statement may seem to the European, 
nay to the German reader himself, Adolf Hitler’s “immeasurable love” for 
his people is something greater than usual patriotism. It is, no doubt, rooted 
in that natural feeling of blood — solidarity which binds most individuals — 
and certainly all Germans, — to their countrymen. But it is, at the same 
time, the immediate outcome of a staggering intuitive knowledge; the 
expression of actual insight into the nature, meaning and destiny of Germany 
as the privileged Nation among all those of the same blood: the most gifted; 
the most conscious; the most fit to rule; in one word, the most objectively 
valuable section of Aryan mankind. It is, in spite of what many may think, 
nay, in spite of the judgement passed upon it by such a prominent figure of 
the National Socialist regime as Konstantin Hierl, 1 2 anything but the German 
counterpart of the British chauvinist’s attitude rendered in the well-known 
motto: “Right or wrong, my country!” 

True, Adolf Hitler himself has written in “Mein Kampf ’ that, had he 
“been French,” and had France’s greatness meant to him all that Germany’s 
in fact did, he “could not and would not have acted any differently from 
Clemenceau.” But, if one is to consider him, and to try to interpret his 
historical career in the light of Ancient Wisdom, (and subsequently, in 
connection with the destiny of the whole world) one is forced to say: he 
could not have been French — nor English; nor even Scandinavian. He 
could not have been anything else 


1 Konstantin Hierl, “In Dienst fur Deutschland” (edit. 1954). 

2 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), II, p. 766. 



230 


but German, nay, anything else but a frontier German, doubly aware of the 
tragic injustice of man-made frontiers and of the natural unity of the Reich 
beyond and in spite of them-and of the natural unity of the Aryan race 
beyond and in spite of the boundaries of the Reich. More still: one is bound 
to admit that, far from exalting Germany merely because he was a German, 
it is, on the contrary, he who chose to be bom a German because of the 
predestined — God-ordained — part that Germany has played and is more 
and more called to play on the side of the eternal Forces of Light and Life in 
their struggle against the Forces of disintegration, now, as the end of this 
Dark Age is drawing nigh; because, objectively speaking, the earthly 
salvation of the Aryan race — the regeneration of higher mankind — can 
only come from and through Germany: the one Aryan Nation in which the 
race is still sufficiently pure to be, under given circumstances, capable of 
total regeneration, while, at the same time it has, through the unbroken 
experience of danger, remained sufficiently awake to be fully awakened, and 
sufficiently warrior-like to carry on, to its end, the struggle against Dark Age 
conditions: the perennial Stmggle “against Time,” for integral Tmth. 

In other words, both the quality of her biological substance and the 
particular stamp which history has left upon her, have made Germany the 
one Nation capable of taking the lead of Western Aryandom (when not also 
of Aryandom as a whole) in the last life and death stmggle — the stmggle 
for the survival and mle of the best, who are the predestined founders of the 
next Golden Age; the last phase of the perennial Stmggle “against Time,” 
marking the end of the present Age of Gloom. And the inspired Man 
“against Time” who was, at the beginning of that phase , to act on behalf of 
the Forces of Light and Life, was bound to be a German, nay, the very 
embodiment of eternal Germany. And Adolf Hitler was that Man. And he 
knew it in the depth of his heart. He was perfectly conscious of the fact that 
his policy, both at home and abroad, was the only real German policy, and 
therefore the only conceivable one in the interest of Aryan mankind as a 
whole and — consequently — of the whole realm of Lift the only 
conceivable one “in the interest of the Universe,” to quote the words of the 
Book of books. For alone regenerate 



231 


Aryan man can and will save what is, in spite of all, worth saving in this 
doomed world, and build a new earth — open a new Time-cycle — on the 
basis of principles eternally true. Adolf Hitler has repeatedly said so in his 
speeches. And repeatedly expressed in “Mein Kampf ’ the same fact, namely 
that he was acting “in the spirit of the almighty Creator” and struggling “for 
the Lord’s own work” 1 i.e. for Truth upon this earth: earthly Perfection; and 
that his “new ideas” are “in harmony with the primeaval meaning of 
things.” 2 

What August Kubizek relates of his life in Linz and Vienna from 1904 
to 1908, shows how early the future ruler had acquired a clear conception of 
his ultimate aim — the “ideal State” — and become aware of the spirit of 
the whole programme he was, one day, to set forth and to work out, with the 
help of enthusiastic millions of people; how early he knew what his policy 
would be (what, in fact, any policy in accordance with truth , i.e. with 
Nature, can only be): — at the same time national and socialistic; nay, 
socialistic because it was to be — is too be — national in the full sense of 
the word, first in the sense of racial, and national in that sense because that 
Godhead within us which is real Godhead, is nothing else but the latent 
glory of our race in its original perfection. 

To urge the German and, beyond the pale of the Reich, the Aryan in 
general — the youngest race of our Time — cycle, destined to the lordship 
of the divine Beginning of the next cycle — to yearn for and to strive with 
all his enlightened might towards that perfection on all planes, and to bring 
it, here and now, collectively as well as individually, into being (to the extent 
this is exceptionally possible, already during the Dark Age); to urge him to 
be, now, against the prevailing spirit of general contamination and general 
decay — against the current of Time, — the witness and the herald of the 
coming Dawn, and that, on a national, or rather on a racial scale, such is and 
remains the actual goal of National Socialism, the Hitler faith, however 
astounding this may yet appear to most people, to-day, in Year twenty-two 3 
after “the first Seizure of power. 4 Important 


1 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 76. 

2 “Main Kampf’ (edit, 1939), p. 440. 

3 

These words were written in 1955. 

4 

Machtiibernahme, — which took place on the 30th Jan. 1933. 



232 


as they may have been after 1918 — or as they may be now after 1945, — 
the immediate political aims which could not and cannot be separated from 
the persecuted Weltanschauung are mere steps towards that one great 
positive, permanent goal. 


* * * 

As I have previously stated, Adolf Hitler was from early adolescence, 
and probably from childhood, conscious of the shocking disparity that exists 
between “real life” — life under Dark Age conditions — as it drew his 
attention through thousand and one details, and his own conception of 
earthly perfection, a living reflexion of which he sought in the world of the 
old Germanic Sagas (transfigured, for him, in Wagner’s musical dramas) 
and — Kubizek tells us, — in the stately blonde young maiden to whom he 
never spoke, but whom he idealised from a distance as the resplendent 
embodiment of perfect German womanhood. 1 Instances of human misery, 
nay — and the importance of this can never be sufficiently stressed — 
instances of the age-old exploitation of animals by man, which another 
person would have deplored, but judged unavoidable, or looked upon as 
trifling, or not noticed at all, provided him with an opportunity to feel 
indignant and to crave for entirely new conditions of life. But it is during the 
years of grinding poverty and complete moral solitude, which he spent in 
Vienna as a young man, that the experience of the wretchedness and ugliness 
of this present Age imposed itself upon him for the first time in all its tragic 
horror. He has described it in immortal words. And, more than the daily 
contact with material misery itself (with material misery which he, by the 
way, not merely beheld, but actually shared), the sight of the degrading 
effects of that misery upon his people and upon their young children was 
unbearable to him. 

Two facts should, at that stage of Adolf Hitler’s life, retain the 
attention of whoever wishes to understand him and the Movement he was to 
start ten years later, obviously as a 


A. Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,” p. 76 and following. 

2 

August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,” p. 61. 

3 “Mein Kampf,” I, p. 23; p. 32 and following. 



233 


political Movement for the assertion of Germany’s rights, in reality, also as 
the moral and metaphysical basis of a new civilisation: first, the aloofness in 
which he lived, amidst the surrounding misery and degradation; and then, 
the thoroughness and detachment with which he studied the latter, traced its 
deep causes under the immediate, superficial ones, and became, through that 
clear knowledge, more and more aware of his own predestined role in this 
Age of Gloom. “One cannot ‘study’ the social question from above,” writes 
he, in “Mein Kampf.” 1 2 One has, one’s self, to experience the same perpetual 
insecurity of life, to be acquainted with the same pangs of hunger, to dwell 
in the same over-crowded, dirty, noisy surroundings as the disinherited 
classes, in one word, to live the wretchedness that gnaws into them and 
degrades them, in order to know what social misery means. The future 
German Fiihrer has lived it, and suffered from it, personally, day after day, 
for months, for years, without it ever degrading or even changing him. He 
preferred to “exist” on hunger rations, rather than sacrifice his independence 
or sell more than it was absolutely necessary of the precious time he needed 
to study both books and men and to think. And when he had earned a little 
money, he preferred to buy himself a seat in the theatre — two or three 
hours’ holiday in the beautiful world of the old Sagas, to the accompaniment 
of Wagner’s solemn music, away, far away from the daily dreary 
wretchedness that seemed to be his lot for ever, — rather than treat himself 
to a substantial meal. He refused publicity — and money — rather than to 
allow a story which he had written to he printed by a Jew. 3 Nobody can 
understand him save a true artist who is, at the same time, a true 
revolutionary: a person of one dream and one aim, like himself. But how 
well every such a one — every creator and fighter of his type, when surely 
not of his magnitude, i.e. every person “against Time” — does understand 
him! 

There is more. Not only did he live in uncompromising faithfulness to 
his ideals, inaccessible to the lure of material 


1 “Mein Kampf,” I, p. 26. 

2 A. Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,” p. 37. 

3 A. Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,” p. 298-299. 



234 


comfort and social advantages, but he shared none of the weaknesses of 
average mankind, not to mention the vices of that underworld into which 
fate had pushed him or, by the way, those of the so-called “better classes” of 
this fallen humanity. He rigourously abstained from alcohol and tobacco; 
and even when, occasionally, he could afford a diet other than his usual 
bread and milk, he ate pastry and fruits, not meat. His deeper instinct 
inclined him naturally towards that sort of food which people, in whose life 
an immemorial Tradition still plays a great part, call “pure.” 1 And the 
dictates of serious reflexion merely confirmed in him those of deeper, 
healthy instinct. Adolf Hitler was, in course of life, to become a more and 
more convinced vegetarian; and though disaster robbed him of the 
opportunity of attempting “after the war,” to give his views, gradually, the 
force of law, he remains, to my knowledge, the only ruler in the West who, 
both on hygienic and moral (and aesthetic) grounds, ever earnestly 
considered the possibility of suppressing meat-eating, and of abolishing 
thereby the standing horror of the slaughterhouses. This is reported by Dr. 
Goebbels in his “Diaries,” and brilliantly confirmed by numerous 
statements ascribed to the Fiihrer himself in the “Dinner-time talks,” also 
printed after 1945 by the bitterest enemies of National Socialism, certainly 
not with the intention of exalting him. 

As a young man, and nay, a very attractive one, Adolf Hitler 
withstood the manifold temptations of the corrupt metropolis — ignored the 
solicitations of women, rejected with disgust those of men, and kept the 
sacred “flame of Life” (to use the word Kubizek quotes) pure and strong and 
constantly under control within himself. He did so without the slightest 
intention of “mortifying the flesh”; without the slightest desire of “acquiring 
merit” for the salvation of his soul; simply because he respected that energy 
given to man for a higher purpose, and looked upon every wanton waste of it 
as a sin against the Race at the same time as a profanation of the divinity of 
Life. The “flame of life,” felt he, was to be dedicated to the selfless service 
of the Race, visible Vehicle of Life eternal. It was to 


In Sanskrit: sattwik. 

2 See the “Goebbels Diaries,” entry of the 26th April, 1942. 



235 


be used, like man’s whole physical and moral energy, “in the spirit of the 
Creator,” i.e., in view of the attainment of perfection on earth. The entire 
National Socialist teaching concerning sex and sexual relations, with its 
well-known stress upon absolute health and racial purity, as laid down in 
“Mein Kampf,” 1 2 3 has its origin and its basis in that truly religious (although 
anything but “other-worldly”) attitude; in that standpoint of the “Man 
against Time” seeking, in defiance of the corruption of the Dark Age, to re¬ 
establish, here and now, the biological — i.e. fundamental — conditions of 
the earthly paradise; preparing the privileged, natural elite of mankind for 
the part it has to play in the formation of the god-like Race of the new earth, 
that will thrive in peace after this Dark Age has come to an end. 

And all Adolf Hitler’s positive measures in view of the physical and 
moral protection of his predestined people, natural leaders of Aryan man, 
after he came to power: his admirable laws for the welfare of mother and 
child; for the creation of ideal living conditions for workmen’s families; for 
the education of a healthy, self-confident and self-reliant, proud and 
beautiful youth; and his famous “Nuremberg Laws,” forwarding the growth 
in Germany of a pure-blooded Germanic race (forbidding sexual relations 
with Jews and, in fact, with non-Aryans of any description), have no other 
origin and no other meaning. Their aim — nay, the practical aim of National 
Socialism as such — was and remains not merely to improve the material lot 
of the German labourers (however important a part this immediate aim 
doubtless played in the success of the Hitler Movement in Germany, after 
the first World War); not merely to make the new State, comprising all 
people of Germanic blood — that “holy Reich of all Germans” of which 
Adolf Hitler already spoke in his adolescent’s conversations with August 
Kubizek — a strong and prosperous State, but to regenerate the German 
people — the most conscious among the Aryans of the West — radically, 
and to organise them, in all walks of life, so as to create out of them the only 
dam capable of withstanding and thrusting back the threatening tide of 


1 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 444-446. 

2 A. Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund”, p. 109. 

3 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 439. 



236 


inferior humanity, whose rise is, in this as in every Time-cycle, the 
increasingly tragic sign of an advanced stage of the Dark Age; capable of 
thrusting it back and of carrying, beyond its defeat, (and its destruction, at 
the very end of the Age of Gloom) the treasure of god-like life into the glory 
of the new Beginning. 

As I said before, it is difficult to state how far Adolf Hitler could have 
explicitly given expression to this point of view. It was, nevertheless, in 
reality, his point of view. In particular, he was and remained all his life 
vividly aware of the compelling necessity of preserving, nay, of forwarding, 
at any cost the racial aristocracy of mankind — the best elements of the 
Aryan race, — if this planet is not, after an appalling period of chaos, (after 
the end of the present Time-cycle) “to go its way, void of human beings, 
through aetherial space, as it did millions of years ago.” 1 Standing alone, 
personally untouched by Dark Age conditions at their worse, although 
deeply and painfully acquainted with them, he observed their effects upon 
the people in whom his unfailing intuition forced him to recognise, in spite 
of all, the predestined biological substance of an infinitely better mankind: 
the ones who are not yet, but who (to quote Nietzsche’s words) are 
“becoming,” or at least are capable of becoming supermen: his own German 
people. And, with serenity and with realism, he sought the causes of physical 
and moral wretchedness; the many causes: selfishness of the owning classes; 
indifference or cowardice of men in power; the grip of international high 
finance upon national economy; the influence of Jewry upon the national 
body and soul, etc.; etc., but under those many causes, the one cause: the 
rule of false values; the exaltation of untruth, which is synonymous of 
sickness; in all domains, rebellion against the spirit of the divine Order of 
Nature. That is what he had come to fight, so that the “reign of 
Righteousnes” be re-established. 


* * * 

Adolf Hitler’s second and even more shattering experience of the 
horror of the present Age began on the 10th of November 1918, as he stood, 
half-blind from the effects of poisonous 


i 


“Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), I, chap. XI, p. 316. 



237 


gas, among his wounded comrades in a hospital hall at Pasewalk in 
Pomerania, and heard from the clergyman the latest news: the “November 
revolution” and Germany’s capitulation; the tragic end of the first World 
War. 

More than four years before, he had joined the war with enthusiasm, 
as a volunteer in a Bavarian regiment, not in an Austrian one, clearly 
showing thereby that he was prepared to die anytime for the German people 
and “for the Reich that embodied them,” 1 though not for “the State of the 
Habsburgs” — that artificial State of many nationalities. For he considered 
the war in no way as an Austrian concern, but as a struggle of the German 
people (including, naturally, those of Austria) “for their existence” 2 3 — as a 
just war. And, he had done his duty thoroughly; faithfully. And although he 
had, for months already, (specially since the general strike of 1917) been 
fearing —feeling — that some diabolical traitors’ intrigues were being 
carried on to rob the German front-soldier of a victory which he well 
deserved, yet he had not expected such an end, and so suddenly.... 

The grief, the indignation and temporary despair that took him over as 
he abruptly acquired “the most horrible certitude in his life” are so 
eloquently described in “Mein Kampf ’ that nothing can throw more light 
upon the future, Fuhrer’s state of mind than an extensive, quotation of his 
own words: “I could not remain any longer” (i.e. remain hearing the news). 
“While my eyes once more stared into darkness, I sought my way back to 
the dormitory, threw myself upon my bed, and buried my burning head 
under the quilts and pillows. 

Since the day I had stood before my mother’s grave, I had not wept. 
When, in my youth, Destiny had been mercilessly harsh to me, I had faced it 
with growing defiance. When during the long years of the war, death had 
taken many a dear comrade and friend of mine from our ranks, it would have 
seemed to me nearly a sin to complain — for they had died for Germany. 
And when, in the days of the terrible struggle, the 


1 “Mein Kampf ’ (edit. 1939), p. 179. 

2 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 178. 

3 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 222. 



238 


slowly advancing gas had taken me in its grip, and begun to gnaw into my 
eyes, and when the fear of becoming blind for ever had made me feel, for a 
second, as though I would weaken, the voice of conscience had thundered to 
me: ‘Miserable wretch! You feel like weeping, while thousands are faring 
worse than yourself! ’ And I had put up with my lot in silence. But now I 
could not help weeping. Now I experienced how completely every personal 
suffering fades away before the misfortune of one’s Fatherland. 

So, it had all been in vain! In vain all our sacrifices, and all the 
hardships we had endured; in vain, hunger and thirst, for months without 
end; in vain, the hours in which, facing the terror of death, we had yet done 
our duty; and in vain, the death of two million men! Would not the graves of 
the hundreds of thousands who had gone forth full of faith in the Fatherland, 
never to return, break open and release the dumb heroes covered with mud 
and blood, — release them as revengeful spirits among the people at home, 
who had treated so disdainfully the highest sacrifice which a man can offer 
his country? Had they died for that , the soldiers of August and September 
1914? Had the regiments of volunteers, in the autumn of the same year, 
followed for that the elder comrades? Had those boys of seventeen sunk for 
that into Flanders’ earth? Was that the object of the sacrifice that German 
mothers had brought the Fatherland when, with a grieving heart, they had 
sent the boys to their duty, never to see them, again? Had all that happened 
in order to enable, now, a handful of criminals to set their grip upon the 
Fatherland?!! ... The more I tried, then, to think clearly about the monstrous 
event, the more my forehead burnt with indignation and shame. What was 
all the pain I felt in my eyes, compared with this wretchedness? 

What followed, were appalling days and still worse nights. I knew that 
all was lost. Only fools — fools or ... liars and criminals — could put their 
hope in the enemy’s mercy. During those nights, hatred grew in me, hatred 
against the originators of that deed. 

In those days, I also became aware of my destiny. Now, I could only 
laugh at the thought of my own future, that had caused me such bitter worry 
only a short time before. Was it 



239 


not ridiculous to build houses upon such foundations as this? At last it was 
clear to me that the very thing which I so often already had feared, without 
ever being able, in my heart, to believe it, had now happened. 

Emperor William the Second had been the first German emperor to 
hold out his hand to the leaders of Marxism, in a gesture of reconciliation, 
without knowing that rascals have no honour. While they still held the 
Emperor’s hand in one of theirs, their other one was already seeking for the 
dagger. 

With Jews, no pactising policy is possible, but only that of the hard 
“either — or.” 

“1 decided to become a politician.” 1 

This heart-rending autobiographical account could — historically — 
be described as: the passage of National Socialism from the stage of an 
expectant or latent incarnate Idea, to that of an active one. 

Surely the incarnate Idea is, when not as old as Adolf Hitler himself, 
at least as old as his earliest awakening to socio-political, nay, to 
philosophical consciousness in general. And that took place very early: 
already in Linz, when not before. Yet, then, and in Vienna, although his 
interest in social and political problems grew and grew with the daily 
experience of injustice and misery, and still in Munick, after 1912, the future 
ruler continued to think of himself primarily as of a future architect. There 
may have been moments, of course, in which he thought, or at least felt, 
differently. There were such moments — one such moment at least, and a 
great one, — already in his life in Linz, if we are to believe Kubizek’s 
account of it. 2 But the artist’s immediate goal soon reappeared. Horrible as 
— in Vienna, at any rate — many of them doubtless were, the experiences 
of daily life were not sufficiently appalling to push it out of sight altogether. 
Nay, during the war, when more and more aware of the necessity of 
opposing to the forces of international Socialism a national organisation 
which would be free from the weaknesses of the Parliamentary System, 
Hitler had begun to think seriously of becoming politically active, he had 
merely visualised himself speaking in public 


1 “Mein Kampf,” p. 223, 224-225. 

2 

August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund,” p. 140 and following. 



240 


“while carrying on his profession.” 1 Now, his profession, nay, his art, — for 
he still was, and could but remain, fundamentally, an artist, — was out of 
question. Every activity which was not to contribute directly and 
immediately to free Germany from the consequences and specially from the 
causes of defeat, was, out of question; and that, not merely because Adolf 
Hitler loved Germany above all things, but because that more-than-human 
intuition that classes him among the few great seers of mankind, told him 
that Germany’s real, deeper interest was — is, absolutely, — the real interest 
of Creation; — the “interest of the Universe,” again to quote the immortal 
words of the Bhagavad-Gita. (And it is not an accident, — not a mere 
coincidence, — that I, a non-German Aryan intimately connected with 
England, Greece and India, should stress this fact. It is a sign; a symbol; the 
first expression of the homage of worldwide Aryandom to the latest Man 
“against Time” and to the truly chosen Nation). 

Out of the abyss of powerless despair — from that bed of, suffering 
upon which the nameless corporal Adolf Hitler lay weeping over Germany’s 
fate while his blinded eyes burned in their sockets, like red-hot embers; out 
of his appalling certitude that “all was lost,” that “all had been in vain” — 
rose the defiant Will to freedom and Will to power of an invincible people 
and, beyond that, and greater than that, the perennial cosmic Will to 
Perfection in all its majesty; the will of the German soldier who had fought 
in Flanders and — identical to it; expressing itself through it, — the 
impesonal and irresistible Will of the eternal Warrior and Seer above Time 
and “against Time”; the Will of Him Who comes back age after age, “when 
all is lost,” “when evil rules supreme,” to re-establish on earth the reign of 
Righteousness. 

From then onwards, the age-old Struggle for Truth — the Struggle 
“against Time” — was, in the West, to enter a new phase. It was to identify 
itself with the political struggle to free Germany from the bondage imposed 
upon her by the victors of 1918, no less than with the more-than-political 
one against the causes of physical and moral decay that were — and still are 
— threatening the existence of the natural aristocracy 


1 


“Mein Kampf ’ (edit. 1939), p. 192. 



241 


of the Aryan race. And the National Socialist German Labourers’ Party — 
the famous N.S.D.A.P., which Adolf Hitler soon evolved out of the tiny 
group of idealists (seven, including himself) originally called “Deutsche 
Arbeiter Partei,” which he joined in 1919 — was to be the one agent of the 
everlasting Force of Light and Life amidst the growing darkness of the Dark 
Age. I say: the one; for, contrarily to all other so-called movements of 
regeneration, religious and secular, this political and yet infinitely more than 
political Movement, attacked the very root of historical decay as such: 
biological decay, consequence of sin against the primary natural 
Commandant of blood purity; in other words (from the standpoint of original 
Perfection), sickness; tangible, physical untruth and that moral untruth (that 
false conception of “man”) which stands to the back of it. 

* * * 

There are, in the records of mankind, few things as beautiful as the 
early history of the National Socialist Movement. 

The tremendous will-power, kindled through despair, on of which the 
latter had sprung, was, as I just said, nothing les than the divine Will to 
Perfection in its last (or one before last) effort to lead the best up-stream 
against the fated current of Time and to save through them whatever is yet 
worth saving in this doomed Creation. The material and moral condition 
under which the Movement took shape — the miserable, smoky room 1 in 
which six unknown German workmen sat and discussed with the superman 
who was soon to guide them, and millions of others, to the reconquest of 
national greatness these men’s utter poverty, their utter insignificance in the 
eye of the wide world and specially of those well-spoken of, comfortable 
politicians and party-leaders whom they were, within few years, to thrust 
into oblivion; their burning faith and which is more, the fact that their 
Leader — Adolf Hitler —was in possession of cosmic truth — are highly 
symbolical. All life begins in darkness. All everlasting things are bom in 
silence and away from the lime-light of publicity; in faith and in tmth And 
whatever is not bom in such a manner, does not last However noisy and 
wide-spread be its success, it will not stand 


1 


“Mein Kampf ’ (edit. 1939), p. 240 and following. 



242 


the test of time and that of persecution, let alone the terrible impact of the 
storm in which a Time-cycle comes to its end. 

The very early growth of National Socialism as an active, incarnate 
Idea, was like the growth of a com-seed within the snow-bound earth; it was 
like the slow rise of molten rock within the depth of a slumbering volcano: 
unnoticed and irresistible. It was the outcome of a natural Force, in fact, of 
the oldest and mightiest of all natural Forces: of Life’s inherent instinct of 
self-preservation in presence of the Powers of death — the Force that links 
every Time-cycle to the following one, over almost total destmction. Started 
in 1919, officially founded in early 1920, it owes that divine Force its 
impulse which nothing, — not even the disaster of 1945 — was able to 
break. 

Throughout the wide world, governments representing sheer finance 
interests looked with satisfaction upon their latest handiwork: the Versailles 
peace-treaty, up till then the most infamous official document in history, 
intended to enslave Germany for all times. And the sheep followed their 
shepherds. And the parrots repeated the nonsense — and lies — which they 
had been taught: “This Treaty seals the victory of those who fought this war 
in order to put an end to all wars!” — while frenzied crowds demonstrated in 
the streets of the French towns howling “Germany must pay!”. Never had 
there been so many speeches, so many sermons, so many articles and books 
— such a “hullabaloo” — about “peace.” And never had victors yet behaved 
with such calculated barbarity. 

In the unconspicuous little room at the back of a cafe in Munick, 
however, Adolf Hitler — the Man “against Time,” — spoke to the tiny 
group of German workmen; to the rough men of pure blood and solid 
virtues, sons of the people among which he — He, the One Who comes 
back, — had chosen (this time) to be bom. And his words were — and his 
whole life was — the answer to the lies of this advanced Dark Age. They 
cannot have been much different from those one reads in “Mein Kampf ’ 
although these were written five years later. He said “For me, as for every 
tme National Socialist, there is only one doctrine: people and fatherland. 

We have to fight to, secure the existence and expansion of our race 
and of our people; to enable them to nourish their children and to preserve 
the purity of their blood; to secure 



243 


the freedom of our Fatherland, so that our people may be in the position too 
fulfill the mission appointed to them by the Creator of the Universe .” 

He said: “Whoever speaks of a mission of the German people on this 
earth must know that such a mission can only lie in the formation of a State 
which holds it to be its highest task to preserve and to promote the noblest of 
all elements which have, in our people, nay, in the whole of mankind, 
remained unspoilt” 1 2 3 

He said: “The German Reich should, as a State, comprise all 
Germans, and set itself the task not merely to gather and preserve the most 
valuable original racial elements in that people, but to raise them slowly 

'l 

and surely to a ruling position .” 

He said: “ Men do not go to ruin through lost wars, but through the 
loss of that power of resistance that lies in pure blood alone.” 4 

He was aware of the downfall of the whole of mankind — including 
Germany — in the present Age. “Unfortunately,” said he, “our German 
people are no longer racially homogeneous.” 5 And aware of the primary 
cause of downfall: racial mixture, the result of forgetfulness of Nature’s 
truth. And aware of that truth, expressed in the oldest Book of Aryan 
Wisdom, the Bhagavad-Gita: “Out of the corruption of women proceeds the 
confusion of races; out of the confusion of races, the loss of memory; out of 
the loss of memory, the loss of understanding; and out of this, all evil.” 6 He 
was aware of it, not because he had read the Book, (it is doubtful whether he 
had, at least as early as 1919) but because the impersonal Wisdom of the 
most ancient Aryans lived in him; because he was He Who has spoken in the 
Book — the One Who comes back. And he knew that the Wisdom which he 
preached as the key to earthly salvation “corresponds entirely to the original 
meaning of things”; 7 and that the way he preached — return to that 


1 “Mein Kampf ’ (edit. 1939), p. 234. 

2 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 439. 

3 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 439. 

4 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 324. 

5 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 436-437. 

6 The Bhagavad-Gita, I, verse 41 and following. 

7 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 440. 



244 


primeaval, cosmic Wisdom in individual and in collective life, in thought 
and in deed, — was — is — the only way through which the chosen few can 
survive the last impact of the forces of disintegration and become the 
founders of the new Age of Truth. And that those chosen few are the best 
elements of the youngest great Race of our Time-cycle: the Aryan. He knew 
that too. And while he stressed in his speeches the necessity of freeing 
Germany, at once, from the immediate consequences of the Versailles 
Treaty — inflation; unemployment; growing misery, — his ultimate aim 
remained to raise her to that organised power which, in the light of 
traditional Wisdom, can only be termed as a “State against Time” — nay, 
the “State against Time,” enabling the best to carry both their privileged 
biological substance and their unmarred Golden Age ideal through and 
beyond the last storms of this Dark Age. 

He spoke with the compelling eloquence of faith, knowing that he was 
right — that the endless future of the Universe (not merely of Germany and 
Europe) would glaringly prove how right he was. He spoke with the wild 
eloquence of emergency, knowing also that the struggle he was about to start 
had to take place then or never; that there was not an hour to waste. 

And the sombre faces of the hungry, embittered men, who had fought 
and suffered, and yet lost, gazed at him with that unconditional admiration 
and confidence that is the essence of worship — the faces of the six, and, 
soon, of many more; of; hundreds, in ever broader meeting-halls, always too 
small to contain them; of hundreds of thousands under the open sky. 

“Men do not go to ruin through lost wars...” The magic words — 
these, and others, meaning the same, — rang throughout defeated Germany. 
And the hundreds of thousands no longer felt defeated. They now knew they 
had been betrayed. And they roared against the traitors and against the dark 
powers at the back of them — the dark powers that they (the German 
people) would one day crush. They felt strong; they felt young; — invincible 
and immortal. They felt what the best among them really were — had been, 
from the beginning of Aryan history, appointed to become — the masters of 
an unheard-of future; the proud founders of a new world (Only they did not 
— yet — know through what a terrible Via dolorosa 



245 


they actually were to fulfill that staggering destiny). They gathered, more 
and more numerous, round the Man whose inspired speech quickened in 
them the highest possibilities of joyous heroism — and made them see old 
forgotten truths in a glaring new light; whose magic radiance filled them 
with self-assurance: whose love for them was limitless and gratuitous, like 
the love of a God. They beheld in him the Leader, the Avenger, the Saviour 
— the living embodiment of their unvanquished collective Self, which 
indeed he was. And they followed him blindly. Their love carried him to 
power; their love, and their hatred for those whom he rightly pointed out to 
them as the promoters of the humiliation of 1918 and of all the subsequent 
misery: the Jews, and the servants of Jewry, agents of the Dark Forces by 
nature or by choice, Germany’s — and the world’s — real enemies. 

* * * 

Their real enemies and their only enemies. Adolf Hitler has pointed 
out no others. (And that is precisely the reason why the whole world — this 
doomed Dark Age world, stricken with madness, which exalts its foes and 
kills its friends, — has risen against him like one man). The fact is too 
important not to deserve a thorough explanation. 

Nothing is more unfair to National Socialism than the all-too-easy 
description of its inherent “Anti-Semitism” as “a means intended to turn the 
German people’s attention away from their actual exploiters” (meaning: the 
German capitalists), or, as a modern expression of the age-old “envy” of the 
Goyyim — of any Goyyim — at the sight of the Jews’ undeniable success in 
business. The first assumption, brought forth ad nauseam by the 
Communists and their sympathisers, — reveals either a complete absence of 
good faith or a complete misunderstanding of the Jewish question as such 
and therefore of all serious, vital “Anti-Semitism.” The latter may well be 
applied to Armenian “Anti-Semitism” (or to that of any commercially clever 
Levantines, whose trickery the Jews alone are able to outdo). It has nothing 
whatsoever in common with the profound, biological and therefore 
irreducible hostility which opposes National Socialists and Jews. 

No doubt, that hostility first burst out in a popular uproar in answer to 
all the tangible harm wrought by Jews against 



246 


the German people during a few decades (and many a German whose family 
Jews had reduced to misery at the time of the inflation, after the first World 
War, welcomed the boisterous Anti-Semitism of the young Movement for 
personal no less than for national reasons); no doubt, the first thing that 
made Adolf Hitler himself a definitive enemy of the Jews was his 
knowledge of the anti-German part played by the latter, both politically and 
socially, in Austria and in Germany, already before 1914, in particular, his 
knowledge of the Jewish spirit and Jewish leadership of Marxism, and his 
awareness of the presence of Jews in the press, in the theatre, etc., behind all 
propaganda directly or indirectly aiming at the destruction of every healthy 
national instinct among people of German blood. In other words, National 
Socialist Anti-Semitism is — first — racial self-defence of the Aryan; a 
vigorous reaction against the mischief the Jews did (and are, by the way, 
since 1945, again doing) in an Aryan land. 

But there is more — and much more — to be said. What the Jews did 
and do (and cannot but do) is a consequence of what they are — and of what 
they remain even when they turn their backs to Jewish tradition (or pretend 
to do so) and become Christians, Theosophists, Buddhists or just 
“rationalists,” or Communists. And they are, fundamentally, irreducibly — 
already in the invisible Realm of which this world of shapes and colours and 
sounds is but a projection, — the polar opposite of the natural Aryan elite; 
the dark counterpart of the youngest Children of the Sun. As racially 
conscious as they, if not — alas! — often more so; as tightly bound as they 
to one another through the most compelling solidarity; through total 
solidarity (in practical — financial and political — no less than religious or 
so-called religious affairs) such as one can, in history, if at all, seldom come 
across; nay, as devoted as they to a merciless collective purpose. Only theirs 
is not the legitimate consciousness of true superiority and the blood- 
solidarity of Nature’s best ones; nay, it is not the healthy racial pride and 
patriotism of a real people in their place within the scheme of Life. Nor is 
their collective purpose by any means, like that of Adolf Hitler’s followers, 
“in harmony with the original meaning of things.” On the contrary! For the 
Jews are, in the first place, not a race in the true sense of the ward, — let 
alone “God’s chosen one.” They are neither an homogeneous 



247 


variety of Semites nor a brotherhood of kindred Semitic types bearing to one 
another such a relation as that which binds together Aryans of “Nordic,” 
“Dinaric” and other types within the German nation. One needs but to look 
at them, in order to be convinced of this; nay, to look at them in the country 
where they have been gathering for the last thirty or forty years from all the 
ghettos of the world in the name of their common past and common 
nationhood: Palestine. One meets there, apart from the “classical” Jew, Jews 
of all physical types, including the Slav, including the “Nordic” — rare,, no 
doubt, yet present and not necessarily marred by the well-known visible 
signs of Jewish descent. And some of the members of the strange pseudo- 
ethnical, pseudo-religious world-community — such as, for instance, the so- 
called “black Jews” of Cochin, on the Malabar coast, — have no Jewish 
blood, in fact, no Semitic blood at all in their veins 1 which does not prevent 
them from feeling themselves “Jews.” 

The Jewish world-community is — has been, more and more, for 
centuries already — not a Semitic, nation but a raceless brotherhood 
gathered around a Semitic nucleus; a raceless brotherhood, however, as 
racially -conscious as any people can be; increasingly numerous 
cosmopolitan elements who put the usual characteristics of the raceless — 
faithlessness; unscrupulousness; disregard of order; soul-poisoning 
scepticism, — to the service of the racial idea that they have partly inherited 
partly adopted from their full-blooded brothers in faith and brothers in 
interests, and Semites — a very definite, inferior section of the broad 
Semitic race — in whom masterfulness in subtlety and intrigue outways by 
far all warrior-like qualities. 

And its collective aim, pursued throughout history with relentless 
consistency, is nothing less than the prosperity and power of the Jew, 
everywhere in the world, at the expense of all non-Jews. The consciousness 
of being (more or less) “children of Abraham” and the common “Law” 
under which, (nominally at least) its members live, may well keep the 
community together. Yet they are but means to an end. And the end — the 
common collective purpose: actual Jewish rule — is what really matters. 


Those so-called “black Jews” are just low caste Indians whose fore-fathers have once 
accepted the Jewish faith. To this day, they marry among themselves only. 



248 


It is an unholy purpose, the fulfillment of which would imply the 
dissolution of all races and of all genuine nationalities; of all natural 
communities, i.e., of all those that have a solid racial background (first the 
dissolution of the most gifted and most conscious one; of the most fit to rule 
— the Aryan — and then, gradually, of all others, including, ultimately, the 
Semitic nucleus of the Jewish community itself) and the ever-tightening grip 
of a soulless money power — the power of the raceless, gifted with 
destructive intelligence — over increasingly bastardised and numberless 
masses of Menschenmaterial, possessing neither thought nor will of their 
own, nor the innocence and nobility of real animals. It is the purpose of the 
Forces of darkness, whose influence grows, whose free play becomes more 
and more free and shameless, and whose rule asserts itself as a more and 
more obvious reality, as history run; its fated downward course. It is the 
purpose of Time itself, as Destroyer of all creation; as Leveller and Denier. 
And it is the purpose of the community, “in Time” par excellence', of the 
community who, like the privileged Aryan elite gathered around Adolf 
Hitler, talks passionately of its “mission” and calls itself “chosen” — and 
rightly so; but who omits to state that, contrarily to the pure-blooded 
disciples of the Man “against Time,” it has been chosen not by “God,” not 
by the everlasting Forces of Light and Life, to serve Life’s constructive goal, 
but by the Powers of Death, to bring about, through ever-increasing 
unfaithfulness to the original divine life-pattern, i.e., through increasing 
untruth, the end of this Time-cycle. The end, without a new beginning — for 
that is the intention, the tendency of the Death-forces. While the purpose of 
the National Socialist Movement — its real, deep purpose, far beyond all 
“politics” — was and remains the glorious new Beginning — the new 
victory of uncreated Light over the dark Powers; the new victory of Life in 
its original earthly perfection, of Order, in its true meaning, in spite of the 
temporary, unavoidable reign of Chaos; the Golden Age of the next Time- 
cycle. 

In one word, the sharp hostility between National Socialists and Jews 
means infinitely more than that which the detractors of the Hitler faith so 
lightly take it to be. It reveals not the usual tension between any two rival 
“racialisms,” but the unique opposition between the two poles of thinking 
Life at 



249 


the very end of the present Dark Age. That is the hidden but real reason why 
it is absolute — and why its tangible expressions have been, and will, at the 
first opportunity, again be, so deadly. 

Adolf Hitler knew it. The wisest among his true disciples knew it, and 
know it. The all-powerful leaders of world Jewry knew it, and know it. 

* * * 

The National Socialist struggle against international Jewry took, in 
broad day-light, the form of a tremendous holy war against Marxism — the 
latest large-scale Movement “ in Time” — and, in a much subtler and 
indirect manner, yet, with equal deadly determination, that of a relentless 
action against all spiritual or pseudo-spiritual, open or secret organisations 
equally “in Time,” the influence of which is, in fact, no less than that of 
Marxism, directed against any attempt at an Aryan regeneration “ against 
Time.” It took place and will, one day, be resumed — for no “de¬ 
nazification” policy can hinder the play of the invisible Forces — with the 
necessary Dark Age methods. 

War against Marxism seemed and still seems to be — and no doubt is, 
in the practical field, — the first task of National Socialism, only because 
Marxism represents, to-day, the most immediate menace; because it is the 
most successful brand of the old, very old Jewish mass-poison for Goyyims ’ 
consumption, intended to bring about the decay of all races, the end of all 
true nationalisms, and the limitless increase of a Jew-ridden humanity of 
poorer and poorer quality in a duller and duller — uglier and uglier — 
world; in one word, the consummation of the downfall of Life upon this 
planet. Which does not mean to say that other brands of the same, the effects 
of which are less obvious, less rapid, are not, in the long run, just as 
dangerous, if not even more so. 

The greatness of the National Socialist Movement in this respect, lies 
less in the fact that it has, more vigorously (and efficiently) than any other 
party — or Church — fought against the “Communist danger,” than in that, 
that it has pointed out the right reason why the latter is “a danger” — the 
danger — and fought it for that reason alone. 

Considered from the point of view of cosmic Wisdom, 



250 


Communism, or rather Marxism, is not a danger because it threatens the 
owning classes of this earth with dispossession and the subsequent 
unpleasant compulsion of daily labour, and aims at the total abolition of 
capitalistic economy. That, — the main cause of all the “hullabaloo” against 
the Communists outside National Socialist circles — is a detail, and a minor 
one at that. The world has nothing to lose through the disappearance of 
capitalists and of the rotten system they represent. On the contrary! And, 
although private ownership, inasmuch as it be the product of personal work, 
and not of speculation, is recognised in the National Socialist Party 
Programme as “a legitimate right of the individual ,” 1 I would go so far as to 
say that, even so, it would not be an irreparable catastrophe, were that also to 
be wiped away in the storm of radical economic changes. 

Marxism is also not a danger because its true adherents — people who 
live thoroughly “in Time” — have little leisure for Christian and other 
metaphysics and, in particular, little curiosity about what might happen to 
them after they will be dead. Nay, it is no danger because Karl Marx’s basic 
teaching concerning history — his famous “historical materialism” — 
attempts to explain all evolution in Time without the help of the hypothesis 
of “God” and of the human “soul.” That — the main cause of the uproar 
against “Communist atheism” among Christians and other spiritually- 
minded people; and the main excuse set forth by the Catholic Church to 
justify its ban on the “materialistic” doctrine — is also a detail. And the idea 
of God, as the overwhelming majority of Anti-Communists uphold it, is 
vague, anyhow; vague, and of no practical use whatsoever. The danger of 
Marxism lies, as Adolf Hitler has pointed out in “Mein Kampf ’ and in 
numberless speeches, solely — absolutely — in the fact that its conception 
of man as a mere product of his economic surroundings and of destiny as a 
play of purely economic forces, implies the denial of the importance of race 
and personality; — the denial of the natural hierarchy of races and of the 
irreducible differences in kind and in value between one race and the other, 
no less than that of the natural inequality of individuals, even within the 
same race. In other 


See the Twenty-Five Points. “Das Programm der N.S.D.A.P.” by Goltfried Feder (edit. 
1939), p. 35. 

“ “Mein Kampf,” p. 420 and following. 



251 


words, it lies in the fact that Marxism is man-centred — not ///e-centred — 
and equalitarian; in contradiction with the spirit of Nature, not in harmony 
with it; false, from the standpoint of cosmic wisdom, like historical 
Christianity (the source of those moral and spiritual values, in the name of 
which the capitalistic Democracies are, or rather pretend to be Anti- 
communistic) and like all Jewish teachings for Aryan use, but not more so. It 
lies in the fact that, among all such teachings ancient and modern, Marxism 
is in addition to that, by far the most popular and the most militant. As I 
said: for the time being, at least, the most successful. 

Adolf Hitler has rightly stressed that the definitive victory of such an 
Ideology would mean the end of life upon this planet — which is precisely 
the aim of the more-than-human Forces of disintegration that stand behind 
world Jewry. The tragedy, however, is that it would not mean such a rapid 
and dignified end as one might imagine. It would mean , first, a general and 
irredeemable bastardisation of the whole human species and an unbelievable 
increase of the number of human beings — “producers” — at the expense of 
the rest of life — increase, till the last beautiful wild animals are killed off 
and the last patch of forest cut down, to make place for more worthless two- 
legged mammals; — and then , when all the possibilities of nourishment 
which the earth can provide even with the assistance of perfected 
agricultural technique, are exhausted, war for food ; 1 bitter, savage war to the 
finish (also with the assistance of perfected technique) until the doomed 
species has blown itself to pieces. It would mean, in other words, “the reign 
of quantity” in all its horror, and then, — in the absence of any biological 
elite capable of starting a new Time-cycle — a full stop; on this planet at 
least, the final victory of that death-tendency which is, from the beginning, 
inherent in every manifestation within Time. And it is that which Adolf 
Hitler, — the Man “against Time” — has striven to avoid, through his 
struggle against Communism, i.e., against applied Marxism. 

The non-Communist world — nay, the Hnh-Communist world, — has 
understood neither the nature of the growing menace nor the real meaning of 
the National Socialist Struggle. 


Hans Grimm has very accurately pointed this out in his beautiful book “Warum? 
Woher? aber Wohin?” (1954). 



252 


Moreover, most of those who, in and outside Germany, before or during the 
Second World War, have answered Adolf Hitler’s call to arms against the 
Communist danger, and most of those who, to-day, realise how right he was, 
seem to have seen and to see in his struggle hardly anything more than the 
“defence of the West.” But it is not “the West” alone that was, and is, 
threatened in its biological substance, and consequently in its further 
evolution, by the latest man-centred, equalitarian Weltanschauung of Jewish 
origin incorporated into the latest powerful world-organisation — one could 
say: the latest Church — under Jewish leadership. It is the entire Aryan race: 
the man who, in Cape Town, Sidney or Ottawa, has, up till now, kept his 
Germanic blood pure, no less than the “European” of Germanic blood; no 
less than those Aryan minorities of Asia that the racially conscious European 
is too often tempted to forget or to underestimate: the Persian, to the extent 
he has, specially throughout the last one thousand five hundred years of the 
most stormy history, withstood the curse of blood-mixture; the Indian 
Brahmin and Kshattriya, whom the Caste System has, up till now, kept aloof 
and protected; in particular the Brahmin of Kashmir, outwardly at least, one 
of the finest types of Aryan humanity. It is, nay, all pure or relatively pure 
races of the world that are menaced, including the non-Aryan; including the 
Semitic nucleus of the Jewish people themselves — and no one knows that 
better than those racially-conscious Jews, once holders of highly responsible 
positions within the Communist Party, who have been, during the last few 
years, charged with “Zionism” i.e., Jewish nationalism, before Communist 
Courts and sentenced to long terms of hard labour, when not to death . 1 
(Adolf Hitler has written: “After the death of his victim, the vampire himself 
dies, sooner or later .” 2 The poison of man-centred, equalitarian 
internationalism, intended to bring about the ruin of all races — specially of 
the Aryan — for the benefit of the Jew, is ultimately bound to work also 
against its originators. For the Death-forces are not selective. They spare 
nobody; — not even their agents.) The fact is that, at the root of that 
disregard for personality and specially for race, which characterises 
Marxism, lies the 


See the charges against the eleven Jews in the Prague Trial (1952) and against Anna 
Pauker, former Commissar in Rumania. 

2 “Mein Kampf ’ (edit. 1939), p. 358. 



253 


conceited belief in “man” as the measure of all things; in “man” as “the 
master of Nature” (not merely a part of it; a living species among others); 
and the illusion that anything endowed with a more or less human shape is 
of unquestionable value and must be allowed to live, nay, kept alive at any 
price; the sickly superstition of “man” — that “Jewish lie” which Adolf 
Hitler so brilliantly exposed in the eleventh Chapter of “Mein Kampf ’ — as 
opposed to the true, aristocratic Religion of Life. 

But the lie is, as I have said, no monopoly of the Marxists; no 
consequence of Karl Marx’s particular conception of man as the product of 
his economic environment. It is the common basis of all man-centred , 
equalitarian philosophies old and new, Jewish and non-Jewish , 1 and 
specially of the Jewish philosophies of international scope, which all draw 
an arbitrary line between “men” and the rest of living creatures, thus 
denying, the oneness of the realm of Life and the universality of its iron 
laws. It is, in particular, the moral basis of historical Christianity. 

It matters little what hypothesis or what dogmas be set forth, in order 
to make it sound like truth. The important fact remains that the Jewish lie, — 
snare of the Dark Age — is accepted as truth by the Anti-Communist forces 
of the West outside the National Socialist Movement, primarily, by the 
Christian Churches (the “bourgeois” political parties just do not count). The 
fact remains that these forces share with the Marxists themselves, be it under 
a different form, the superstition of “man,” origin of the attitude that leads to 
decay. And that is why none of them was, or is, Anti-communist in the true 
sense of the word. Not only did they and do they not fight Marxism on 
account of the real danger it represents, but every one of them would, 
ultimately, represent the self-same danger as it, were they to day as militant 
and full of faith as they once were. They are, at the most, the rivals of 
conquering Marxism — or would like to be. While in non-Christian 
countries, the Christian missionaries are precisely the people who, through 
the alarming increase of a half-educated, bastardised population, seething 
with discontent (the immediate result of their equalitarian preaching coupled 
with medical aid) prepare 


“Man” is greater than everything; there is nothing above him” is a saying attributed to 
one of the famous Bengali “Vaishnavas” of the XIVth century. 



254 


the way for Communism with miraculous efficiency — extending to the 
whole world (be it in the manner they are the last ones to desire ) the 
mischief which the Dark Forces have once wrought in the Near East and in 
Europe, through Christianity itself. 

In other words, the National Socialist struggle against Marxism is 
merely the most obvious aspect of the general — infinitely more than 
political — deadly struggle of the bold new faith in Light and Life against 
every form of untruth — every doctrine setting up “man” against Nature, 
every cult of imperfection, in this last part of the Dark Age. It is not to be 
separated from the struggle against the Christian Churches, against Free 
Masonry, and all such international and antinational so-called “spiritual” 
bodies as unduly distort and exploit teachings originally “above Time,” in 
order to forward the aims of the Death-forces. 

Only the latter struggle had to be more subtle, for practical reasons 
easy to understand. 


* * * 

It is written in “Mein Kampf“Poison can only be overcome through 
counter-poison, and alone a shallow bourgeois mind can consider the middle 
line as the way to Paradise .” 1 

“A philosophy filled with infernal intolerance will only be broken 
through a clear and absolutely true new idea animated with the same spirit 
and defended with the sane tremendous will-power. 

“One may, to-day, well regret that, in the Ancient World, which was 
much freer than ours, the first moral terror appeared with the coming of 
Christianity; one cannot, however, put in doubt the fact that the world has 
been, since then, dominated and oppressed through tyranny, and that tyranny 
can only he broken through tyranny, and terror through terror. Then only can 
new conditions — constructive ones — be created. 

“Political parties are inclined to compromise; creeds, never. Political 
parties take contradictors into account; creeds proclaim their own 
infallibility ” 2 


1 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 371. 

2 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 507. 



255 


“That which gave Marxism its success was the perfect collaboration 
of political will and militant brutality. That which prevented national 
Germany from moulding German evolution was the absence of a decisive 
collaboration of brutal force and of the political will of a man of genius ,” 1 

“The conviction that one has the right to use even the most brutal 
weapons always goes hand in hand with fanatical faith in the necessity of the 
victory of a revolutionary new order upon this earth. 

A movement that is not fighting for such high aims and ideals, will 
therefore never resort to the most extreme means (or weapons).” 

These and other such sentences (there are many more in what one 
could call the Book of the new Aryan faith) define with amazing exactitude 
the National Socialist Movement as an upheaval “against Time,” and point 
out the fundamental difference between Adolf Hitler and all such great 
historical figures as I have, in these pages, described as men “above Time” 
and men “in Time” — “Sun” men, and “Lightning” men. They glaringly 
show how foolish it is to compare the Founder of National Socialism with 
Napoleon — as so many have done, — or to accept the well meant but no 
less erroneous — though by far less popular — description which a few of 
his English followers have boldly given of him as a “political Christ.” 

Napoleon is but the pocket edition of Genghis Khan. Yet, — 
considered from the cosmic standpoint — he is a man of the same sort as he: 
a war-lord and an organiser who put his genius to the service of his family 
and of nothing more, not, by any means, because he saw, or thought he 
could see, in it, the vehicle of some great impersonal Idea, but simply 
because it was his. In other words: a man altogether “in Time.” Men “in 
Time” either have no ideology at all and do not pretend to have any, or they 
pretend to serve a faith “above Time” or “against Time” and exploit the 
latter for their own ends (like all the false Christians who fought for 
themselves in God’s name, and all the false National Socialists for whom the 
struggle under the Swastika Flag was only a means to work 


1 “Mein Kampf ’ (edit. 1939), p. 596. 

2 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 597. 

3 

The expression was used by Molly Stamford, an English woman detained during the 
war under the 18 B act. 



256 


themselves into power) or else, — like the sincere Marxists — they have an 
Ideology which is, itself, an Ideology “in Time”; an Ideology which is in 
contradiction with the divine final y of Creation, and therefore expresses the 
will of the Death-forces. 

Christ (be he a man and a myth, or only a myth, it makes no 
difference) is, like the Buddha, a figure typically “above Time.” His one 
resort to violence (against the merchants in the temple) is either a personal 
inconsistency of the historical Jesus or — more likely — a concession of the 
Gospel writer to popular hatred of the money-maker and money-lender. 
Original Christianity — in striking opposition to historical Christianity — 
finds its expression in Christ’s words to Pilate: “My Kingdom is not of this 
earth.” It is, like all mystical doctrines of escape, meant for those who turn 
their backs to “the world,” i.e., to all actual and possible manifestation 
within Time, and seek pure Timelessness, and who, therefore, automatically 
forsake violence, which is inseparable from Time. (Even Akhnaton, — one 
of the very few men “above Time” who are not men of escape, and, to my 
knowledge, the only one who undertook the unbelievable task of 
establishing — or trying to establish — a State “above Time,” — did away 
with violence, as we have seen, to the extent he could). 

Adolf Hitler is a typical Man “against Time” — like Rama, like Lord 
Krishna, the most widely remembered Aryan heroes who fought and ruled in 
India already before, or at the dawn of, this Dark Age, and, nearer to us, like 
the very noblest Figure of the Arab world, the Prophet Mohamed. As I said 
in the beginning of this book, all real great men “against Time” are, 
ultimately, also “above Time,” inasmuch as any ideal of integral Perfection 
is necessarily timeless. In other words, that towards which the great men 
“against Time” strive — Adolf Hitler like the others, — is “God”; Perfection 
beyond Time as the Archetype and Principle of that perfect, tangible life- 
order which they seek to bring — to bring back, or rather to hasten back; — 
into the world. But they thoroughly know that no changes upon this earth, 
and specially no changes in the direction of primaeval Perfection in and, 
which is more, at the end of this Dark Age, can be brought about without 
violence. They know — infallibly — that, more the Forces of disintegration 
and death are successful, i.e. more the Dark Age is advanced, 



257 


more violence is indispensable in order to break the current of decay; at least 
in order to stand in the way of the rush of Time, as a witness (and an active 
precursor) of the coming glorious Dawn of the next Time-cycle. And they 
accept that physical necessity. Contrarily even to those men “above Time 
who, such as Akhnaton of Egypt, dream of an earthly “Kingdom of God,” 
they are prepared to make use of violence — of “utmost brutality,” to quote 
Adolf Hitler’s own words, — to the extent it is to forward the sacred 
purpose: “the destruction of evil-doers and the establishment on earth of the 
reign of Righteousness,” of which it is spoken in the Bhagavad-Gita; the 
foundation of the socio-political order which is “in harmony with the 
original meaning of things ” — true to the eternal cosmic Order — as again 
Adolf Hitler has, with, crystal-clear insight, understood and proclaimed. 

The very fact of historical existence — existence within Time — sets 
a dilemma before all those who already strive towards Perfection; they must 
either turn their backs to this world of strife altogether, and seek the timeless 
inner Kingdom of Peace, which is not of this earth; or, if that which they 
want be an earthly paradise, seek it, by all means, against the current of 
Time; against the formidable and ever-increasing pressure of the Death- 
forces throughout any Time-cycle and, specially near the end of one, but 
then, far from renouncing violence, fight the Forces of disintegration with 
the self-same ruthless weapons as they use; with violence; with the impact of 
quantity, and, if necessary, — if expedient, — even with lies; with the 
weapons of the Dark Age, the only ones which can and will match theirs. 

For centuries, perhaps for millenniums, — perhaps ever since the day 
Ford Krishna proclaimed upon the Kurukshettra battle-field the Gospel of 
detached Violence, creed of every hero “against Time” — no man has 
understood that dilemma so clearly, and faced it with such boldness and such 
consistency as Adolf Hitler. And unless one also understands it; unless one 
at least realises that it is a dilemma — i.e. that one cannot go both ways and 
that, after one has chosen, one is to tred the path to its end, — one will 
behold neither the evolution of National Socialism (before 1933; between 
1933 and 1945; and after 1945) not the history of the Second World War, 



258 


which is narrowly connected with it, nor the subsequent history of our times, 
in the proper light. And any judgement one might, then, pass, will be false 
from the cosmic — and a fortiori from the historical — point of view. 

* * * 

Adolf Hitler chose to use the Dark Age weapons because, — 
contrarily to that other uncompromising champion of Truth, Akhnaton of 
Egypt, who lived 3300 years before him, — he fully realised that there is, in 
this world, no peaceful escape from the grip of the Dark forces. He realised 
it as he experienced that his German people, and, along with them, the whole 
Aryan race — the youngest creative race of our Time-cycle and the only 
creative race for centuries; the best — were threatened in their existence by 
the agents of the Death-powers; cornered; and that their definitive downfall 
and disappearance would mean the definitive downfall of higher organised 
Life upon this planet, with no hope of resurrection. That experience did not 
begin on the day Adolf Hitler was told that the First World War was lost for 
Germany. It had been familiar to him for years. But the news of the loss of 
the war and then of the infamous Treaties of Versailles and Saint-German 
imposed upon Germany by her victors, and the sight of the following 
misery, gave it further depth, further acuteness, and a further tremendous 
hold on him. A growing sense of emergency, a feverish haste — not unlike 
that, which one can trace in the building of the capital of King Akhnaton’s 
ideal State — drove him forwards, defining his whole policy in its positive 
and negative aspects, at home and abroad, to the end. 

His Gospel of Germanic pride and glorious healthy earthly life — 
’’freedom and bread” — coupled with the hard blows of the early Storm 
Troopers’ fists, that kept order in his public meetings and, when necessary, 
fought his battle in the streets, broke down whatever opposition stood in his 
way to power. There was, in that blending of mystical insight, elemental 
logic and well-organised brutality — of truth and youth — that characterises 
National Socialism, a grandeur that appealed to the masses and to the very 
best of the best people: to those exceptionally intelligent and reliable men 
who have retained the raw vitality of the masses within their psychological 
make-up. 



259 


Temporary set-backs 1 only kindled the bitter determination of both. And the 
struggle started in 1919 was a staggering triumph. On the 30th of January, 
1933, Adolf Hitler was acclaimed as Chancellor of the German Reich. A few 
months later, the Reichstag was to vote him “illimited powers,” so that he 
might, without hindrance, remould the whole State, and direct Germany’s 
foreign policy according to his programme — which he consistently did to 
the extent it could be done in spite of the undermining activities of a well- 
hidden and — alas! — extremely efficient pack of traitors in Germany itself, 
and in defiance of the increasing hostility of the whole world, i.e. against the 
pressure of the coalesced forces of this Dark Age. 

It is an error to believe that “after a time” the National Socialist State 
“should have” — could have, in the first place, — avoided evolving into a 
“police State,” i.e. a State permanently dominated by the consciousness of 
emergency. In other words, it is an error to believe that, in 1933, — or 1934 
— the struggle was “over,” and conditions of emergency a thing of the past. 
From the moment Adolf Hitler acquired a free hand to remould the German 
Reich according to his ideals, the National Socialist struggle merely entered 
a new phase. It was no longer the struggle for power. But it still was the 
Struggle for Truth; for cosmic Truth applied to social problems and to 
politics in our advanced Dark Age, i.e. the Struggle for Truth, with 
unavoidable Dark Age methods. And for that very reason — because it is the 
State “against Time” par excellence, — the National Socialist State could 
(and can, were it again to take shape during this Dark Age) only be a State 
resting upon an iron coercive and military organisation; a State in which 
every free citizen feels himself a soldier — a voluntary soldier, glad to 
submit to integral (inner and outer) discipline, for the advent and defence of 
Adolf Hitler’s ideal Reich, (the Kingdom of Truth “against Time”) — and in 
which every enemy of the new Order lives under the constant threat of 
denunciation and arrest, hard labour in a concentration camp, or death; what 
a well-known hater of the Hitler faith has tried to slander under the name of 
an “S.S. 


Such as the failure of the putsch of the 9th November 1923. 



260 


State.” 1 (The word is, in reality, the greatest compliment paid, to the glorious 
revolutionary State “against Time.”) 

“A revolution,” says Konstantin Hierl, one of the men to whom the 
National Socialist regime owes the most, in the practical field, “can only be 
a transitory state of affairs, (ein Ubergangszustand). And he adds: “Also the 
absolute system, of government connected with the National Socialist 
revolution should have been only a transition, and could not be the first aim 
of a German revolution.” 

It is true that revolutions in the usual sense of the word — such as the 
French Revolution or the Russian Revolution, which are but passages from 
given conditions “in Time” to different conditions, also “in Time”; steps 
along the downward path of history — can only be “transitory states of 
affairs.” But it is, from the cosmic standpoint, an error — an understandable 
error, maybe, yet, a fundamental one, — to consider the National Socialist 
upheaval as a mere “German Revolution” of the same type as those. Being 
an upheaval “against Time,” the National Socialist Revolution was, — and, 
as long as its guiding, Idea lives in the consciousness of a militant minority, 
remains, a transition, no doubt, but a transition between advanced Dark Age 
conditions and coming, Golden Age conditions, yet hardly dreamable. And 
therefore only with the end of the Dark Age — with the end of every 
influence of the Forces of disintegration and, subsequently, the end of all 
opposition to the truth it stands for, — can and will “the absolute system of 
government” connected with it cease to have its justification, and the 
National Socialist emergency State “against Time” give place to a normal 
form (which will then be a Golden Age form) of collective life a form 
devised for a few — very few — god-like men and women, of the best 
blood, uncontested masters of a beautiful regenerate earth more than broad 
enough to contain them and their descendants for many generations, and to 
feed them, without them needing to kill or harm or exploit any living 
creature; the glorious fulfillment of those very ideals of perfect health and 
more-than-human strength and beauty that the heroic Third German Reich 
has striven to impose yesterday, against the current of time, with Dark Age 
weapons. 


This is the title of one of Eugen Kogon’s books against the Third Reich. 
2 Konstantin Hierl, “In Dienst fur Deutschland,” p. 121-122. 



261 


That is the proper meaning of Adolf Hitler’s own comments upon the 
“humane pacifist Idea” according to which every human life is supposed to 
have such an enormous “value.” The humane pacifist idea is, in fact, perhaps 
quite good, once the highest type of human being has already conquered and 
subdued so much of the surface of the world as to make himself the sole lord 
of this earth,” writes he, in “Mein Kampf.” 1 “The idea can, in that case, 
cause no harm, inasmuch as its application” (meaning: its application in its 
present-day form) “will be rare, and finally impossible” — “impossible” 
precisely because, then, there will (for very many millenniums at least) no 
longer exist any politically dangerous or racially inferior elements, capable 
of corrupting the best and of marring the harmony between actual life and its 
divine pattern. But now “the highest type of human being” — the best of the 
best among Nature’s chosen race, — are far from being the “sole masters of 
this earth.” Now, we are still in the Dark Age, — sinking into it more and 
more. And therefore comes the logical conclusion of the inspired Man, 
Founder of the Dark Age State “against Time”: “AIso erst Kampf, und damn 
vielleicht Pazifismus” — “So, first struggle, and then, perhaps, pacifism.” 2 

All but a very few people have thoroughly misunderstood — and 
millions have most unjustly condemned — the coercive methods of the 
Third Reich and its drastic steps intended to protect Western Aryandom 
against the Jewish danger (and against the influence of any man-centred, 
international Weltanschauung, all. of which are, in the West, Jewish 
products.) They have misunderstood them precisely because they have 
refused to acknowledge the infinitely more than political significance of 
National Socialism, and to see, in it, what I have called an upheaval “against 
Time.” And they have condemned them because, as I have stated in the 
beginning of this book, evolution in Time goes hand in hand not with a 
decrease in violence (on the contrary!) but with a steady decrease in honesty 
regarding violence, and in understanding concerning the right use of it. 
They have condemned them while tolerating (and, more often than not, 
defending) all 


1 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 315. 

2 “Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 315-316. 



262 


manner of horrors, among others, vivisection, that most degrading of all 
crimes against Life. They have — unknowingly, perhaps, but in fact, — 
condemned them, because the drastic coercive and preventive steps taken by 
the National Socialist State against the actual or potential agents of the Dark 
Forces had, inasmuch as they were taken in the Fiihrer’s spirit, their full 
justification in the light of cosmic Truth, which our Dark Age denies; 
because one had resorted to them not in order to try to find out means of 
patching up a sickly humanity or of prolonging the life and enjoyment of the 
vicious, but in order to make possible, here and now, a new world of the 
strong in which vice and disease would be unknown; because one had 
resorted to them not “for the sake of suffering mankind” — of mankind in its 
present-day, contemptible state — but “in the interest of the Universe” in the 
sense these words are used in the Bhagavad-Gita. 

Nay, inasmuch as the men who were trusted to carry out those steps 
did so selflessly and without passion, simply because I they knew it was 
their duty as Aryan fighters for the Cause of Truth, they acted exactly as the 
Blessed One has urged warriors to act. And one can safely say that, despite 
all individual cases of unfaithfulness to the spirit of detached Violence 
(cases with which one is bound to reckon, at such an advanced stage of the 
Age of Gloom as the one in which we are living) no State in history has, as a 
whole, embodied the moral outlook of the Bhagavad-Gita, as the Third 
German Reich has done. 

That was enough for typical Dark Age people — people whose man- 
centred moral outlook is the exact opposite of that expressed both in the 
oldest Book of Aryan wisdom and in Adolf Hitler’s words and deeds and 
regulations, — to feel personally threatened through the mere existence of 
such an organised power “against Time,” and to hate it. 

And that hatred is, as we shall see, the real cause of the Second World 

War. 


* * * 

Adolf Hitler’s whole constructive policy — all he did to give manual 
as well as intellectual work the dignity of happy, dedicated service, and to 
make every labourer’s life a healthy, self-respecting and interesting one; all 
he did for the welfare of mothers and children; all he did for the cultivation 
of 



263 


bodily efficiency and qualities of character in boys and girls, from the age of 
six onwards, in the different sections of the beautifully organised pan- 
Germanic Youth Associations — the famous Hitler Youth and the B.D.M. 1 
— and then, at the age of sixteen, in the squads of the Labour Service 2 for 
six months (or more) and in further bodies preparing them to the privilege of 
becoming worthy citizens of the proud new Reich; all he did, on one hand 
through the admirable Nuremberg Laws (1935) and, on the other, through 
the most active encouragement of early marriages and of joyfully consented 
racial selection, to raise sexual relations from the shameful status of “an 
amusement” or of a drudgery or of a “business,” back to that of the 
dispassionate duty of the healthy and pure-blooded towards their race, in 
honour, innocence and joy; all that, I may, nay, the whole structure of the 
National Socialist State — its very existence — had one aim and one alone: 
to breed, out of the best Germans, a nation of supermen in the Nietzschean 
sense of the word; a nation of “heroes like unto the gods,” to repeat the 
words of Homer. 

And, as I said before, the Fiihrer pursued “that aim not just because 
the Germans were his people, but because his, more-than-political, nay, 
more-than-human insight pointed them out to him as the only people 
sufficiently pure-blooded and, at the same time, sufficiently militant to be 
the saviours of the Aryan race, here and now, in its present-day emergency, 
and to become the instruments of its regeneration and survival, beyond the 
stormy end of our Time-cycle. 

The well-known National Socialist policy of German expansion 
towards the East is the logical consequence of Adolf Hitler’s efforts to raise 
not only the biological quality of his people (through racial selection) but 
also their birth-rate, while doing all he could to avoid coming in conflict 
with England i.e., while refusing to claim, for Germany, colonies overseas. 
It was as clear and consistent as could possibly be: if every healthy and pure- 
blooded German was to have as many children as he or she could — the 
more the better, — (and that was what the National Socialist State was 
urging them to do), then surely that yearly increase in population was to live 
somewhere and 


Bund deutschen Madchen. 

2 

Arbeitsdienst, or rather Reichsarbeitsdienst (R.A.D.). 



264 


somehow. And if emigration overseas was to be discouraged (in order to 
avoid all economic rivalry with England, in those days in which there still 
existed a British Empire) then the growing millions had to find another 
outlet, for Germany was anyhow, and already before Adolf Hitler came to 
power, too small for the population she had. The new outlet was to be “the 
East” — the rich com-lands of Ukraine, and further still: Russia’s illimited 
expanses. 

This policy has been misunderstood, even in strongly Anti, 
communist circles, and criticised, often nearly as bitterly as the bold stand of 
the National Socialist State against the Jewish danger. Adolf Hitler has been 
described — already before the war — as a “war monger,” and the 
wholehearted response of the German people to his appeal for “more babies” 
as an “output of cannon-fodder”... all because nobody outside a National 
Socialist minority understood the meaning of that appeal or of the far¬ 
sighted Ostpolitik. 

In order fully to understand both, one has — again — to consider 
National Socialism from the standpoint of cosmic evolution and to 
recognise, in it, the great Movement “against Time” at the very end of the 
last Age of our Time-cycle. One has to realise that, throughout a Time-cycle, 
but specially as one nears the end of one, the number of human beings 
increases all over the world, while their quality decreases no less alarmingly. 
Any Time-cycle could be briefly and picturesquely described as man’s 
passage from the Garden of Eden into a huge international slum. The 
passage is imperceptible; it takes myriads of years. And yet, one gets an idea 
of it if one looks back far enough into the past. It takes place at the expense 
of the noblest forms of non-human life, while the altogether inferior forms 
keep pace with fallen man. 1 And it goes hand in hand with a more and more 
conceited — and blasphemous — self-assertion of man in opposition to 
Nature; an increasingly vicious will of man to defy the divine finality of 
Creation: — the intended survival of the healthiest specimens of every 
species: men and other creatures — in order to over-run 


A few centuries before the Christian era — from a cosmic standpoint, yesterday, — 
lions were still plentiful in the woods and deserts of the classical East. They have all been 
killed off. While bugs and lice are as numerous and flourishing in the Near East now as in 
Antiquity. 



265 


the earth with his own brood of poorer and poorer quality. 

That sinful will, coupled, as time goes on, with positive hatred for the 
eternal, natural Order, has found its latest main expression in the system of 
false values which stands, at an interval of two thousand years, behind both 
the Christian and the Communist revolution — the system according to 
which “man” is everything, and man’s “happiness” the end of all desirable 
activity — and in an increasing effort not to stop the silly application of 
“science” to the prolongation or preservation of superfluous lives — oh, no! 
— but, on the contrary, to encourage it, and then to organise the every day 
more enormous Menschenmaterial for the benefit of the Forces of 
disintegration. These, i.e., their agents, tend, admittedly to do away with the 
vast international slum which the world has become, but... only in order to 
drill the slum-dwellers — ultimately — into factory robots with one ideal: 
work, work, work; “production,” ever more production, and cheap 
enjoyment — ever more enjoyment — quantity, and ever more quantity... till 
more and more millions of bastardised world-citizens have completely killed 
Nature for “man’s” sake; till there are no more deserts, no more forests, no 
more inviolate mountain fastnesses, no more broad landscapes free from 
human habitations and from the sound of wireless dance-music; no more 
jungles — for the dullest of human beings is, in the eyes of the Communist 
as in those of the Christian, and of all believers in man-centred ideologies, 
worth more than the noblest royal Bengal tiger or than the most gorgeous 
banyan tree. 

In the eyes of the believers in quality, however, (in the eyes of those 
who deplore that broadening disparity between actual life and its divine 
pattern, which characterises evolution in Time) any Bengal tiger, nay, any 
healthy cat — any healthy tree; any perfect sample of manifested Life — is 
worth far more than an ugly, — degenerate human bastard. Alone man in his 
perfection — superior man “like unto the Gods,” not the patched-up 
weakling that this conceited Age exalts — is to be looked upon as “the 
highest creature,” “God’s image,” etc... National Socialism — and that is the 
root of its conflict with Communism, no less than with Christianity as the 
latter has come down to us, — strives to bring back that conception of 



266 


man into living reality, and to prepare the reappearing of such a human type, 
through the preservation and strengthening of the best in our fallen Age, not 
at the cost of the other healthy and beautiful creatures of this earth but, no 
doubt, — and without a qualm of remorse — at the expense of those masses 
of racially inferior humanity which the Dark Forces are now organising, 
with the help of the Jews, their permanent agents, under the sign of the 
Hammer and Sickle. For those organised masses are, as Hans Grimm has 
clearly seen — alas, after the disaster of 1945 — tomorrow’s threat to the 
very existence of higher mankind {not “Asia’s” threat to “Europe,” — by 
any means! — but the threat of raceless numbers to the pure-blooded Aryan 
of Europe and Asia, America and South Africa and Australia, and to the 
pure-blooded and noble non-Aryan, also of the whole world.) 

That is, I repeat — one can never stress the point enough, — the deep 
opposition between National Socialism and Marxism, nay, between National 
Socialism and all man-centred, equalitarian creeds, of which Marxism is 
merely the latest in date and the most consistent. It is the opposition between 
the Golden Age ideal of quality at all levels of existence, and the Dark Age 
dream of organised human quantity, submerging all life, until it itself finally 
sinks into chaos and death. 

But we are, now, in the Dark Age — and, which is more, near the end 
of it. This is a fact which nothing can alter. And just as “tyranny can only be 
broken through greater tyranny, and terror through terror,” 1 so can quantity 
only be crushed through quantity. And so can the impact of well-organised, 
raceless masses, devoted to a false idea, only be held back and overcome 
through the stronger impact of still better organised, disciplined millions of 
the best Aryan blood, inspired with a fanatical faith in eternal cosmic Truth 
(or, at least, in that much of it as they may need to know, in order to kindle 
their fighting efficiency to its maximum.) 

The truth which Adolf Hitler gave his people, so that they might 
become and remain the bulwark of Aryandom against the impact of a 
bastardised world drilled in Marxism (the latest Jewish revolutionary creed 
“in Time”), can be Condensed in a few simple sentences: “We Germans are 
the only 


1 


“Mein Kampf ’ (edit. 1939), p. 507 (already quoted). 



267 


possible leaders of Western Aryandom. That is our “God-ordained” — 
Nature-ordained — mission. We are, therefore, valuable — irreplaceable. 
Therefore we must live; live and thrive; become numerous, at the same time 
as we breed an elite. Numerous at any cost (in this Age, in fact, pure- 
blooded quantity is the raw material out of which, here and there, quality 
emerges; great men are often born in large families.) Therefore: become a 
pure-blooded quantity; produce as many healthy Aryan babies as possible! 
But we are a nation without space. And we need space for the many babies; 
space in order to live and fulfill our mission. We don’t want to become 
England’s enemies. The English are, like we, of Nordic blood (or mostly so). 
People of the same best blood should collaborate in view of the same lofty 
aim: the rule of the best of their common best blood. It is the original 
intention of Nature; the spirit of the eternal Order, against which we do not 
wish to sin. England can be (we hope) converted to this standpoint. But 
Russia has become the citadel of Marxism, — that hated Jewish snare. It is, 
apart from that, a broad, rich land; can provide plenty of space for us, and all 
possibilities of our growing into a huge people. Huge, and of exceptional 
quality, therefore invincible; the lords of this earth along with our Nordic 
brothers, the English. Therefore: expansion towards the East — OstpolitikV ’ 

It was not cosmic Truth in its entirety, as Adolf Hitler himself 
intuitively felt it. But it was a part of it. And a part of it — an aspect of it — 
free from any admixture with untruth; free from any concessions to the 
moral superstitions of this Age. It could have provided a sufficient basis for 
the beginning of a first Western and then — gradually, — world-wide pan- 
Aryan collaboration (including that of the Aryan elements of Russia herself, 
and of Asia) against the forces of disintegration and their agents, i.e. “against 
Time,” if only England had not betrayed her own blood and deliberately 
started the Second World War. 

The fact that all Adolf Hitler’s efforts to avoid the war — or to end it 
speedily and victoriously, at least honourably — remained fruitless, proves 
by no means his inefficiency as a statesman or as a strategist. It only proves 
that the forces of disintegration — the coalesced forces of our Dark Age, 
embodied in all-powerful international Jewry — were, in spite of his 



268 


insight, in spite of his genius, too strong for him; that it needed a still harder 
“Man against Time” than he, in order to break them; in other words, that he 
is not the last Man “against Time.” 

He knew it himself, from the early days of the struggle. And nothing 
shows more clearly how aware he was of his own place and significance in 
the history of our Time-cycle, than the words he addressed Hans Grimm in 
1928, in the course of a conversation that lasted an hour and a quarter: “I 
know that some Man capable of giving our problems a final solution must 
appear. I have sought such a man. I could nowhere discover him. And that is 
why I have set myself to do the preparatory work (die Vorarbeit ); only the 
most urgent preparatory work, for I know that I am myself not, the one. And 
I know also what is missing in me (to be the one). But the other One still 
remains aloof, and nobody comes forward, and there is no more time to be 
lost.” 1 

Or, to speak the language of most ancient Tradition, the One-Who- 
comes-back, age after age, “whenever justice is crushed” — the One Who 
had actually come back in him, to reassert eternal cosmic Truth in our times, 
through the most heroic and most misunderstood of all political and more- 
than-political struggles — would have to come back at least once more 
during the present Time-cycle. For this Dark Age was not to come to its end 
in Adolf Hitler’s life-time. 


Emsdetten in Westfalen, (Germany) 4th May, 1955. 


1 Hans Grimm, “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” (edit. 1954), p. 14. 



269 


CHAPTER XIV 

THE WORLD AGAINST ITS SAVIOUR 


Nobody wanted peace more than Adolf Hitler. Nobody needed peace 
more than he. He needed it in order to consolidate and to extend his great 
work; in order to allow the understandable but nevertheless somewhat 
alarming differences, in outlook between the old German ruling classes and 
ruling: bodies — the nobility and the wealthy higher middle class; the 
“intelligenzia”; the Churches; but specially the General Staff, of Prussian 
tradition (entirely or nearly entirely recruited among the old, land-owning 
nobility) — on one hand, and the Reichsleiters and Gauleiters and, in 
general, the leading men of the New Order, on the other, slowly to die out, 
and a synthesis of the best of all German national forces to take place under 
the Sign of the Swastika; he needed it to secure the: undisturbed growth of a 
healthy and uncompromising new generation of men and women — fighters 
and mothers — bom and brought up in the glorious National Socialist 
atmosphere and. devoted, without any reservations whatsoever, to his ideals; 
to enable himself to continue carrying out his admirable social programme 
and — without them hardly becoming conscious of the change — gradually 
inducing the German people to accept the ethical and, one should add, in the 
deeper sense of the word, the religious revolution that National Socialism 
represents in this country: the return to racial i.e., natural, values and, in 
general, to that life-centred wisdom which the new doctrine implies, after 
one and a half thousand years of man-centred, equalitarian, anti-natural and 
anti-national Judeo-Christian superstition. He needed peace in order to bring, 
slowly, but irresistibly, into existence, under the leadership of the regenerate 
German Reich, the Greater Reich comprising all people of Germanic blood 
and ultimately all people of Aryan blood, in and outside Europe, and to 
remould the whole world according to the principle of the God-ordained 
hierarchy of races and of the rule of the best. 

And nobody strove for peace as hard and as consistently 



270 


as he — admittedly not on account of any humanitarian prejudices, but for 
the sound, practical reasons that I have just mentioned: for the sake of the 
success of his life’s work or, in other words, in the interest of the Greater 
German Reich; in the interest of the Aryan Cause, i.e. in the interest of the 
Universe. 

But the everlasting forces of disintegration and death — those which I 
have described as forces “in Time,” and which were (and are, since 1945, 
more fatally than ever) leading all races to their doom, — mightily stood in 
the way of the Man “against Time” and of his dream of Aryan regeneration. 
And their agents — the Jews, as a body; and the conscious or unconscious, 
willing or unwilling servants of international Jewry: Free Masons of high 
and low grades; members and sympathisers of the most varied pseudo¬ 
spiritual societies in the service of Jewish interests or Jewish ideals (or 
both); believers in the most varied man-centred, equalitarian creeds of 
whatever origin, afflicted with a sincere but false conception of history; and 
all manner of people prepared to sacrifice any possibility of general 
regeneration to the maintenance of personal or collective advantages of a 
material or moral nature, — needed war, in order to nip the National 
Socialist revolution in the bud', in order to break its impulse before it had 
time to bring about the inner and definitive transformation of Germany, and 
before it spread to other countries of Aryan blood; the sooner, the better. 
They needed war, if they were not, themselves, to be compelled to abdicate 
all influence, and culturally — and spiritually , — no less than politically, to 
cease to exist. And they did everything they could to start war in spite of 
Adolf Hitler’s efforts to avoid it', and everything they could to prolong it, 
once it had started. And they succeeded; and they won the war, not because 
of any fault of his, but simply because the world had not — and has not, yet, 
— reached the end of the present Dark Age; because, as I have said before, 
Adolf Hitler is not the last Man “against Time,” and because it is a fact — 
nay, an unavoidable consequence of the laws of historical development, — 
that all Men “against Time” fail, save the very last one: the one whom the 
Sanskrit Scriptures call “Kalki.” 

In other words, seen from that higher standpoint from which all 
“politics” appear as consequences, never as causes, 



271 


the 1939-1945 World War is, in the midst of the gigantic struggle of polar 
opposites, without beginning nor end, which constitutes cosmic history, a 
tragic local instance of the fated victory of the satanic Forces — i.e. of the 
Forces of untruth — near the end of an Age of Gloom. 

* * * 

“Ribbentrop, bring me the English alliance!” 1 Sincerer words than 
these — the last Adolf Hitler addressed to the man whom he was sending to 
London, as Germany’s ambassador, in 1936, to sound once more all the 
possibilities that could lead to an understanding with England — were never 
uttered in the history of diplomatic relations. 

Adolf Hitler had indeed been striving for “an understanding with 
England” nay, an “English alliance,” from the beginning of his public life. 
Already as early as 1924 he had, in his immortal book, “Mein Kampf,” 
clearly laid down the main lines of this new policy (“new,” at least after the 
first World War.) And, which is more, however justified it doubtless was, 
from a strictly political point of view, this policy had — like everything the 
Fiihrer did — a definitely more-than-political meaning and more-than- 
political scope, and was even more justified from the point of view of 
Nature, i.e. of living truth. It rested upon the solid biological fact of common 
blood. And although it was, admittedly, something quite different from 
Adolf Hitler’s continental policy, — although there was, there, for instance, 
no question of people of the same blood coming under “the same State” — 
yet it could have been formulated in sentences impressively parallel to those 
which proclaim, on the first page of “Mein Kampf,” the legitimity of 
Austria’s incorporation into the German Reich; I mean: the inspired Leader 
would certainly have maintained that, “even if, economically, it were a 
matter of indifference, nay, even if it were positively a disadvantage,” 2 still 
one should, in Germany, seek England’s alliance, for “people of similar 
blood” should stand together. 

It was, — again in perfect consistency with the tenets and general 
character of National Socialism, — a thoroughly revolutionary policy. 
Revolutionary not merely because it was a 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau” (edit. 1954), p. 93. 
2 “Mein Kampf,” I, p. 1. 



272 


break with the recent past and — apparently — a return to an older political 
tradition, but because it was the outcome, of an attitude in complete 
contradiction with that of all European politicians for the last one thousand 
five hundred years at least, and a return to the spirit and corresponding 
customs of a long-forgotten age, the sanity of which other-worldly 
superstitions, on one hand, and all-too-worldly business considerations, on 
the other, had not yet destroyed, and in which common blood was, as a 
matter of course, — as Nature intended it to be, — the soundest thinkable 
basis of friendship and constructive collaboration; in other words, because it 
was a break with that untruth — that rebellion of man against Nature, — 
which is the distinctive (and increasingly visible) trait of our Dark Age. 

The system of political alliances that had prevailed up till then, and 
that yet prevailed, was indeed — like practically all human institutions of 
this Age — stamped with the sign of untruth. Common dogmatic faith (in 
the first millennium of the Christian era and somewhat later) and then, more 
and more, common (or supposed common) material interests, had been, 
irrespective of blood, and, more often than not, in flagrant opposition to any 
idea of natural blood-solidarity, the main bond between allied powers. 
Charlemagne and his warriors had fought, with the blessing of the Catholic 
Church, — the oldest international (and anti-national) power in Europe — 
against the Lombards, against the Saxons, people of Germanic stock like 
themselves, which was bad enough. And seven hundred years later, Francis 
the First, King of France — an Aryan king, at any rate — had, for the sake 
of dynastic greed, allied himself with the Turks against the German Reich, 
which was even worse, if worse could be. And in later history, calculations 
of mere material profit had played an ever greater part in the determination 
of the attitude of governments towards one another and in that of nations’ 
“friends” and “foes,” without the mentioned profit being, in fact, anybody’s 
but that of a few international — Jewish; or raceless — big-businessmen, — 
which meant the complete separation of “politics” from national life in the 
true sense of the word. The typical Dark Age mentality’ behind that 
unhealthy state of affairs had 


“When society reaches a stage in which property confers rank; in which wealth 
becomes the only source of virtue ... then we are in the Kali Yuga or Dark Age” (Vishnu 
Puran). 



273 


been, already at the close of the 19th century, that of an influential British 
minority, championing, in the name of a misled and pre-eminently 
commercial nationalism, the most extreme anti-German policy. It can hardly 
ever have found a dearer and more cynical expression than in Sir Philip 
Chalmers Mitchell’s essay “A biological view of our foreign policy, by a 
biologist,” published in the 1st of February issue of the London “Saturday 
Review,” in 1896, and recently quoted in extenso by Hans Grimm. 1 There, 
not only are England’s commercial interests stressed as though they were 
everything; not only is Germany, — the prosperous, and therefore dangerous 
business rival — pointed out as England’s main enemy in spite of 
undeniable biological similitude, but that biological similitude , that 
community of blood and the community of nature, which is the consequence 
of it, that similitude in permanent, deeper qualities, is precisely the fact 
alleged to make war between England and Germany unavoidable, nay, to 
cause that war to be a war to the finish; 2 it is the fact which urges Sir Philip 
Chalmers Mitchell, professor of biology, — and, later on, (from 1916 to 
1919) member of the British General. Staff— to paraphrase, applying them 
to England’s sister-nation, the famous pitiless words which the Roman Cato 
once used to repeat, at every opportunity, against Carthago, Rome’s Semitic 
rival, and to say: “ Delenda est Germania ” — “Germany must be destroyed.” 

It is difficult to ascertain whether Adolf Hitler knew or not of the 
existence of that strangely enlightening piece of English literature. Possibly 
he did; the essay had been, already at the time of its publication, handed over 
to German diplomatic and military circles, in which, apart from a few 
exceptional men, such as Admiral Tirpitz, nobody had — unfortunately — 
then or afterwards , taken it seriously. Possibly, he did not. But even so, he 
was perfectly aware of the widespread attitude which it now so unmistakably 
expresses; of that superstitious hostility to Germany, rooted in the fear of 
being commercially “outdone,” which is, with minor circumstantial 
differences, Eyre Crowe’s attitude and, nearer to us, Sir Robert Vansittart’s, 
Duff Cooper’s, Eden’s and Winston Churchill’s. 


1 In both his “Erzbischofschrift,” and in “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” 

2 

See the text of the essay. 



274 


He was aware of it, and yet, from the beginning of his public life, and 
over and over again — nay, as we shall see, even during the war, — he held 
out his hand to England in a gesture of friendship — in a spirit of total, 
unconditional, thoroughly sincere reconciliation, without a shade of 
bitterness, let alone of revengefulness. He did all he possibly could, not to 
“placate” the mistress of the Seven Seas, whose might he neither feared not 
hated, but to win her confidence and collaboration, in absolute good faith; to 
break that superstitious dread of a powerful Germany, which clever, or, 
sometimes, irresponsible agents of the Dark Forces had been breathing into 
her people for over forty years at least, and to awaken in them the 
slumbering consciousness of the brotherhood of blood, deeper, truer, 
stronger than any commercial or narrowly political realities — everlasting, 
while profit and power are time-bound. 

Governments and Churches, inasmuch as they do not actually embody 
and adequately express a people’s collective soul, are also time-bound. 
Maybe, England was living under a political regime entirely different from 
— nay, the very opposite of — that which Adolf Hitler had given Germany. 
But that was a secondary matter. Germany herself had lived under a different 
regime up till 1933. And quite possibly, even a real “people’s regime” in 
England — in an English National Socialist State, if ever one had happened 
to come into existence — would have been, in many ways, profoundly 
different from the German National Socialist regime. Maybe, deep-rooted 
moral and religious prejudices (blind allegiance to time-honoured 
institutions and ideas) would, for years, — or for centuries — prevent the 
English from accepting some of the hard and simple biological truths upon 
which genuine National Socialism is based, and from sharing 
wholeheartedly that heathen scale of values which is, strictly speaking, 
inseparable from it. Yet even that was, from the standpoint of permanent, 
natural reality, i.e. from the standpoint of the Seer, a secondary matter. That 
did not alter the fact that, considered with her dominions overseas, England 
was, before the Second World War, — in spite of obvious weakness, 
mistakes and crimes; in spite of her having, hardly forty years earlier, waged 
the most disgraceful war upon the Boors, in South Africa; in spite of her 
having, through her missionaries and her schools, introduced the microbe of 
Democracy (and, 



275 


unwillingly, that of Communism) into such a land as India, — the great 
ruling Aryan power. Her Empire was, as a historical reality, one of the grand 
material achievements of the Nordic race — unthinkable, apart from the 
qualities of character of the best men among those who had built it up, and 
among those who were running it: daring; perseverance; sense of 
responsibility and sense of honour; organising genius, coupled with selfless 
idealism: Nordic qualities. 

Adolf Hitler repeatedly proclaimed his determination to respect the 
integrity of the British Empire. He repeatedly declared that the German 
National Socialist State was to look upon every manner of pre-1914 colonial 
policy, and every form pf aggressive commercial competition with England 
as a thing of the past. And he fully meant what he said. He meant it because 
he saw, no doubt, in that “alliance with England” which he so eagerly urged 
J. von Ribbentrop to “bring him back,” a guarantee of peaceful development 
for Germany and of further unhindered evolution and expansion for National 
Socialism — Germany’s highest interest, immediately and in the long run. 
He meant it also because the friendly collaboration of the two leading 
nations of Nordic blood appeared to him, from a more-than-political 
standpoint, as the unmistakable dictate of sanity; as the course in harmony 
with the meaning of life (which should also be the meaning of “politics,” if 
the latter are to cease being mere business intrigues) and the policy which 
was, therefore, immediately and in the long run, in the interest of superior 
mankind in the biological sense of the word, and consequently, “in the 
interest of the Universe,” again to quote the old hallowed words of the 
Bhagavad-Gita. He held out his hand to England both as a wise, far-sighted 
statesman and as a “Man against Time.” 

But England’s leading men — and number of men in high office in 
Germany — were not only short-sighted politicians but active agents of the 
everlasting Dark Forces. Adolf Hitler’s efforts were systematically 
neutralised through their stubborn, combined hostility and through that of 
the unseen Powers of disintegration and death at the back of them. 

* * * 

Had J. von Ribbentrop succeeded in bringing about that Anglo- 
German alliance which Adolf Hitler so eagerly wanted, 



276 


there would have been no Second World War. And the unseen Powers of 
disintegration would have had to devise some other means of thrusting this 
present Creation a foot-step nearer its doom. The formation in Germany of 
an eminently efficient National Socialist ruling elite would have secured the 
stability of the regime and, which is more, the definitive acceptance of the 
new scale of values and new conception of life “in harmony with the 
primaeval meaning of things,” first among Adolf Hitler’s people and then, 
also, — gradually — among all people of Aryan blood; in other words, it 
would have brought about a general rising of the Indo-European race (and, 
through the latter’s influence, of all the noble races) against the fatal, 
downward pressure of Time. The success of such a rising would have meant 
the end of this Dark Age and, under the divine Swastika, Sign of the Sun, 
Sign of Life in its pristine glory, “a new heaven and a new earth.” But, as I 
said before, this is precisely what the Death-forces were bound to try to 
hinder. They tried with diabolical masterfulness, knowing that it was 
perhaps their last chance of large scale success on earth within the present 
Time-cycle. 

J. von Ribbentrop’s experience with England’s ruling men was a 
steady series of disappointments. The Permanent Secretary of State, Sir 
(later Lord) Robert Vansittart, whom he had hoped to convince of the 
advantages of a close Anglo-German collaboration, proved adamant in his 
anti-German attitude — all the more baffling that he did not even attempt to 
justify it through some sort of logic. 1 “In Vansittart,” was the German 
Ambassador to write, shortly before his martyr’s death in Nuremberg, ten 
years later, “I felt I had before me a man with an absolutely fixed opinion; 
the man of the Foreign Office, who not only supported the thesis of “balance 
of power” but also embodied Sir Eyre Crowe’s principle: ‘Whatever may 
happen, never pactise with Germany!’ I had the definite impression that this 
man would not even once try to bring our two countries nearer to each other. 
Every word was simply lost on him.” Winston Churchill, although 
admittedly more outspoken, was no less irreducibly opposed to any Anglo- 
German alliance. The very thought of a powerful 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 96. 

2 

~ J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 97. 



277 


Germany filled with bitterness, nay, with hatred. And he was determined to 
do all he possibly could to keep that nightmare of his from becoming a 
permanent reality. “If Germany grows too strong, she shall again be beaten 
down,” declared he bluntly, in the course of a several hours’ conversation 
with J. von Ribbentrop, in 1937. And he added, as the Ambassador reminded 
him that Germany had friends “Oh, we are pretty good at getting them 
around in the end,” 1 thus foretelling that which was — alas! — actually to 
take place a few years later. Himself one of the cleverest and most efficient 
agents of the Forces of disintegration at the end of this Age of Gloom, he 
understood both the mentality of the professional politicians and that of the 
dull, conceited, inconsistent and gullible average man: the ultimate human 
factors at the back of “public opinion” and world-politics under a 
Democratic order. 

The hopes that one might have been prompted to draw from King 
Edward the Eighth’s friendly attitude to Germany were abruptly brushed 
aside through the King’s well’ known abdication in 1937. “With this 
abdication,” states the former German Ambassador, in the Memoirs I 
already mentioned, “the cause of the Anglo-German alliance had lost a 
possibility.”" And the remaining possibilities were not to materialise. They 
rested upon the influence which a minority of racially-conscious, 
unprejudiced and far-sighted Englishmen, in no way connected with open or 
secret Jewish or pro-Jewish world-organisations — men such as Sir Oswald 
Mosley and some of the most enlightened members of the London Anglo- 
German Fellowship — could exert in Government circles, and upon the 
public. And that influence was practically negligible. In British Government 
circles, Adolf Hitler’s healthy new Germany was, — wrongly, no doubt, but 
all-too-actually — looked upon with mistrust, as a growing menace. And the 
very admiration that so many thousands of English people could not help 
feeling for the inspired ruler’s social achievements, was — with the help of 
the press, — steadily giving way to resentment at the idea of the leading 
position to which Germany had risen, under him, economically and 
politically, within but three or four years’ time and without war. The 
increasing prosperity 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau” (edit. 1954), p. 97. 

2 

J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau” (edit. 1954), p. 104. 



278 


and power of the sister nation were surely the most eloquent tribute to the 
proud faith in “blood and soil” that now filled the hearts and lives of her 
people. In England, one wanted peace, of course. Who did not, after a world 
war such as that of 1914-1918? And it was — or should have been — quite 
clear that an Anglo-German alliance would have meant lasting peace. Yet, 
one dimly felt that such a peace could only help Germany to become 
stronger and stronger, and National Socialism to win prestige within and 
beyond the frontiers of the Reich. Now Britons had been taught for centuries 
that every country which rose to prominence upon the European mainland 
was “a threat to England.” This was not merely the opinion of the Foreign 
Office; it had grown into a widespread British superstition, harder to uproot 
than any “opinion.” Germany was, therefore, (and whether this were or not 
in the interest of peace) not to be allowed to become “too strong.” 

It was easy — again with the help of the almighty press, — to bring 
the average Englishman to believe, on that point, the same as Mr. (later Sir) 
Winston Churchill. All the more easy that new Germany was unconceivable 
apart from her National Socialist creed, and that the average Englishman 
was from several sides, at first, discretely, and then, quite boldly, being told 
that the creed had a “dangerous” more-than-political bearing nay, a 
decidedly anti-Christian one (which no doubt was true, although in a far 
deeper sense than that stressed in the newspaper articles and propaganda 
pamphlets). 1 The organisations which financed the latter were, in fact , 
keener on harming Germany than on saving “Christian civilisation” — let 
alone the essence of original Christianity (the other-wordly teaching “above 
Time”) which was by no means threatened. But the pious arguments were 
clever — the more illogical, the cleverer; — well-calculated to impress the 
non-thinking masses and the false-thinking half-leamed. They bore fruit. In 
addition to that, the more and more “uncompromising attitude” which Adolf 
Hitler himself was beginning to take with regard to the Christian Churches 
— i.e., his very definite attempt to prevent any interference of the Churches 


Among these one should remember the booklets published by “The Friends of Europe” 

and quoting extracts of National Socialist writers. 

2 

J. von Ribbentrop, loc. cit., p. 127. 



279 


in State affairs, — was bound to give grist to the anti-Nazi propaganda mills. 
It led to the greatest tension between the National Socialist State and the 
Vatican “and to the mobilisation of all the energies of the Churches against 
us, in protestant lands also,” writes J. von Ribbentrop; “a most significant 
and disadvantageous development from the standpoint of foreign policy.” 1 

It thus became clearer and clearer that the “English alliance” which 
Adolf Hitler had so earnestly striven for, was a psychological impossibility. 
Not merely the most influential men in the British Foreign Office, but “the 
atmosphere” in the whole country was against it. A few weeks before his 
promotion from the position of Ambassador in London to that of Foreign 
Minister of the German Reich, i.e., already at the close of 1937, 2 J. von 

■j 

Ribbentrop sent Adolf Hitler a detailed report at the end of which the 
following sentences are, among others, to be found: “I do not believe any 
longer in the possibility of an understanding with England. England does not 
want any mighty Germany in her neighbourhood...”; “Here one strongly 
believes in the efficiency of National Socialism” (i.e., one believes it will 
give Germany more and more power); “Edward VIII was compelled to 
abdicate because one was not sure whether he would lend a hand to a policy 
of hostility towards Germany. Chamberlain has now appointed Vansittart, 
our most important and toughest opponent, to such a position as enables him 
to take a leading part in the diplomatic play against Germany. However 
much one might, in the meantime, for tactical reasons, try to come to an 
understanding with us, every single day in the future in which our political 
considerations should fail to be fundamentally, determined by the thought of 
England as our most dangerous opponent, would be a gain for our 
enemies.” 3 4 

There was indeed nothing else to do but to face the fact that Adolf 
Hitler’s great dream of Aryan world-leadership on the basis of a solid, 
peaceful collaboration of the two, main European nations of Germanic stock, 
was not — and was, for a 


J. von Ribbentrop, loc. cit., p. 127. 

2 

He was appointed Reichsaussenminister on the 4th February 1938. 

3 Deutsche Botschaft, London, A. 5522. 

4 

Quoted in J. von Ribbentrop’s “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 122-123. 



280 


very long time at least, not likely to become, — England’s dream It was, no 
doubt, a pity a greater pity even than the few racially-conscious Englishmen 
probably realised at the time. But it was a fact. England’s ruling classes were 
completely in the grip of international Jewry, which cunningly used, in its 
own interest, both their business-like fear of a powerful Germany, and their 
moral objection (or so-called such one) against the National Socialist view 
of life, in particular, against National Socialist anti-Semitism. And the 
British people, robbed, through the whole modem conditioning apparatus, of 
their natural capacity of doubt, analyse, and free choice, believed what they 
were told, and reacted to world events as their unseen masters — the Jews 
— expected them to. One day, perhaps, they would wake up — when it 
would be too late. (And Adolf Hitler, the Man “against Time,” first a seer 
and then a politician, never left off feeling sure that such a day would come). 
In the meantime, however, their masters saw to it that the sight of 
Germany’s grand awakening did not raise them out of their comfortable 
apathy — at least, not quickly enough for them to discover the tricks that 
were being played upon them, and to refuse to follow their wicked shepherds 
on the path of fratricidal war. 

Unable to break Jewish influence in England, Adolf Hitler 
strengthened his bonds with the two nations with which Germany was in 
ideological agreement: Japan, and fascist Italy, who both had — the former 
in November 1936, the latter a year later, — signed with him the Anti- 
Commintem Pact, which England had steadily refused to sign. 1 

Yet, again because he was first a Seer and then a politician; because 
he felt real, eternal England, in spite of all, behind the judaised England of 
to-day, and the essence of hallowed Aryandom behind eternal England, he 
never abandoned the old dream of friendship, and never gave up watching 
for a “change of heart” on the British side. 

* * * 

The germs of the Second World War lay in the Versailles Treaty. 
And, not merely in a complete revision of that shameful 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau” (edit. 1954), p. 112. 



281 


piece of work, but in the definitive suppression of the spirit which had 
produced it — i.e., in the abolition of that old, morbid fear and gratuitous 
hatred of a strong Germany in the hearts of most Europeans, — lay the only 
possibility of a lasting peace. In fact, the infamous Treaty was never revised, 
and the political map of Europe never given back the outlines of sanity on 
the basis of that “right of people to dispose of themselves” which the victors 
of 1918 had so often and so loudly proclaimed. And instead of being 
suppressed, or at least left to die out, fear and hatred were systematically and 
most cunningly cultivated in England, in France, in the smaller European 
countries that had fought on the Allied side, during the First World War in 
those that had remained neutral; in the United States of America — of all 
lands, the one which had the least reason to feel “menaced” by a Greater 
German Reich beyond the Atlantic Ocean-and, strange as this may seem, in 
a number of non-European countries such as India, whose people had 
nothing whatsoever to do with the frontier problems of Central and Eastern 
Europe, and did not (apart from one or two resplendent individual 
exceptions) possess the slightest idea of European history; 1 countries which, 
moreover, Germany had never harmed, while England had... and how! 

Under the influence of those agents of the Dark Forces who had 
prepared the yet greatest crime in diplomatic history and who were now 
supervising its consummation, the people of the whole world outside the 
“fascist countries” were systematically made to forget or kept from learning 
the fact that “Austrians” — representatives of the small German nucleus that 
had, for ages, held together, and ruled the many and varied national groups 
comprised within the “Kingdom of Austria and Hungary” — were and 
always had been Germans; and that their Parliament had, immediately after 
the splitting up of the Austro-Hungarian State at the end of the First World 
War (long before Adolf Hitler had come to power; nay, before his Party had 
taken shape) unanimously voted the fusion of Austria with Germany. They 
were made to forget or kept from learning the fact that there had never 
existed and could 


To be fair, one should point out that many of the “Americans” — sons of European 
emigrants — and Western Europeans who helped in the concoction of the Versailles 
Treaty, knew no more about the history and geography of Central Europe than any Indian 
coolie is likely to know. 



282 


never exist any such creatures as “Czechoslovaks” and that 
“Czechoslovakia” was an entirely artificial State, set up, at the Allies’ 
command, in 1919, out of Czechs, and out of Slovaks, Ruthenians, 
Carpatho-Ukrainians, etc., all unwilling to come together under Czechic 
rule, and of over three million most unwilling Germans, tom away from their 
fatherland thanks to the Versailles Treaty, and more resentful of Czechic 
domination than all the other components of the ridiculous State, rolled in 
one; and the fact that the only reason for the concoction of such a State — 
against biology, against history, against geography, against economics, 
against Nature — lay in its appointed action as a permanent thorn in the 
flesh of the already mutilated German Reich. They were purposely kept in 
ignorance of the daily provocations of the Czechs in German Sudetenland 
and wherever Germans lived within the new State; kept in ignorance, also, 
of the oppression the Czechs exerted upon the other, non-Czechic elements 
of “Czechoslovakia”: Slovaks, Ruthenians, Carpatho-Ukrainians etc. The 
people of the world were systematically kept in ignorance of the fact that the 
“newt Poland” that the victors of 1918 had brought back into existence after 
over hundred and fifty years, far from being homogeneously polish, 
comprised important German and Russian minorities; of the fact that the 
“corridor” linking the bulk of it to the Baltic Sea — and separating East 
Pmssia from the rest of Germany, — was German territory, the inhabitants 
of which were submitted to continual vexations on the part of the Poles, and 
that Danzig was a German town. They were made to forget — or kept from 
learning — that Saarland, and the territory on the Memel were parts of 
Germany; that Rhineland — occupied by the French since 1923 — was also 
a part of Germany. And every effort which Adolf Hitler made to break 
without war the belt of hostile States and hostile armed forces that the 
victors of 1918 had tightened round the German Reich; every effort he made 
to win for Germany without war a status of “equal treatment” — 
Gleichberechtigung — among the leading nations of the West, — the re¬ 
annexion of the Saar, after a plebiscite in which ninety-nine per cent of the 
inhabitants had voted for Germany, in 1935; the peaceful reoccupation of 
Rhineland in 1936; the re-incorporation of 


i 


“A historical lie,” to quote Hans Krebs’ words. 



283 


Austria (in March 1938) and, a few months later, of Sudetenland into the 
Reich, not to speak of Germany’s earlier withdrawal from the League of 
Nations and her decision in favour of conscription after all Adolf Hitler’s 
honest proposals of a general disarmament had been turned down; was 
presented to them everywhere — be it in the London newspapers, an those 
of New York or in those of Calcutta, — as the outcome of a revival of 
“German militarism” and as the evidence of a “menace to civilisation.” 

As already stated, far from accepting the friendly hand that Adolf 
Hitler stretched out to her, England became more and more unbending in her 
resolution not to treat with Germany, happen what might, i.e., more and 
more fatally launched in the direction Sir (later Lord) Robert Vansittart and 
Mr. (later Sir) Winston Churchill etc., were striving to give her foreign 
policy. Nay, there are serious grounds to believe that the vexations that the 
German population in Sudetenland and in the Polish “corridor” suffered on 
the part of Czechs and Poles, were, more often than not, encouraged, when 
not actually provoked by secret agents of the British “Intelligence Service.” 
In other words, England was not only doing all she could to create such 
conditions as were the most likely to lead to war, but also, seeing to it, 
before hand, that she could, one day, — again as in 1918 — throw the blame 
for it upon Germany, as a matter of fact, this time upon Nazi Germany. Her 
most important European satellite — France — and the world-power of 
which she was herself (quicker than she expected) to become a satellite — 
U.S.A. — helped her efficiently in this dirty game. 

Still, war would — perhaps — not have become unavoidable, had it 
not been for a well-organised set of German traitors in high position — van 
Weizsacker and Kordt, both holders of leading posts in the German Foreign 
Office; General Beck and General Haider, both in turn Chiefs of the German 
General Staff; Oberstleutnant H. Boehm-Tettelbach and other first rank 
officers of the German Army; Wilhelm Canaris, head of the German 
Military Intelligence, and a number of others, some of whose names were to 
become widely known overnight, in connection with the attempt on Adolf 
Hitler’s life, on the 20th of July 1944; and also a few militant Christians, 
priests 



284 


and lay men, all-too-conscious of the fact that a definitive victory of 
National Socialism could mean nothing less than the end of Christianity and 
of “Christian civilisation,” and determined to prevent such a happening at 
any price, even at the cost of Germany’s destruction; men to whose feelings 
Bonenhofer was, during the war, to give expression, in a very clear sentence: 
“Better a devastated Germany than a National Socialist one!” 

Such elements were far more important than one is generally inclined 
to believe. Post-war political literature — and, to begin with, in various 
detailed “Memoirs,” the surviving traitors’ own description of their past 
doings, — goes to prove that the whole machinery of the National Socialist 
State was simply with them. And the fellows were active long before the 
war; in fact, from the very day Adolf Hitler rose to power. And they were in 
constant secret touch with Germany’s bitterest enemies in diplomatic circles 
abroad. 

They did all they possibly could to encourage the foreign and 
specially the English politicians in their stubborn and short-sighted will to 
hinder at all costs any further materialization of Adolf Hitler’s territorial 
programme — in their determination to “stop Hitler,” as they used to say, as 
the six million Germans of Austria had, after those of Saarland, greeted with 
unprecedented enthusiasm, their integration into the common motherland. 
They kept the men of the British Foreign Office regularly informed about 
Adolf Hitler’s plans, 1 and gave them, at the same time, the false impression 
that the National Socialist regime expressed by no means the German 
people’s actual choice, and that it would be most easily overthrown at the 
outbreak of war. And whenever tension arose between Great Britain and 
Germany, they sent secret envoys to London, with precise instructions to 
prompt the British Government “not to give in.” Thus were, for instance, 
Ewald von Kleist-Schmenzin, in August 1938, and Oberstleutnant Hans 
Boehm-Tettelbach, a fortnight later, dispatched, the former on behalf of 
General Beck, the latter on behalf of General Haider (General Beck’s 
successor as Chief of the German General Staff) in order to come in touch 
“with the men the most closely connected with the Foreign Office” and “to 
request the British Government to 


See von Weizsacker’s “Erinnerungen,” published in Munich in 1950. 



285 


oppose a categorical ‘no’ to all Hitler’s further claims,” 1 in particular, “to 
cause England to remain adamant in the Sudeten question.” 2 It is now known 
that Elwin von Kleist-Schmenzin paid visits to several notoriously anti- 
German leading British politicians, — in particular to Sir Robert Vansittart 
and to Winston Churchill — between the 17th and the 24th of August, and 
that he brought back a “private” letter of Winston Churchill to Wilhelm 
Canaris, one of the most powerful German traitors, already mentioned. It is 
now known that the German Secretary of State, von Weizsacker, — who 
himself boasts of his “constant activity” consisting of “obstruction with 
regard to foreign policy,” in the Memoirs he was to write twelve years later, 

— also did his very best, in early September 1938, to impress upon the 
British Government (through Carl Burckhardt, Commisionary of the League 
of Nations for Danzig, who at once sent on the message to Sir G. Warner, 
British envoy in Bern, who in his turn telegraphed to the British Foreign 
Office) the necessity of sending to Germany not Chamberlain, but “some 
energetic military man, who can shout and bang his walking-stick upon the 
table, when he must” 4 — i.e., a man who, instead of signing with Adolf 
Hitler the well-known Munich Agreement, would have broken off the 
negotiations and, apparently, caused war: the common aim of all the enemies 
of the National Socialist New Order. 

This much — which is just a sample out of the enormous (and ever- 
increasing) amount of evidence to-day available — goes to show that, if, in 
fact, such a supple person as Mr. Chamberlain was twice sent from London 
to meet Adolf Hitler, and given power to sign the Munich Agreement, 
securing peace (at least for another year), it was certainly not the fault of the 
German Anti-Nazis. The reason why the British Cabinet sent Chamberlain 

— and not the “energetic military man” whom Herr von Weizsacker would 
have preferred — and the reason why Chamberlain finally acknowledged the 
integration 


Hans Boehm-Tettelbach declares so himself. See the “Rheinische Post” of the 10th 

July, 1948. 

2 

~ J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau” (edit. 1954), p. 141. 

3 

See Jar. Colvin’s “Master spy; the incredible story of Wilhelm Canaris, who, while 
Hitler’s Chief of intelligence, was a secret agent of the British” (New York, 1952). 

4 See Holldack “Was wircklich geschah” (Munich 1949), p. 95. 



286 


of Sudetenland into the German Reich, is the very same one which had, two 
months earlier, — i.e., before the last intrigues of the German traitors with a 
view to provoke war — caused the despatch of Lord Runciman to Prague, as 
a possible mediator between the Czechs and the German Sudeten Party, to 
the satisfaction of both (and of the German Reich); namely: the necessity for 
England to gain time; — “once more to do some thing for peace” — because 
she was not yet ready for war, 1 or, more exactly, because the leaders of 
international Jewry behind the British politicians had not yet completed their 
preparations for a world war. Which did not mean that the British 
Government was not bent on war, sooner or later; war to “stop Hitler” 
because he had made Germany — the dreaded commercial rival, — free and 
powerful; and war to “stop Hitler” because he had put Germany’s power to 
the service of such more-than-political truth as this advanced Dark Age hates 
the most. 

Adolf Hitler was happy to interpret the Munich Agreement as the first 
decisive step towards that broader, lasting Anglo-German collaboration 
which he so sincerely desired. Was it not emphatically stated in the 
“Common Declaration” which both he and the English Premier had signed 
on the 30th of September, as an additional document stressing the meaning 
and importance of the Agreement: “We look upon the Agreement signed 
yesterday evening and the (earlier) Anglo-German Fleet Agreement as 
symbols of the desire of both our people never again to wage war upon each 
other. We are determined to handle also other questions which interest our 
countries by way of negotiation and to brush aside eventual causes of 
divergences in opinion, so that we might contribute to secure peace in 
Europe”?" The German traitors were less pleased with the result of the 
Munich Conference. Their hopes of “putting Hitler aside” had to be given up 
— for how long? They did not know. 3 But they continued their shadowy 
intrigues, in Germany and in every foreign land the policy of which they 
could directly or indirectly influence, relentlessly trying to provoke or 
strengthen every manner of hatred against 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau” (edit. 1954), p. 140. 

2 

J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau” (edit. 1954), p. 310. 

3 Erich Kordt, “Wahnund Wircklichkeit” (edit. 1948), p. 128 and following. 



287 


the Man to whom their lips had sworn allegiance, and against the regime 
they outwardly professed to serve. As for England, her attitude towards new 
Germany — the State against Time — grew, in spite of all Adolf Hitler’s 
honest and earnest efforts, less and less friendly, not to say more and more 
hostile. Only three days after the solemn Declaration just quoted, 
Chamberlain announced in the House of Commons the decision of the 
Government of Great Britain to arm at any cost. Then, “on the 7th December 
1938, the Munich Agreement was, through the veto of the British State 
Secretary for Colonies — doubtless not without the approval of his 
Government — denied all validity in connection with the question of 
Colonies and Mandate territories, and the ‘way of negotiation’ between 
England and Germany closed with regard to the same.” ... “At the same 
time,” writes J. von Ribbentrop in his Memoirs, “the British Government 
started a policy of still closer collaboration with France, and the United 
States of America were clearly invited to join in a coalition against 
Germany. The aim of this new policy consisted quite openly in an 
encirclement of Germany. War psychose was cultivated in England already 
before the integration of the remnant of Czechoslovakia into the Reich. The 
European political horizon was systematically swept in search of 
possibilities of anti-German alliances. What Churchill had prophesied to me 
(von Ribbentrop) in 1937 was now happening. Germany had, according to 
British opinion, become too strong and was again to be beaten down.” 1 

The German traitors in high office have, I repeat, no small 
responsibility in this tragic development. I am personally convinced that, 
without the knowledge of their activity, England would not have declared 
war on Germany in 1939 and that “the people would have remained satisfied 
with a solution of the Corridor question imposed through violence.” In 
other words, war between Germany and Poland would not have extended 
into war between England and Germany. 

But I am also convinced that war between England (with 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau” (edit. 1954), p. 146-147. 

2 

Friedrich Lenz, “Der ekle Wurm der deutschen Zwietract” (edit. 1952), p. 100. 



288 


her European satellite: France) and Germany, could have (and would have) 
been localised and ended in 1940, after the victorious campaign in France, 
had it not been for an enemy immeasurably more powerful than all the 
frustrated German officers (and intellectuals) and short-sighted, old-style 
British politicians and businessmen rolled in one, namely: the leader of the 
anti-Nazi forces (openly or secretly) all over the world ; the enemy: the Jew. 

That one — and whoever, in any part of the world, allowed himself to 
be, directly or indirectly, influenced by him — is responsible for the fact that 
the war between England and Germany did not — could not — end in 1940 
with the honourable peace which Adolf Hitler generously offered the sister- 
nation, which he did not hate, but that it spread further and further, 
becoming the Second World War. 


* * * 

There was, (originally) be it in Adolf Hitler’s own mind, be it in that 
of any of his disciples who had a say in the interpretation and application of 
his teaching, not the slightest intention of persecuting the Jews. There may, 
of course, have been, on the part of rank and file National Socialist fighters, 
individual cases of violence against specimens of that particularly obnoxious 
and thoroughly unwanted variety of foreigners — sporadic instances of 
long-repressed (and quite understandable) national hatred or less laudible 
personal revenge, neither encouraged by the leaders of the young Movement 
nor justified in the light of the National Socialist Weltanschauung. There 
was no systematic molestation of Jews — not to speak of planned 
extermination of them. Such drastic steps as mass “liquidations” — or mass 
sterilisations — were not foreseen. 

All what Adolf Hitler had done was to point out international Jewry 
— international Jewish finance, surely; yet not international Jewish finance 
alone, but the Jews (and half-Jews) themselves, and the Jewish spirit , — as 
the sinister force at the back of Germany’s betrayal during the first World 
War, of her defeat in 1918 and subsequent humiliation and misery, and as 
the soul of the whole Versailles policy — which was indeed, historically 
speaking, absolutely true. And all he wanted was to rid Germany (and, if 
possible, Europe) of the 



289 


Jewish pestilence — under all its forms and in all domains: politically and 
economically, no doubt, but also biologically, and spiritually. (He 
acknowledged, in fact, from the beginning — and that, because he was 
infinitely more than “a politician” — that biological separation from the 
Jews and freedom from their influence in the moral and spiritual domain, 
meant automatically political and economical riddance of them also). 

In Point Four of the famous Twenty-five Points — the unshakable 
basis of the National Socialist Party Programme, — he did away with that 
old and all-too-wide-spread lie which consists in calling a Jew, who speaks 
the language of a foreign people in whose midst he was born and brought up, 
a man of that people. And he boldly proclaimed that, on account of his 
blood, no Jew, — whatever be his capabilities or achievements, and however 
long his family be settled in Germany, — can be a German citizen. He thus 
laid — for the first time in the West since the decline of the Greco-Roman 
world (i.e. since a non-Aryan could, if he liked, become a Roman citizen), 
and since Theodoric the Great’s healthy Gothic kingdom, — the foundations 
of a natural and rational State; of a State according to the dictates of Life. 

In that long, dull process of decay which is, (with a short, very short 
halt under that exceptional Germanic king) the history of the West from the 
day Roman citizenship lost its meaning and value, this was a revolution — 
and what a one! But it was not an act of hostility towards the Jews. It was a 
healthy and enlightened reaction against the folly of every “naturalisation to 
the extent the latter is an insult to biology; a proclamation of the eternal truth 
of blood against the long-accepted but nevertheless shocking lie embodied in 
all such man-made regulations as defy it. In other words, it was an act 
“against Time”; against the ever-increasing untruth of our Age of Gloom. 
(The fact that Jews, and neither Negroes nor Hottentots nor Papuans are 
mentioned in Point Four is simply due to the presence of the former as the 
only non-Aryan community living in Germany and playing a part in German 
life.) 

Already in the days of the struggle for power, every National Socialist 
fighter called upon the German people not to buy from Jewish shops, not to 
believe the newspapers. 



290 


financed by Jews, etc., in one word, to free themselves by every possible 
means from the Jewish bondage, be it through individual initiative, without 
the help of laws that did not exist. One must admit that this was natural in a 
campaign led in the name of national freedom — natural, and neither new 
nor unique. Yet the reaction to it was, all over the world, (and not only in 
Communist circles) a louder and louder outcry against National Socialist 
“anti-Semitism.” 

Curiously enough, in far-away India, Mahatma Gandhi, the prophet of 
“non-violence” — a man in many ways in glaring contrast to Adolf Hitler, 
but still, like him, a man “against Time” — was also, from 1919 onwards, 
urging his disciples to “boycott British goods” no less than “Western” — i.e. 
Christian-capitalistic — education and customs; to spin their own cotton, to 
weave their own clothes, and return to the simple life of older days; to free 
themselves from both the economic dependence and the moral corruption 
resulting from foreign yoke. Nobody blamed him for it. Many, in England 
itself — and some among the most prominent Englishmen in India, whose 
job it was to hinder his action, — could not help admiring him. The only 
criticism he attracted himself (mostly frond Marxists or sympathisers of 
Marxism) was that of being an enemy of “progress” and an utopist, whose 
passive resistance was not the proper answer to “colonial oppression.” But 
nobody blamed him for seeking to rid his people of foreign rule — nobody; 
not even the English themselves. 

Jewish rule in Germany (and in Europe at large) was, however — and 
is, once more, since 1945, — far worse than British rule in India or, by the 
way, than any obvious and brutal foreign rule in any conquered land. It was 
— and is — invisible and anonymous, not felt by the masses (who have 
neither leisure nor inclination to seek out subtle evils and their hidden 
causes) nor even by most of the so-called thinking people, and thereby all 
the more dangerous; all the more soul-killing. (In fact, England’s real crime 
against India was not so much her unheard-of exploitation of the land’s 
resources as the introduction — or strengthening — of that silly exaltation of 
“man” in opposition to Nature, which is, as I said before, the essence of the 
Jewish spirit compared to the Aryan, and which was to pave the way for 
later Marxist influence.) Still, Mahatma Gandhi’s struggle was looked 



291 


upon with sympathy or at least with indifference; Adolf Hitler’s, with 
increasing uneasiness, mistrust, and soon positive hostility. Point Four of the 
Party Programme, and all Adolf Hitler’s bold — and so accurate! — 
statements about the nefarious part played in world history by the Jews, were 
quoted (half the time without their context) and hammered upon as ominous 
signs of a regression into “barbarism.” And, although no harm had yet been 
done to them , number of Jews residing in Germany left the country of their 
own accord, their hearts filled with hatred for that new, free Aryan world 
which they felt growing all round them and in spite of theme; for that new 
world which they would soon no longer be able to corrupt and to exploit at 
will. And they carried their hatred wherever they went and started, by every 
means within their reach — every means which hatred can devise and which 
money can secure, — a world-wide campaign against National Socialism- 
already then, before Adolf Hitler’s rise to power. Any true National Socialist 
who, at the time, happened to be living outside Germany anywhere in the 
wide world where there exist such things as newspapers, magazines, books, 
cinemas and public lectures (wireless sets were not yet so popular as they 
soon became) remembers this fact all-too-well. 1 Other people, — ninety- 
nine per cent of whom were to be, in some way or another, influenced by the 
Jewish propaganda, — may not necessarily remember it — a circumstance 
which only goes to prove how subtle and clever the latter was. 

Every racially-conscious Jew — and every Jew of the world (whether 
pure-blooded or not) is racially-conscious — experienced the news of Adolf 
Hitler’s legal and perfectly democratic victory in the last Reichstag elections 
of the Weimar Republic, and his no less legal and democratic appointment 
as Chancellor of the German Reich on the 30th of January 1933, as a 
personal insult from the whole German Nation (the overwhelming majority 
of which obviously stood behind the National Socialist Leader) and as a 
defeat of the Jewish people: 


I myself spent those years before the Machtubernahme partly in France, partly in 
Greece, partly in South India — and remember the atmosphere (and a few incidents in 
support of what I have here written) Most vividly. 



292 


their first glaring defeat for many centuries, and an eloquent warning to 
them. Everyone was decided to do his best to unsettle that now settled fact of 
Aryan rule in Germany (for Adolf Hitler’s rise to power meant, first and 
foremost, that ) and to destroy at any cost any possibility of German rule in 
Europe (which would have meant the end of the long, unseen Jewish 
domination of the West, nay, of the Jew’s secret influence in the world.) 
Hans Grimm has, in a recent book, quoted the words which a “prominent 
English-speaking Jew in Australia” addressed “a well-known German 
admiral” on the 31st of January, 1933, i.e. the very day after the “Seizure of 
power”: — ’’You have heard that President Hindenburg has, in accordance 
with the results of the Reichstag elections, made the National Socialist Hitler 
Reich Chancellor. Well, I give you my word in this connection, and think of 
me later on: we Jews will do everything to wipe this fact out of existence '. 5,1 

And an organisation was actually founded under the name of 
“International Jewish economic Federation to combat the Hitlerite 
oppression of Jews,” and, in July, 1933, in Amsterdam, Samuel Untermeyer 
was elected president of it. Samuel Untermeyer’s speech in New York, less 
than a month later, is the first official] declaration of war on Adolf Hitler’s 
new Germany. And, in perfect keeping with the character and purpose of his 
people — the very brood of the “Father of lies,” — and with the spirit of 
this Dark Age in which all natural values are reversed, the Jew calls this war, 
which is to be conducted relentlessly, “to the finish” against the young State 
“against Time,” a “holy war”... “for the sake of humanity.” And he mentions 
the “millions of non-Jewish friends” whose collaboration he knew all-too- 
well his people could expect. And he forgets to mention the real and only 
motives of his campaign: hatred and fear of any genuine Aryan awakening 
— the only motives, indeed, for all the other ones (which he stresses) 
namely the desire to prevent “starving and extermination” of Jews, and to 
“bang the last nail into the coffin where bigotry and fanaticism are to 
disappear” were spurious ones. As Hans Grimm — who never was a 
follower of Adolf Hitler — 


1 Hans Grimm, “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” (edit. 1954), p. 187. 

2 

The Gospel according to Saint John, 20, verse 44. 



293 


clearly points out, “not a single responsible word had been uttered in 
Germany about starving, killing or exterminating (Jews) till after 1938, and 
not a single action had been taken in that direction.” 1 And the National 
Socialist attitude to Jewry before or after 1938 had — and has — anyhow, 
nothing to do with “bigotry” or “fanaticism.” 

In 1938 — i.e., before the war with Poland — the newly founded 
State of Israel officially declared war on Germany, again on behalf of all the 
Jews of the world. This second act of open hostility was, like the first, 
presented as an answer to Adolf Hitler’s supposed “persecution of the Jews,” 
which had not yet begun. It aimed in reality at impressing once more upon 
the minds of the Jews far and wide (through the enormous prestige of the 
State of Israel, symbol of their unity and centre of their hopes) that National 
Socialist Germany, the proud citadel of awakening Aryandom, remained 
their enemy number one; their enemy, whatever she did or did not do, 
simply because she was the stronghold of those forces which were, are, and 
always will be the polar opposite of their collective self. It also aimed at 
impressing upon the minds of those “millions of non-Jewish friends” of the 
Jews (whose obedience Samuel Untermeyer had so rightly surmised) that the 
first cry of the people of Israel — “God’s own people,” according to the 
sacred book of all Christians, — out of Palestine, — the “Holy Land” — 
after two thousand years of silence, was a curse against “the Nazis,” both 
“godless” and “inhuman.” (And such a cry could only be a cry of justice; or 
at least the “millions of non-Jewish friends” — Christians; lovers of “man”; 
haters of all revolutions in the domain of fundamental values — were 
expected to believe it was.) 

In fact, a lot had been done for the Jewish cause since the first Jews of 
Germany — far-sighted people who (also) could afford to travel — had 
judged that things were, there, likely to become, one day, too hot for them, 
and gone abroad, with their whole fortunes before 1933. A lot had been 
done, thanks to the undue, yet almost magical effect of certain empty and yet 
extremely popular words such as “mankind,” “freedom,” “Democracy,” etc.; 
thanks to the fathomless 


1 Hans Grimm, “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” (edit. 1954), p. 187-188. 



294 


gullibility of most people who can read; and thanks to the masterful 
suppleness with which the Jews took advantage of both these negative traits 
of this end-period of our Dark Age. “Humanity” and “freedom of the 
individual” and “respect of the human person” were, in the West, at once 
linked with Christianity and with the “cultural tradition of Europe,” dear to 
all (or supposed to be.) 

As I said, the Jews were not — yet — in the Third Reich, the object of 
any particularly drastic measures. They just were no longer legally looked 
upon as “Germans.” They were no longer allowed to teach in schools and 
Universities, or to finance newspapers for German readers; to be actors, 
lawyers, professional musicians, writers, etc., for the German public — i.e., 
to influence that which Germans were expected to call art or literature, to 
consider as “good” or “bad” or as morally right or wrong. In one word, it 
was, now, since the establishment of National Socialist rule, forbidden to 
them to poke their noses into the actual life of the country in which they 
lived but which never had been and never could be theirs. It was, also, since 
September, 1935 — since the proclamation of the admirable Nuremberg 
Laws for the preservation of racial purity — forbidden to them to marry 
Germans or, by the way, to have, be it outside the bond of marriage, sexual 
relations with them. (Under National Socialist rule, abortion was, in the case 
of a pure-blooded Aryan child, looked upon as murder and severely 
punished, while the yet unborn product of a shameful union was — and 
rightly so, — to be destroyed. And a German who, before the Nuremberg 
Laws, had taken a Jewess to wife, was either to divorce her or to have her 
sterilised.) But, as Hans Grimm says, “these regulations had nothing to do 
with a malignant Anti-Semitism.” 1 They applied, in fact, not only) to Jews, 
but to all people of non-Aryan race, as the systematic sterilisation of the 
half-German half-Negro children, shameful traces of the occupation of 
Germany by African mercenaries after the first World War, goes to prove. 
And the Jews should have been the last people on earth to criticise the new 
laws, they who, contrarily to so many better races, have remained faithful to 
their tribal God, Jehovah, who — like all tribal gods of all lands and of 


1 Hans Grimm, Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” (edit. 1954), p. 188. 



295 


all times — is said to hold blood-mixture in abomination; 1 they who were, 
themselves, in 1953, to forbid by law, in the State of Israel, marriages 
between Jews and non-Jews. 2 

And yet... The wise “Nuremberg Laws” were, whenever possible, 
presented in the whole world as an attempt to “curtail the freedom of the 
individual” — as an “insult to the human person,” etc.; the dismissal of 
Jewish or half-Jewish Government clerks and Government officials, 
journalists, actors, theatre-managers, judges, doctors, professors, etc. — 
specially that of Albert Einstein, whose “Relativity Theory,” “explained” to 
lay people in thousands of cheap booklets, was said to be the marvel of our 
times — as acts of wild racial hatred, which they were not. A couple of 
German songs, admittedly anti-Jewish, but by no means more bloodthirsty 
than certain Greek songs I know against the Turks or against the Bulgarians 
(or Turkish songs against the Greeks) or than the well-known French 
national anthem “La Marseillaise,” or any war-songs of this planet, were 
translated into number of languages and repeatedly quoted as “proofs” of the 
“murderous spirit” of National Socialism. Even the suppression of “kosher” 
slaughter-houses, — that standing Jewish horror — was often criticised as 
an “attack against religious freedom” — criticised, nay, by many of those 
who looked upon the suppression of the old Indian Sati rite by the British, as 
a laudible step. Societies composed not of Jews, but of well-meaning Aryans 
under the double misguiding influence of their contemporary Jew-ridden 
press and of centuries of a man-centred religion, rooted in Judaism, sprang 
up here and there, with the definite purpose of saving the world’s soul from 
Adolf Hitler’s grip — in fact, of preventing Adolf Hitler from saving Aryan 
man, body and soul, in all countries, from the ever-tightening grip of 
international Jewry. One of these societies, — the “Friends of Europe” — 
published in booklet form, in or about 1935, series of extracts of the works 
of National Socialist writers, with comments showing that Adolf Hitler’s 
Weltanschauung is a denial of the fundamental scale of values which Europe 
has accepted 


See the Old Testament, Ezra, Chap. 9. 

2 

The actual Jews of Cochin on the Malabar Coast do not marry their correligionists of 
local blood, the so-called “black Jews.” 



296 


along with the Christian faith (which indeed it is). The Jews and their 
“millions of non-Jewish friends” did not, however, lay stress upon this fact 
in order to save Christian love (which, being “above Time,” cannot be 
threatened) or historical Christianity (which has played its part, and is dying 
out, anyhow — or gradually merging into its natural and logical earthly 
successor: Marxism) but merely with a view to hindering by any means the 
healthy (when tardy) reaction of the better West against the Forces of decay, 
— the ruling Forces of the Dark Age and originators both of the old and of 
the new form of the everlasting Jewish lie. 

* * * 

In the East, the Jews had to be more subtle. Christianity is, there, less 
popular, And there are countries such as India in which a life-centred scale 
of values is (theoretically at least) the fundamental one — nay (in India’s 
own instance) where a deep-seated belief in the natural hierarchy of races 
and in the God-ordained superiority of the Aryan is the belief of 
millenniums, backed by the unshakable metaphysical dogma of endless re¬ 
birth. 

I think it is not superfluous to say, here, a few words about what was 
destined, in my humble estimation, to have a decisive bearing upon the turn 
events were to take in subsequent years, namely, about the part played in 
India by the Jews and their friends during the years before the Second World 
War. 

Most of those Jews from Germany who, in Bombay, as a rule after 
1933, but still — strange as this may seem, — with all their possessions , 
poured out of the first class cabins of the great liners, had little knowledge of 
the history and religions of Asia in general or of India in particular, and little 
desire to bother to acquaint themselves with either. The mysterious sub¬ 
continent of many races, upon which they had landed, then under British 
rule, looked anyhow too miserable and powerless to be worth winning over 
as an ally in Untermeyer’s “holy war” against the Third German Reich. Its 
half starving millions could not possibly have an opinion about anything 
outside their own daily struggle for life, least of all about distant nations’ 
problems. And in 



297 


admitting they could have, that opinion did not count, for they were poor. 
But there were rich and influential Europeans, and a few rich Indians, too, in 
whose hands lay the economy of the dumb sub-continent. The Europeans, 

mostly Englishmen (or Scotchmen) were white, wore European 
clothes, lived in fine houses, had clubs of their own into which Indians were 
not admitted, played golf — or bridge — and read newspapers in their spare 
time. The Jews from Germany were also white (more or less) and were 
dressed in European clothes and could afford to live in fine houses. And, 
curiously enough, those proud English merchants and Civil Service officials, 
who kept aloof from the Indians, — who looked upon them as “coloured 
people” even when they happened to be of Aryan blood and no darker than 
many an Italian — were not unwilling to welcome as “Europeans,” despite 
the obviously non-Aryan features most of them had, rich men and women of 
fair or tolerably fair complexion, who had been “German citizens” till 1933. 
The cotton and jute bosses, members of Clubs “for Europeans only,” and the 
officials themselves, had little interest in racial characteristics deeper and 
more significant than “white” or “coloured.” The spirit of the great Aryan 
revolution that was taking place in Europe against all undue acts of 
“naturalisation” was totally foreign to them. Had they not already welcomed 
rich English-speaking Armenian residents of India — “British subjects” — 
as fit to enter that exclusive society — that tropical Europe — which they 
formed? And not only Armenians, but also rich English-speaking Jews, 
some of whom belonged to that titled nobility of money which is, in Great 
Britain, slowly displacing the old nobility of warrior-like merit! 1 (Well, 
Queen Victoria had set the example in granting such favour to Disraeli, 
hadn’t she?) ‘Then why not also welcome those “persecuted” Jews, who had 
come — first class! — all the way from Germany, to tell them that Adolf 
Hitler’s repeated expressions of admiration for the British Empire as an 
achievement of the Nordic genius, and his regard for England, and his desire 
to live in peace with her, nay, to have her as his most trusted ally, were all 
quatsch — a mere trick to gain time 


Example: Sir David Ezra, resident of Calcutta; and Lord Reading, at one time viceroy 
ofIndia. 



298 


and that his aim was “world domination” at England’s expense? The cotton 
and, jute bosses — simple souls, with a very poor historical background, 
despite all their show of pride and power, — believed the Jewish bankers 
and night-club owners who spoke of “England’s interest” in the same tone as 
Winston Churchill and Sir Robert Vansittart, and who interrupted the 
boredom of tropical Europe with juicy descriptions of “Nazi tyranny.” They 
never bothered to find out whether the descriptions were true to fact or not. 
In tropical Europe, one is lazy... outside business hours; too lazy to think, let 
alone to criticise... 

Soon the new-comers — every month more numerous — got in touch 
with other rich Jews, residents of India, who knew more than they did about 
the country, and started planning with them the best contribution they could 
bring the “holy war.” And articles expressing doubts about Adolf Hitler’s 
sincerity in his dealings with England; articles accusing him of “aggression” 
every time some German land, which had been set under foreign 
administration by the Versailles Treaty, gladly and peacefully returned to the 
Reich; articles presenting him more and more openly as the enemy, appeared 
in the Calcutta “Statesman” and other papers in English language for British 
and Anglo-Indian readers. 

But that is not all. The islands of tropical Europe in Bombay, Calcutta, 
Madras, never were India. On the contrary, there was a permanent tension 
between India and them who embodied foreign rule and (which was much 
worse) a way of life shocking, from the standpoint of a Hindu, in many of its 
aspects. In case of war between England and the Third Reich — and nobody 
knew better than the Jews that war would one day break out: they were 
themselves preparing it — India would (should, logically) stand against 
England, that is to say on Germany’s side. The problem for the Jews was to 
have English (and Anglo-Indian, — tropical European,) opinion on their 
side, without, for all that, setting India herself automatically against them. 
(There were Jews who knew better than to underestimate the weight the 
Hindu millions could throw into the scale of fate.) 

It would have remained an unsolvable problem, had it not been for 
two facts: first, India’s own, age-old reaction against Aryan influence — 
probably as old as Aryan conquest 



299 


itself, and certainly detectable in all those ancient and modern Indian 
religions and teachings of “non-violence,” which either reject the caste 
system altogether or rob it of all racial significance; and, in addition to that, 
among the official and non official representatives of the Third Reich in 
India, a regrettable lack of insight into (and perhaps even an underestimation 
of) the other — the Aryan — side of Indian Tradition and the astounding 
possibilities that lay within it. 

What I have just called “India’s own reaction against Aryan 
influence” is nothing else but that deep-rooted reluctance to any struggle 
“against Time,” which seems to underlie an enormous amount of Indian 
experience (and culture) throughout history. It is anything but aggressively, 
or even pe4tively, anti -Aryan — so little so, that some of the most perfect 
masters in whose lives, religious teachings or literary works it has found 
expression, were Aryans by blood: men of the warrior-like, princely caste — 
Kshattriyas, — such as the Buddha or Mahavira, or Brahmins, such as 
Chaitanya, or, in our times, the outstanding poet Rabindranath Tagore. It is 
just the attitude of men who live or aspire to live “above Time” either 
because this is the last resort of whoever carries logical thinking to its end 
after having lost faith in this earth , or because it is the spontaneous attitude 
of peace-loving and life-loving dreamers, or because it represents, for some 
sections of humanity, — as I believe it does for the extraordinarily sensitive 
and intuitive Dravidian race, whose masses have always exalted the saints 
and poets of non-violence, when not also of renunciation, — the sole natural 
alternative to purely sensual life “in Time.” But it is — and has always been, 
for the two and a half or three last millenniums at least, — by far the most 
popular in India, whatever may be the proper explanation for it from the 
standpoint of ethnology or psychology, or both. And it certainly is quite a 
different thing from that bold philosophy of action considered as “better than 
inaction,” and of serene but resolute acceptance of violence as a necessity of 
this earthly life in our Age, which appears to be the most substantial gift of 
the young Aryan race to the already old sub-continent, in Antiquity, and 
which is, no doubt, the other side of India’s classical Tradition. 

This remarkable duality in India’s outlook on life and this tendency of 
the older mystical and moral attitude, congenial 



300 


to the enormous non-Aryan substractum of the Indian population, to gain 
more and more prominence at the expense of the other, has been masterfully 
exploited by the agents of the Dark forces in the course of centuries. The 
Jew’s subtle action in certain influential Indian circles — in particular, in 
Indian Congress circles, — before and during the war, is merely the latest 
phase of that exploitation. 

Much the same thing has happened, in practice, to the other-worldly, 
Indian philosophies and religions of nonviolence as, in the West, to the 
original Christian faith, that spiritual path for people who strive to live, like 
their Master, “above Time”: they have become, in this world of the Dark 
Age, an excuse for disregarding the Nature-ordained separation of races, for 
neglecting the duty of keeping one’s blood pure, and, in addition to that — 
and far more so than Christianity in Europe, — for taking up an hypocritical 
attitude to violence. Buddhists and, later on (in Bengal at least) Vaishnavas, 
started despising not merely the letter but also the spirit of the caste system, 
in the name of universal love. And this old propensity gained new tempo 
already in the first half of the nineteenth century among the so-called 
“educated” Hindus, i.e., among certain Hindus who had undergone 
“Western,” or, to be more accurate, Judeo-Christian, influence, and in 
particular, (more often than one cares to believe) the influence of World 
Freemasonry. This most dangerous secret organisation of our Dark Age, 
controlled by Jews ever since the day Jews were admitted into it, was (as it 
still is) entirely devoted to the promotion of the one aim of international 
Jewry: the permanent and peaceful — economic and cultural — domination, 
of the Jew over a world robbed of all racial pride no less than of all desire to 
fight. It would be of great interest to note how many of the prominent 
leaders of the Brahmo-Samaj and other such bodies of “reformed” Hindus, 
were, for the last hundred years and more, directly or indirectly connected 
with Freemasonry, or with the Rosicrucian Order, or any such other 
“spiritual” society of similar type, under philosophical (and financial) Jewish 
leadership. 

In the second half of the same century, the Theosophical Society, an 
international body having (ultimately) the same secret aims and the same 
leadership as Freemasonry (to which an enormous proportion of its members 
are also affiliated), was 



301 


founded upon the double basis of an arbitrary, syncretic doctrine, partly of 
Indian origin, and presented as “occult,” and... of the belief in the equal 
rights of “all men” regardless, of race — the old Jewish lie for non-Jews. It 
has to this day its, head-quarters in India — in Adyar, near Madras, — and 
stands for a close collaboration between so-called “enlightened” Hindus and 
no less “enlightened” Westerners — Westerners supposed to understand 
“India’s message,” but who, in reality, interpret the Hindu Scriptures in the 
way the most suitable to the Society’s secret aims, and who, (whenever they 
can) have a say in Indian politics. 1 Like the Hindu “reformed” bodies, 
products of Judeo-Christian influence upon India’s intelligenzia, it has done 
whatever it could to deny the importance of the idea of race in Hindu 
Tradition, to combat the interpretation of the word “Aryan” in the racial 
sense, wherever it is to be found in Hindu Writ, and to rob the teaching of 
Detached Violence — the Teaching of the Bhagavad-Gita — of its true 
scope; to give this sacred Book — against the spirit of India’s greatest hero 
both “above” and “against Time,” Lord Krishna, — such a “strictly 
symbolical” meaning as cannot justify that raw, material violence which the 
fighters “against Time” (be they also “above Time,” as all such great 
fighters necessarily are) need to display, to-day, near the end of the Age of 
Gloom. Well did the orthodox and really enlightened, racially-conscious and 
God-conscious Brahmin, Lokomanya Tilak, whose whole work bears 
witness to the unity of Eastern and Western Aryandom and to the power of 
Aryan genius, liken Dr. Annie Besant to the legendary female demon Putna, 
whose poisoned milk was intended to kill Krishna, the predestined Warrior 
and Teacher of detached Violence, when He was still a child. 

The Theosophical Society itself may well have played but a secondary 
part in India (despite the public prayers its President, Dr. Arundale, was to 
offer there for the victory of the anti-Nazi forces, during the Second World 
War). But the spirit embodied in it and in the other so-called “spiritual” 
organisations which claim to do away with the God-ordained inequality both 
of men and of human races no less than with the law of violent Action, 
(now, in this Dark Age); in other 


Annie Besant, for years President of the Theosophical Society, was elected President of 
the Indian National Congress for 1917. 



302 


words, the spirit of all groups which deny or reject the perennial struggle 
“against Time” has corrupted to a great extent the conscious strata of the 
country. It has taught thousands of Hindus to lie to themselves and to the 
world, and to accept only such forms of the Struggle “against Time” as use 
moral violence as a weapon (calling it “non-violence,” as Mahatma Gandhi 
did — in fact, had to, for the sake of his success in contemporary India) and 
to hate any frank acknowledgement of the necessity of material violence in 
the service of the Cause of Life no less than any frank acknowledgement of 
the life-bound and life-ordained inequality of races and inequality of 
birthrights-including the so-called “right” of “all men” to live. 

In the end, no doubt, the divine Child — the growing Forces of Light 
and Life, will, like in the Hindu legend, kill the poisonous demoness of 
untruth. But in the meantime, the poison has gone very far. It has, slowly but 
steadily, set before hand thousands of “educated Hindus” against any living 
— contemporary — Incarnation of Him Who comes, back, over and over 
again, to fight the forces of decay and death and to “establish on earth the 
reign of Righteousness,” through openly accepted Dark Age methods — the 
only expedient ones in the times in which we live. It has prepared them to 
swallow the clever moral and cultural Jewish propaganda of the years before 
1939 and all the lies of the following moral and political campaign against 
National Socialism and the Third German Reich, to this day. It has enabled 
the Jews to win over to their cause, before, during, and after the war, 
thought-forces and will-forces which would, otherwise, have worked in 
support of the Aryan awakening in the West, or at least remained neutral. 

The Jews from Germany who, already before the war, were beginning 
to gain credit amidst certain groups of Hindus, were not the same ones as 
those who met the rich Europeans — and pro-British Armenians, and Jewish 
residents of India, all termed as “British” — in clubs and at bridge parties. 
They had less money. Some (so, at least, they said) had even no money at 
all, and begged the kind-hearted Hindus to help them to get work, if possible 
in their own line. They had “lost everything” — lost, at any rate, their former 
right to carry on their job as doctors, lawyers, actors, professors or 
journalists in the once so tolerant “Land of thinkers and poets” which 



303 


had, through the victory of National Socialism, suddenly become a vast 
soldiers’ camp where nothing was to be heard save the regular stamping of 
jack-boots and the awe-inspiring repercussion of war-songs; where there 
surely was no longer any place for their refined intellectuality or their 
sensitive care for “mankind.” They were “persecuted” — or said they were, 
— even more so than the other Jews. And, in contrast to these, most of them 
were “learned,” when not erudite, — or pretended to be; — had, at least 
some summary knowledge of Indian philosophy and Indian customs, of 
which they drew the utmost advantage. They were to be found in places in 
which one was the most likely to come in touch with “educated” or, which is 
more, influential Hindus: Hindus, on one hand broad-minded enough to 
welcome the friendship (and admiration) of Indianised foreigners, on the 
other sufficiently Tradition-bound to be regarded, by a few people or by 
many, as true champions of Hinduism: — places such as Adyar, 
Shantiniketan, or Sabarmati (and later, Sevagram) Gandhi’s abode. Some of 
them visited the three and stayed there for a fairly long time, establishing 
further connections for themselves or for their friends. (One — Margaret 
Spiegel, alias Amala Bhen — spent two years at Gandhi’s feet, clumsily 
spinning cotton yarn, thoroughly learning Gujurati, and telling people every 
time she could what a flat denial of the Mahatma’s doctrine Adolf Hitler’s 
new Germany was, and then, — in 1935 — came to Shantiniketan to infuse 
further hatred of National Socialism into the students whose “German 
teacher” she was, and ended up as a professor in the Elphinston College in 
Bombay.) Others would just secure themselves comfortably settled Hindu 
husbands or — in the case they were men, — became “holy men” Buddhist 
monks, Vaishnava devotees, harmless and solitary Theosophists committed 
to the “Hindu way of life,” aspiring after nothing but “spirituality.” Jewish 
females who lacked sex-appeal also turned holy, or charitable — or both. 
They offered their loving zeal (and technical efficiency, whenever they had 
any) to Hindu organisations connected with social belief, and became 
popular as friends of the poor, comforters of the sick, foster-mothers and 
teachers of orphans — angels of pity! The orphans belonging to the most 
far-apart castes would naturally be brought up to eat and work and play 
together, against the custom of orthodox Hindus, but in accordance 



304 


with the views of “reformed” Hindu leaders. And it was secretly hoped that 
some of them — as many as possible — would one day also marry against 
the time-honoured custom and the old aspiration towards blood-purity 
thanks to which there are, six thousand years after the Aryan settlements of 
Vedic days, still Aryans in India. The bitterest enemies of the modem Aryan 
faith would undo what the Vedic Aryans had done; destroy, to the extent 
they could, the stamp of Aryan mle in Asia. 

Thus, in the distant Indian sub-continent, — which should, logically, 
have been a bastion of the Aryan forces against the machinations of both — 
the less rich Jews played as important a part as their apparently more 
influential racial brothers. Silently, — humbly, one could say, — but 
relentlessly, they were contributing to the formation of that bastardised 
world in which the consciousness of the “dignity of man” is expected to 
replace former racial pride; they were dragging whatever they could of 
India’s better substance into that world. And they were making themselves 
popular among the Hindus — at least among certain Hindus — because they 
helped them (or seemed to help them) and because they flattered them. And 
when, from 1933 and specially from 1935 onwards, — thanks to the Jewish 
press and literature and to, the efforts of Mr. Untermeyer’s “millions of non- 
Jewish friends” — (Free Masons and such ones) — it became, from one end 
of the earthly sphere to the other, more and more obvious that Adolf Hitler 
was “persecuting the Jews,” many Hindus among those who had a say in 
India’s affairs were at once prepared to look upon him if not — yet — as “a 
monster,” at any rate as a dangerous tyrant Jews! — such good and kind 
people as “Amala Bhen,” Gandhi’s devoted disciple, whose photo at the side 
of the prophet of non-violence every newspaper-reader had seen; or as Miss 
Gomparst, the efficient social worker of the Bengal Relief Association, who 
was (and, as far as I know, still is) running a children’s home and a 
dispensary amidst the slums of North Calcutta; or as that fair-complexioned 
monk, Govinda, who wrote learned articles about Buddhist metaphysics and 
could be seen walking through the lawns of Shantiniketan in yellow robes, 
under, an impressive Burmese parasol!... or as those sympathetic sari- 
wearing “mem-sahibs” who gave Hindu names to their half-Indian half- 
Hebrew children, and had taken to 



305 


Indian ways to such an extent that some of them had even become tolerable 
members of “joint families”! 1 Really, how could he! — how dared he! May 
be the British themselves were also tyrants (and which national-minded 
Indian looked upon them as anything else?). But surely they were right when 
calling the world — louder and louder — to “stop Hitler.” 

Of course, all Hindus were not taken in by the Jews’ clever 
adaptability to Indian ways, by their real or supposed interest in “Indian 
philosophy” and by their comments upon new Germany. Millions, unable to 
read, and completely indifferent to the outside world, were never even aware 
of the anti-Nazi campaign of hatred. Some saw through it and despised it. 
One at least — a worthy Brahmin little known to the public at large, yet one 
of the finest characters of modem Aryavarta, Sri Asit Krishna Mukherji — 
fought against it “with tooth and claw” from the start, through the fortnightly 
magazine “The New Mercury” which he published in Calcutta from 1935 to 
1937 (in collaboration with the German Consulate), and was, later on, — 
throughout and after the war, to this day — to prove his unfailing loyalty to 
the Aryan cause. Others, simple folk lacking such political consciousness, 
and often illiterate, yet felt that the inspired Western mler whom so many 
sahebs seemed to hate was the one ruler in the world who professed and 
lived the doctrine of Detached Action preached in the Bhagavad-Gita. And 
they admired him. They related that he had come to replace the Bible by that 
most hallowed Book of Aryan Wisdom, among the Aryans of the West. But 
they were powerless, the lot of them. Powerless, while isolated; 
disconnected from the revolutionary forces of Life at work in the West. The 
support given to “The New Mercury” represented practically the only 
tangible attempt ever made by the authorities of the Third Reich to 
collaborate on the ideological plane with the racially-conscious Aryan 
minority of India. And I do not know a single European National Socialist, 
besides myself, who made it a point to beat the Jews on their own ground 
and to try to win over India — including non-Aryan India — to the Pan- 
Aryan 


A “joint family” is, in India, a family in which several brothers all live together — 
under the same roof— with their parents, wives and children. 



306 


cause, preaching the modem philosophy of the Swastika — the unity of Life, 
within diversity; the divine hierarchy of races; the ideal of blood-purity and 
the selfless stmggle for the creation of a higher mankind; Adolf Hitler’s 
wisdom and that of the ancient Aryan Conquerors of Aryavarta — in Indian 
dress, in Indian languages, and from the standpoint of Indian Tradition; 
presenting his or her effort as the will to free India from, the influence of the 
anti-racialist doctrines of equality: misrepresented Christianity and Islam; 
and Marxism (all three, in fact, more or less deeply rooted in Jewish 
thought.) 


* * * 

The international, ubiquitous Jew did not restrict his far-sighted 
propaganda to the Hindus. He carried it on among Mohammedans also — 
despite the old hostility between Hindus and Mohammedans (which was no 
concern of his) and, which is more, despite the permanent tension between 
Arabs and Jews in and around Palestine ever since the famous Balfour 
Declaration, and the natural sympathy of every follower of the Prophet for 
the Arabs. He carried it on — in a different way, and with increasing help 
from his friends the Marxists — among the Chinese and Annamites and 
other people of the yellow race; among Filipinos and Malays, and 
“educated” Negroes and half-Negroes. He carried it on everywhere, and 
always concentrated his efforts upon the proper men, i.e., upon those who 
were, at the same time, sufficiently gullible to take for granted whatever they 
were told about the Third German Reich and its “racial hatred,” and 
sufficiently influential for others to hold whatever opinion they might 
express, for the right one. The slogan of “humanity” and of the “rights of 
man” — the old slogan of the French Revolution — acted as a spell. With its 
help, the Jew overcame all difficulties, rousing, out of light-hearted 
indifference, feelings of aggressive indignation which verged more and more 
on crusaders’ zeal. The little one did to counteract his game (when one did 
anything at all) remained without a lasting effect. 

The visit of a few prominent members of the National Socialist Party, 
headed by the leader of the Hitler Youth, Baldur von Shirack himself, to 
Damascus, in 1937, was (to mention that one instance) but a partial success. 
It disturbed for a few days the peace of mind of the French High 
Commissioner 



307 


in Syria, who was no Nazi, and who tolerated the honourable guests more 
than he welcomed them. And it was the occasion of valuable personal 
contact with several Arab personalities, some of whom were to help 
Germany during and, maybe, also after the war, none of whom was, 
however, powerful enough to throw the weight of the whole Moslem world 
on Adolf Hitler’s side, — a difficult task from the standpoint of Islam, 
admittedly, for how can, after all, believers in even a warrior-like faith 
which any man can join, wholeheartedly stand for Aryan racialism (or for 
any racialism, by the way?). The utmost which the sincerest anti-Jewish 
Arab — including the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem — could do, was to be 
Germany’s political ally against the Jews. And he was, thereby — in spite of 
the difference of race — perhaps a step nearer German National Socialism 
than even the well-known Indian nationalist Subhas Chandra Bose or any of 
Adolf Hitler’s other political allies against England ever were to be. 1 But 
those thousands of well-meaning but ill-informed Hindus, Mohammedans, 
Chinese, Indo-Chinese, Malays, literate Central Asian steppe-dwellers and 
“educated” Africans, who were impressed by the cheap anti-colonialism, 
preached to them in the name of the “rights of man” by the international Jew 
and his friends (specially the Marxists) and who, on the ground of clever 
misquotations from and misinterpretations of “Mein Kampf,” held National 
Socialism to be a new form of “abominable imperialism,” were, — 
unfortunately — more solidly bound to the sinister anti-Nazi forces, than 
any of the non-Aryan (nay, than many of the Aryan) friends of new 
Germany to the forces of Light and Life. And, I repeat, nothing or 
practically nothing was done, to my knowledge, on the part of the official 
representatives of the Third Reich, or through the private initiative of full- 
fledged European followers of Adolf Hitler (with one individual exception) 
to win over those millions of dull, perhaps, but nevertheless existing, and 
therefore — in the Invisible realm — to some extent effective human centres 
of psychic energy and willpower. (Now, in the one or two European papers 
that stand for the real interests of Aryandom, and in the catacomb gatherings 
of the German National Socialists of 1955 — the 


An agreement between Adolf Hitler and England against Russia, at the eleventh hour, 
would have sufficed to detach from his alliance those Indians who were merely anti- 
British without being Aryan-conscious. 



308 


genuine ones, who stood the test of defeat — it is for the first time openly 
proclaimed that colonialism in its old accepted form is incompatible with a 
true “ethnic” — volkisch — attitude to, life and to politics. Then, — twenty 
years ago, and more, — I was myself, in India, as far as I know, the only 
European. National Socialist who stressed that truth, and pointed out, in 
Adolf Hitler’s ideological pact with Japan, 1 the first step towards the 
collaboration of the racially-conscious aristocracy of Aryandom and that of 
the noblest, non-Aryan races in the new world that was taking shape under 
the sign of the Swastika.) 

Among the nations of the yellow race, Japan, protected by her 
immemorial Shinto philosophy — the East Asiatic equivalent of the 
National Socialist cult of Blood and Soil — and by Toyoma’s silent but far¬ 
sighted and far-reaching activity, was, in fact, the only one to escape the 
infection of anti-Nazi propaganda more or less entirely. Japan remains, 
however, a non-Aryan nation. Her ideological sympathy for that Aryan way 
of life which a Japanese was, in 1941, so accurately to characterise as 
“Western Shintoism,” did not bind her to Germany in the manner England 
could have felt herself bound, had she only been able to shake herself free 
from the influence of Sir Eyre Crowe, Sir Robert Vansittart and Winston 
Churchill etc., and from that of those hundreds of rich Jews from Germany 
who positively “invaded” London and all the large British towns from 1933 
to 1939. Japan went her own way — even though she had, on the 25th of 
November, 1936, signed the Anti-Kommintem Pact; even though she was, 
later on, — on the 27th September, 1940 — to sign an actual Treaty of 
friendship with Adolf Hitler. Precious as it was, her alliance stood merely as 
a “second best” after the long-desired “English alliance” had — thanks to 
the atmosphere created in England and practically all over the world by the 
Jews and their friends, — revealed itself as a psychological impossibility. 

Germany’s other partner, Fascist Italy, was unreliable, as further 
history was so tragically to prove. And the Dark forces “in Time” — the 
self-same ones as are embodied in international Jewry — were there, in spite 
of Fascism, tremendously active through the Catholic Church: that twin- 
sister of Freemasonry 


The Anti-Kommintern Pact, signed in 1936. 



309 


(shocking as these words may sound to pious Catholics, and contrary as they 
may be to all public statements, both of the Catholic leaders and of the 
Masters of the Lodges, concerning the separation of the two organisations, 
nay, their mutual hostility). The one powerful man in Rome with whose 
unfailing collaboration Adolf Hitler could reckon absolutely — Mussolini, 
his personal friend, — was not Fascist Italy; and was, in fact, less powerful 
than he looked. And Fascism itself was not National Socialism, contrarily to 
what so many haters of both seem to think. It was a political — and 
economical — system; not a more-than-political creed; and it inspired a 
Movement of practical and immediate — of time-bound — significance, not 
one of cosmic scope. It did not lay stress upon the all-important idea of race 
and the ideal of racial purity as National Socialism does. 

In other words, notwithstanding the Anti-Kommintern Fact and her 
further bond with Italy and Japan, National Socialist Germany was 
practically alone; alone at least in the invisible realm of quality and purpose 
— of aspiration and willpower and meaning; in that realm of “energy” in 
which material happenings are mysteriously but mathematically — 
unavoidably — determined; the only Aryan power as conscious of its natural 
mission as the leading agents of the Dark forces — the Jews — were (and 
are) of theirs; the only Aryan State “against Time.” More so: the Fiihrer and, 
I would not say “the men of his entourage” (for there were, among these, 
persons of different shades of National Socialist orthodoxy and also of 
different degrees of loyalty), but “his true disciples” (whether they were to 
be found in his immediate entourage or elsewhere) were alone: a minority in 
Germany itself, despite Adolf Hitler’s immense popularity, and, in the world 
at large, an unbelievably small number of dedicated revolutionaries, at arms 
against both the obvious and the deeper characteristics of this end-period of 
the Dark Age. 

The Jews had, on the other hand, — thanks to the untruth into which 
the West and the East have been sinking for centuries; thanks to that silly 
superstition of “man” which has everywhere replaced healthy reverence of 
the Divine as manifested within all life but specially within the “hero like 
unto the Gods” — the whole world more or less on their side; “passively” on 
their side, when not “actively.” The Christian Churches and 



310 


anticlerical Freemasonry; the Communists and all those who still stand for 
bourgeois Capitalism; the gullible pacifists and the cleverest of all war¬ 
mongers; all internationalists and all anti-German (or anti-European) short¬ 
sighted nationalists were gradually to coalesce with them, in the name of 
“humanity,” against the more-than-human Wisdom embodied in the 
revolutionary State “against Time.” 

This astounding success of the Dark Forces was due — partly, — no 
doubt, to the suppleness of their agents who, like Paul of Tarsus — one of 
the most remarkable of them in world history, — acted “as Greeks with the 
Greeks and as Jews with the Jews.” (One should give the devil his due and 
admit that he — the Lord of the sinister Powers — is a businessman of 
genius, and that his children take after him!) The main and deeper cause of 
their victory lies however in the fact that, in this last period of the Dark Age, 
this world belongs more and more irredeemably to the forces of deceit; in 
the fact that this is their time par excellence — to which the last Man 
“against Time (Whom the Hindus call “Kalki”) can alone put an end — and 
their domain, slowly conquered through lies and trickery in the course of 
millenniums; their domain , which Kalki alone can win back to the Powers of 
Light and Life; and that Adolf Hitler was not “Kalki”; — not “the” one; the 
last one. He knew it, being, however, the one-before-the-last Embodiment of 
Him Who comes back. And he admitted it in his own way, as early at least 
as 1928, in that significant conversation of his with Hans Grimm, which I 
have already mentioned. 


* * * 

In November 1938, i.e., after the Munich Agreement, and before the 
developments that were to lead to the Second World War, Oswald Pirow, 
then Defence Minister of the South African Union, paid a visit, on behalf of 
General Smuts, both to Chamberlain and to Adolf Hitler. He was to mediate 
in order to bring about a lasting understanding between England and 
Germany. In the report which he published, in 1951, about his undertaking, 
under the title “Was the Second World War unavoidable?”, one reads these 
most enlightening sentences “Already through my first conversation with 
Chamberlain it became clear to me why the two governments did not 
understand each other. It was not lack of good will on the part of 



311 


Chamberlain: the latter had made his whole future political career dependent 
upon an understanding with Germany, and he was ready to make great 
concessions to that end. But, between Chamberlain’s good will and positive 
reality, stood, as firm as a rock, the Jewish question. The British Prime 
Minister had to reckon with a party — his own Conservative Party — and 
specially with a public that world-wide Jewish propaganda had influenced to 
the utmost. Unless this agitation could be cooled down, concessions to 
Germany were unthinkable for Chamberlain” ... “The factors which stood 
against Chamberlain’s peace policy were: the world-wide propaganda of the 
Jews, bitter beyond all measure', the political selfishness of Churchill and of 
his followers, the half-Communist tendencies of the Labour Party, and the 
war-mongery of the British chauvinists, encouraged by German traitors. In 
November 1938, this remarkable coalition had not yet succeeded in 
shattering Chamberlain’s political position, as it was to later on. But it had 
convinced the British public that Adolf Hitler was the greatest persecutor of 
man of all times, and that any pactising with him could only lead to further 
humiliation.” 1 

And, I repeat — for this can never be, now-a-days, sufficiently 
stressed, up till then, the Jews in the Third Reich had not been persecuted. 
Eugen Kogon himself, — that fanatical hater of National Socialism if there 
ever was one, admits, in the virulent book — “The S.S. State” — which he 
published in 1946 against the Hitler regime, that up to November 1938 there 
had only been “individual instances” of molestation of Jews within new 
Germany. And, which is more, Adolf Hitler had no intention whatsoever of 
“persecuting” — let alone of “exterminating” — the nefarious foreigners 
whom he knew to be the agents of Germany’s defeat in 1918 and the 
deadliest enemies of her people and of Aryan mankind as a whole. He had 
— unfortunately! — allowed thousands of them to leave the country with all 
their property. And he was prepared to arrange for them all to go, taking 
with them that much of their money as could suddenly be withdrawn from 
Germany without tragic consequences for German economy. 1 He was 


Oswald Pirow, “Was the Second World War unavoidable?” (quoted by H. Grimm, in 

“Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” p. 192). 

2 

Jewish property in Germany was estimated a thousand million pounds. 



312 


not unaware of the mischief they could work against Germany, once abroad. 
The world-wide propaganda which those of them who had already emigrated 
were financing, was too obvious for him not to have known of it. But he was 
generous. And he believed in the loyalty of his own people, whom he loved. 
And he trusted the strength of that splendid German youth that was growing 
under his eyes, full of faith in him and in his eternal ideals; full of the will to 
live as a dedicated elite in the service of the latter, and ready to die, if 
necessary, so that new Germany might live. He knew that, provided they 
stood like one man behind him, and stuck to his principles, the German 
people had nothing to fear from the outer world. He did not know how many 
influential traitors of German blood were already in the service of the Dark 
forces, — against him, and against their own people, — nor how far Jewish 
influence was at work, secretly, subtly, (and all the more efficiently) through 
the occult bodies that he had forbidden (Freemasonry and all societies 
affiliated to it) and through the Christian Churches, in Germany herself. His 
constructive plans — in the biological, social, economic and cultural, not to 
say also religious, spheres — which could indeed only lead to the 
invincibility of the German Reich, needed time to be carried out. The eternal 
truths he preached (after one and a half thousand years of false doctrine) 
needed time to become once more, first among the Germans, and then 
among all people of Nordic blood, undisputed, self-evident articles of 
popular faith.... The Dark Forces were determined anyhow not to leave 
Adolf Hitler time — nor peace. Working from all sides, they did their best to 
make a permanent understanding between England and Germany 
impossible, in particular, to prevent all further personal contact between 
Adolf Hitler and Neville Chamberlain: the one development which, 
according to Oswald Pirow, might have, still at the eleventh hour, changed 
the whole atmosphere (and that, too, provided Chamberlain managed to 
remain in power.) It looked, for a time, as though they would, in spite of all, 
not succeed. Then, suddenly, an apparently unexpected — in fact, cleverly 
prepared — incident came to their rescue: an attache of the German 
Legation in Paris, von Rath, was, on the 7th of November, 1938, for no 
accountable reason at all, murdered by a Jew. 



313 


This was not the first act of provocation on the part of the sworn 
enemies of the Third Reich as the leading power of regenerate Aryandom. 
Some time before, Gustlow, Landesleiter of the N.S.D.A.P. in Switzerland, 
had also fallen the victim of a Jewish murderer. And there were the daily 
insults of the Jewish press of the whole world, against all that the Germans 
held sacred. And there was Untermeyer’s formal declaration of war — on 
mendacious grounds — already in August 1933. This was but “the last 
straw” which “broke the camel’s back.” Up till then, the many and varied — 
louder and louder — expressions of Jewish hostility to Germany had, save 
for a few bloodcurdling articles (and eloquent caricatures) in “Der Sturmer ,” 
remained without an answer. This provocation roused, throughout the Third 
Reich, an uproar of indignation, taking advantage of which some of the most 
impulsive among the leaders of the National Socialist fighting formations 
organised, in the night of the 8th to the 9th of November, under the direction 
of no lesser a man than Dr. Goebbels, what is known as the “Kristallnacht”: 
breaking up of Jewish shops, burning down of synagogues, with all the 
rough handling of individual Jews that one can imagine; from evening to 
dawn, all over Germany, a proper orgy of Jew-baiting. The next day, the 
Fuhrer burst out in righteous indignation at the news of this useless and 
anything but detached violence, the repercussion of which he could well 
foresee. I have already 1 quoted the words he addressed Dr. Goebbels: “You 
people have thrust back National Socialism and spoilt my work for many 
years, when not for good, through this nonsense!” 

His unmitigated disapproval of the pogrom did not, however, hinder 
or lessen the explosion of hatred which the news of it provoked in the whole 
world. It was surely not the first time in history that the murder of a man — 
in fact, of two men, — in high position, at the hands of a foreigner, had be 
came the occasion of tough reprisals against the murderer’s compatriots. 2 Up 
till then, unconcerned nations had generally kept aloof from such affairs. But 
this time, the murderer’s compatriots were Jews. And in this Jew-ridden 
world of the 


See above, p. 226. 

2 

For example, the scenes of violence that took place in Lyons against Italians, after an 
Italian, Caserio, had murdered Carnot, President of the French Republic, in 1905. 



314 


end of the Dark Age, whatever is done to Jews is the whole world’s 
business. Not only did the Jews literally “foam with rage” (to quote O. 
Pirow’s words), but the newspaper-reading population of the most varied 
lands reacted as though the most horrible event within ten thousand years 
had just taken place under their eyes. In England and in U.S.A. “public 
opinion” — so important, in Democracies! — flared up in an anti-Nazi 
outcry and thundered against all collaboration with the Third German Reich 
— that exponent of “barbarism” in the midst of our “civilised” century! The 
British Ambassador in Berlin was called back “to report about the 
happenings.” Chamberlain’s position was shattered, the days of his political 
career, numbered. Oswald Pirow’s official mission to Berlin as a mediator 
was now out of question. And the unofficial journey which he undertook 
there — in agreement with Chamberlain, in spite of all, — was before hand 
stamped with the sign of failure. By the time Oswald Pirow came back to 
London to tell the British Premier of Adolf Hitler’s unaltered good will, and 
readiness to treat with England, “Chamberlain’s position had become so 
difficult that he dared not take the initiative of approaching Hitler.” 1 The two 
men, whose collaboration could, according to Oswald Pirow, “have saved 
Europe” were never to see each other again. On the other hand, the 
American ambassador in Berlin was recalled on the 13th of November, 
1938, and diplomatic relations between U.S.A. and Germany, suspended. 
The Second World War, — for which, as we shall see, the U.S.A. bear the 
responsibility at least as much as England herself, if not even more — was 
now unavoidable. Maybe, it was not yet clear which local conflict would 
become the occasion and the pretext of it. But it was already certain that 
nothing could prevent it. 


* * * 

An exceptionally prominent freemason, Franklin Roosevelt, had been 
elected President of the U.S.A. in January 1933, i.e. at the time of Adolf 
Hitler’s rise to power. With him, the hidden agents of world Jewry, — and, 
behind them, the everlasting 


Oswald Pirow, “Was the Second World War unavoidable?” 

2 

He had reached the “32nd degree” of initiation — the very highest which any man who 
is not of Jewish blood can reach in that world brotherhood. 



315 


lasting Dark Forces “in Time” — the self-same ones that were already 
building up, in Russia and beyond Russia, Marxist Eurasia, — took over the 
government of the United States of America. 

Knowing this, it is interesting to follow from the start the signs of 
increasing hostility which the U.S.A. showed National Socialist Germany: at 
first, mere acts of unfriendliness — full support of the French standpoint 
against the German, in every Disarmament Conference; and the dispatch of a 
notorious hater of Germany, William Dodd, to Berlin, as American 
Ambassador — then, on the 5th of April 1937, Roosevelt’s well-known 
“Quarantine” speech in Chicago against the “aggressive” authoritarian 
States: Japan, Italy, Germany, but not Soviet Russia; then, in early 1938, his 
plea for intensified armament (to “defend the world” against an eventual 
“return to barbarism,” as the American newspapers stressed); then, the break 
of diplomatic relations which I have mentioned, and the feverish activity of 
both the American Ambassadors in London and in Paris in order to bring 
about war between England (with France at her side) and the Third Reich — 
war at any cost; war before National Socialism (cosmic Wisdom applied to 
modem political and more-than-political problems) had time to make the 
Third Reich invulnerable. 

“In the U.S.A. powerful forces had been at work for a long time, 
urging the country to wage war on Germany,” writes J. von Ribbentrop in 
his Memoirs. 1 And he shows, as plainly and clearly as can be, from official 
documents seized by the Germans in Warsaw and in Paris, — in particular, 
from the reports full of “very enlightening details” dispatched by the Polish 
Ambassador in Washington, Count Jerzy Potocki, to his Government, — 
that, as early as spring 1939, President Roosevelt had already, to a great 
extent, completed his preparations in view of America’s participation in a 
coming war against Germany” 2 and that he had decided “not to take part in 
the war from the start but to bring it to an end, after England and France 
would have begun it.” 2 William C. Bullitt, the U.S.A. Ambassador in Paris 
and his London 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 165. 

2 

J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 165-166. 

3 Report of the 16th Jan. 1939 (from Count Jerzy Potocki). Report l-F-10, Feb. 1939 
(from Lukasiewicz, Polish Ambassador in Paris). 



316 


colleague, Joe Kennedy, were instructed to exert pressure upon both 
Governments (the French and the British) and to insist that they “put an end 
to every policy of compromise with the totalitarian States and do not enter 
with them into any discussion aiming at territorial changes.” 1 They were, in 
addition, to give “the moral assurance that the U.S.A. had forsaken their 
isolation policy and were ready, in case of war, to stand actively on the side 
of England and France, putting all their money and raw materials at their 
disposal.” 2 

In the light of these and other no less eloquent and authoritative 
documents, one is, — irrespective of whatever attitude one might personally 
have towards National Socialism, — compelled to see in the European 
developments of the fated year 1939, the product of an actual world- 
conspiracy against National Socialist Germany. Every talk about “Hitler’s 
policy of aggression” is either a shameless, blatant lie or... silly women’s 
babble. Adolf Hitler remained, in his dealings with the outer world, after his 
rise to power, — before and during the war, as he had, during his struggle 
against the rotten Weimar Republic, “within legality unto the bitter end.” 
And his policy was one of active and sympathetic protection of all real 
national communities, i.e. of all ethnical communities, not one aiming at 
their destruction. And such leaders of non-German minority-groups as were 
sufficiently wise to understand that the Versailles Treaty was, through its 
scorn of ethnography, history and geography — its scorn of Nature itself — 
an insult to their own people’s dignity at the same time as a crime against 
Germany, readily beheld in the greatest of all Germans the supporter of 
every genuine, healthy nationalism. President Tiso appealed to him, in 
March 1939, to protect the new Slovakian State which had, on the 6th of 
October, 1938, proclaimed its independence from the Czechs. And a month 
earlier Professor Tuka, another Slovakian leader, had vehemently implored 
his help against the Government of Prague: “I lay my people’s fate into your 
hands, my Fiihrer! My people await from you their complete liberation” 
(from Czechic rule). And, which is more, placed before the fact 


1 Report 3/SZ tjn 4 of the 16th Jan. 1939 (Count Jerzy Potocki). 

2 

Same report 3/SZ tjn 4, of the 16th Jan. 1939, dispatched from the Polish Embassy in 
Washington. 

3 

J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 148. 



317 


that the artificial Czechoslovakian State was breaking up from within, 
(though the sheer unwillingness of its elements to pull together), Hacha, its 
President, and Chwalkowsky, its foreign Minister, and the whole Czechic 
Government, which Hacha had consulted, were in agreement with Adolf 
Hitler’s decision to declare “Bohemia and Moravia” a “Protectorate of the 
Reich” and to send German troops to occupy the land. “Not a word of 
protest was raised on behalf of the Czechs, and Hacha gave instructions that 
the German Army should be received with friendliness.” 1 

The only protest came, on the 18th of March, from Paris and from 
London — three days after Chamberlain had clearly declared before the 
Chamber of Commons that the happenings were in no way a violation of the 
Munich Agreement, and that Great Britain could anyhow riot deem herself 
bound to defend the existence of a State which had from within broken to 
pieces. The British and French ambassadors were called back from Berlin 
“to report upon the situation.” And in U.S.A. and in all countries vehement 
newspaper articles and radio comments stressed once more the necessity of 
“stopping Hitler” in the interest of the “free world.” The sincere indignation 
of millions of people of all races was systematically roused and directed 
against the Third German Reich, bringing the world another step nearer the 
war which the Dark forces were preparing. 

The long tension between Germany and Poland — another 
consequence of the nonsensical situation created by the Versailles Treaty, — 
was, ultimately, to lead to war. It could have come to an end through an 
honourable agreement. And Adolf Hitler had done everything within his 
power so that it might. The proposals he had made to Poland, through the 
Polish Ambassador Lipski, in view of an honest treaty of good 
neighbourhood, were not merely reasonable but generous. Admittedly, he 
had insisted that Danzig — that old German town — should be recognised 
as part and parcel of the German Reich. But he was, on the other hand, 
prepared to give up all claims upon the “corridor” linking Poland to the sea 
through German territory, provided an extra-territorial autobahn, and an 
extra-territorial railway of several lines, running through it, would assure the 
undisturbed connection of East Prussia 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 150. 



318 


with the rest of the Reich. And he offered the Poles an extra-territorial road 
and railway of their own, as well as a free port, in the Danzig region. 1 The 
one fact that stood in the way of further negotiations between him and the 
Polish Government (despite the failure of J. von Ribbentrop’s mission to 
Warsaw in January 1939) was England’s sudden “guarantee” of the integrity 
of the Polish frontiers as they had been fixed by the Versailles Treaty. From 
a report sent by Raczynski, the Polish Ambassador in London, to his 
Government, on the 29th of March 1939, and found in Warsaw by the 
Germans during the Poland campaign in the autumn of the same year, it is 
clear that England’s promise of help in case of “attack” on Poland (i.e. 
England’s promise to declare war on Germany — and to start a world war 
— if Germany were to occupy Danzig) “was given him, orally at any rate, as 
early as the 24th of March.” On the 26th of March — two days later — 
Lipski, the Polish Ambassador in Berlin, handed over to J. von Ribbentrop a 
“Memorandum” in which he rejected in the name of his Government all the 
suggestions Germany had made concerning Danzig and the “corridor.” “Any 
further attempt to bring the German plans to materialisation, and specially 
any further attempt to incorporate Danzig into the Reich, means war with 
Poland” declared he.” On the 6th of April, the Polish foreign Minister Beck 
signed in London, with England and France, a “temporary agreement” which 
was soon to be replaced by the permanent Pact which everyone remembers. 

That Pact, directed against Germany alone and not against any other 
possible “aggressor” of Poland, was England’s moral excuse, — and the 
German occupation of Danzig, the occasion England chose — for declaring 
the Second World War. In reality, however, as so many documents 
published after the war abundantly prove, England’s “guarantee of the 
integrity of Poland’s frontiers” had been dictated to her (as Poland’s own 
stubbornness in the Danzig question, to 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 155-156. 

Adolf Hitler’s final proposals were that a plebiscite should take place in the “Corridor,” 
and that the State that the population would not choose to belong to — be it Poland or 
Germany — would receive in compensation an extra-territorial autobahn and a railway 

through the contested area. 

2 

J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 162. 



319 


Poland) by the pack of Jews and of slaves of Jewry which had been ruling 
the U.S.A. ever since Roosevelt’s election to presidency. 1 It had no meaning 
and no purpose other than that of being the best thinkable pretext for a 
second World War against Germany. The real cause of the second World 
War was and remains the hatred of the Jews and of their “millions of non- 
Jewish friends” and willing or unwilling tools — the hatred of every 
simpleton who had been impressed by the Jewish lies — for the Man and for 
the State “against Time” who embodied the true Aryan spirit, and were the 
forerunners of a world-wide Aryan awakening. 

* * * 

The only thing Adolf Hitler could do in order to avoid the complete 
encircling of Germany was, indeed — in spite of the profound differences 
that had, from the beginning, opposed National Socialism and Marxism, — 
to turn to Russia. He had no choice. 

Had it not been for England’s nonsensical attitude towards him and 
his people — nay, for the actual madness which she had succeeded in 
breathing into political life, under the constant pressure of Roosevelt’s 
agents, — it may be that he “would have fought Russia without any later 

'y 

conflict with England,” as Joe Kennedy, the American Ambassador in 
London, himself seems to have believed. It may be, I say, for the young 
Reich needed space for its growing population; and also because there was 
no possible co-existence of true National Socialism and of its sharp and 
ruthless contrary, true Marxism, for ever. 

As things stood, the Fiihrer was compelled to accept that co-existence 
for the time being, so that he might try to hold back in 1939 that which was 
fated to take shape in 1941, namely: the formidable coalition of capitalism 
and Marxism (or rather, of the Jew-ridden Western plutocracies and of the 
also Jew-ridden Soviet State) against Germany, the fortress of National 
Socialism and the hope of awakening Aryandom. One may deplore the fact 
that he could not accept it or, at any rate, that it did not last, for a longer span 
of time: no external force could have shattered the mighty bloc formed by 

1 See Professor Charles Callan Tansill’s “Back Door to War” (Chicago, 1952). Also “The 
Forrestal Diaries” (New York, 1951), p. 121. 

“The Forrestal Diaries” (New York, 1951), p. 121. Quoted by J. von Ribbentrop, 
“Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 168. 



320 


Germany, Soviet Russia, and Japan. Such a bloc, economically self- 
supporting, would have been invincible, had it not been bound to fall to 
pieces, sooner or later, from within; being the outcome of an unnatural 
alliance. It is a tragedy that its dislocation could not be postponed at least till 
after a definitive victorious end of the war with England (and then, probably, 
with U.S.A.) The fact that Stalin and Molotov were not Jews; nay, the fact 
that they were — perhaps — more Russian (and Pan-slavist, in the old sense 
of the word) than Marxist, made the signature of the Russo-German Pact of 
the 23rd of August 1939 possible. The fact that Jewish influence was as 
powerful (even when not always as obvious ) in Russia as in England or in 
U.S.A. and that it exerted itself within Stalin’s most immediate entourage, 
lies behind Russia’s stubborn attitude with regard to territorial questions 
from the start, and explains her breaking of the Pact and all the marks of 
growing hostility that were to bring the Fiihrer to declare war on his ally 
within less than two years. The Pact was, politically speaking, a wise act. It 
meant the realistic recognition of common interests despite widely diverging 
faiths. It had to be broken if the enemies of National Socialism were to win 
the war. And the Jew ultimately exploited Russia’s old pan-slavistic 
tendency against the Third German Reich — apart from any 
Weltanschauung, — as cleverly as he had used British and French and 
Norwegian and Dutch misconceived and misguided patriotism against the 
same. 

But in the meantime, as long as the unnatural but politically masterful 
alliance lasted, Adolf Hitler had only one enemy to fight, namely the 
Western brand of Anti-Nazism embodied in Jew-ridden England... for the 
unpleasant Polish affair was brilliantly settled within three weeks, and 
France brought to her knees within about six months. 

* * * 

This chapter is not a history of the Second World War, but merely a 
humble attempt at detecting and pointing out, in the light of cosmic 
evolution, the unseen but all-important — the real — factors behind the 
succession of events. Many of the facts themselves, purposely suppressed by 
the Allies at the time of the Nuremberg Trial, have, since then, been 
mentioned by soldiers and diplomats — Germans and others, — in 



321 


serious technical memoirs without a shadow of passion. All go to support the 
thesis I have already put forth, namely, the one that, far from being Adolf 
Hitler’s “crime” or even, in any way the result of his policy, the Second 
World War is the outcome of a world-conspiracy of the Forces “in Time,” 
i.e. of the Dark Forces, against him and his Golden Age ideals; against his 
consistent effort to “establish on earth the reign of righteousness” with the 
methods of this Age of Gloom, i.e. to build a State, and, through that State, a 
world-order “against Time.” 

It is now proved that Adolf Hitler’s last desperate efforts to avoid war 
with Poland — his last and generous proposals, sent forth from all German 
wireless stations on the 31st of August 1939 at 21-15 o’clock, and known as 
the “Sixteen Points” — were made useless through a British declaration to 
the Warsaw Government, that England considered any further visit of the 
Polish Foreign Minister, Beck, to Berlin, — i.e. any further negotiations 
with Adolf Hitler, — as “undesirable.” 1 It is now proved that Great Britain 
alone stood in the way of Mussolini’s attempt to secure peace, be pit at the 
eleventh hour, through an international Conference, on the basis of a general 
revision of the Versailles Treaty, that primary source of the whole political 
tension." It is now proved that Germany’s occupation of Denmark on the 9th 
of April 1940, and that of Norway, were but temporary and necessary 
military measures forestalling and hindering the previously planned 
occupation of the same by British troops, and that, moreover, both Norway 
and Denmark had, before the 9th of April, given up their neutrality through 
the conclusion of secret agreements with England. It is proved that the so- 
called German “attack” on Holland and Belgium was no “attack” at all, but a 
sheer act of self-defence, considering that the two States had already 
resorted to “steps of a military nature” aimed at forwarding aid to England 
and France, which were at war with Germany. It is now proved that not a 
single military decision in the name of the Third Reich — not the German 
intervention in Greece, on the 27th of March 1941, to prevent a renewal of 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 200. 

2 

J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 201. 

3 

J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 213. 



322 


the Allied tactics of 1915-1916; not even the “attack” on Russia, on the 22nd 
of June 1941, — was taken in a spirit of “aggression,” but that all were 
motived (and justified) by previous and easily traceable marks of gratuitous 
hostility on the part of Germany’s alleged “victims.” 

“God knows I have striven for peace!” declared the Fiihrer before the 
German Reichstag , in that memorable speech of the 4th of May 1941, in 
which he left no doubts about the reasons that had compelled him to order 
the occupation of Greece. “God knows I have striven for peace! But when a 
Master Halifax sarcastically states that everyone agrees that I have, and 
boasts of the fact that we were forced into war as of a special triumph of 
British statesmanship, I can, in answer to such wickedness, do nothing else 
but protect the interests of the Reich by all means which are, thank God, at 
our disposal !” 

Whatever may be the comments of propaganda in the service of the 
Dark forces, dispassionate history — nay, the merciless logic of life itself, 
which underlies that endless net of causes and consequences which history 
describes — will one day confirm these words of the one-before-the-last 
divine Man “against Time.” The everlasting Powers — the Shining Ones, 
Who worked through him, and the very Powers of Darkness and Death, the 
Powers “in Time,” whom he fought, knew that he was right; knew that the 
interest of his young Reich was and remains the interest of higher Creation. 
But, as I said before, practically the whole world was coaxed into believing 
him to be a deceiver and a tyrant. And not merely the sheepish average man, 
who does not think, and who takes all he reads in his morning paper for 
Gospel truth, but many an otherwise remarkable person, who should have 
known better, was taken in by the accusation of “wanton aggression” 
brought against Germany and the broader (and vaguer) accusation of 
“inhumanity” brought against the proud new Creed of the Swastika. Such an 
outstanding man as Gandhi, — a rare blending of business-like shrewdness 
and saintly aspirations, — declared at the outbreak of the war that his 
sympathy lay with England and Trance “from a purely humanitarian 
standpoint.” And in the resolution which the All-India Congress Committee 


1 Adolf Hitler’s Reichstag speech, 4th of May, 1941. 



323 


passed at Wardha, on the 8th of August 1942, insisting upon the withdrawal 
of British rule from India, it was stated that “a free India would assure 
success in the struggle against Nazism, Fascism and Imperialism ,” and that 
“free India” (whose provisional Government was immediately to be formed, 
in case of non-compliance with the withdrawal demand) would “be an ally 
of the United Nations.” Buttressed by Gandhi’s moral authority, such 
declarations as these determined the attitude of millions of men towards 
Adolf Hitler and National Socialism. They wrought incalculable mischief. 

The wonder is not that, less than five years after Adolf Hitler’s 
splendid Leibstandarte — glorious foreshadowing of the Golden Age 
mankind of his dreams, — had marched along the Avenue des Champs 
Elysees in conquered Paris, National Socialist Germany was forced to 
capitulate “unconditionally.” The wonder is that, facing practically alone the 
frenzied hatred of the whole earthly sphere, she resisted its assaults as long 
as she did. The wonder is that, in spite of the enemy’s open fury and secret 
machinations; in spite of the impact of the Red Army (as fanatically 
convinced of its “truth” as every German soldier of his); in spite of the 
traitors on the front and at home ( all of them, from the anti-Nazi diplomats 
and generals and princes of the Church — the men of the 20th of July, and 
Dibellius, and von Gallen, Archbishop of Munster, and the sinister 
theologian Bohnenhoffer and all the leading Freemasons — down to the 
humblest simple squeamish old woman who was horrified at her grandson’s 
harshness towards the “poor Jews”); in spite of the two gigantic hostile 
power-blocs — the Communist world and the Capitalist world — closing in, 
tighter upon her, every day, National Socialist Germany did not capitulate 
earlier. The wonder is that her armies marched as far as they did into so 
many conquered lands; and that they and the German people kept their faith 
in Adolf Hitler till the end and — to a great extent — despite ten years of 
systematic “re-education,” after the end, to this very day. 

* * * 

Not only had Adolf Hitler done all he possibly could to avoid war, but 
he did everything he possibly could to stop it. Again and again — first, in 
October 1939, immediately after the victorious end of the Polish campaign; 
then, on the 22nd of 



324 


June 1940, immediately after the truce with defeated France — he held out 
his hand to England; not the hand of a supplicant, still less that of a man 
afraid, but that of a far-sighted and generous victor whose whole life was 
centred around a creative idea, whose programme was a constructive 
programme, and who had no quarrel with the misled blood-brothers of his 
own people, nay, who saw in them, despite their hatred of his name, his 
future friends and collaborators. 

And nearly a month before his second peace offer to England, the 
Fiihrer had already given the Nordic sister-nation a tangible sign of his 
generosity — nay, of his friendship, in spite of all, in the midst of the 
bitterest struggle — and such an extraordinary one that history-writers have 
not hesitated to characterise it as “a wonder.” The Allied armies — the 
British Expeditionary Corps and a remnant of the French troops, — were 
fleeing towards Dunkirk as fast as they possibly could before the German 
advance; fleeing from the Germans towards the sea. And the German 
Commander in Chief, General von Brauchitsch had, on the 23rd of May, 
given the order to press them in from all sides and take the lot of them 
prisoners before they had time to embark. It was, from the military point of 
view — and from the normal political point of view; from the point of view 
of immediate success, — the thing to do. But Adolf Hitler appeared 
unexpectedly at General von Rundstedt’s Headquarters in Charleville, and 
cancelled the order of attack on Dunkirk. The German armoured divisions 
— the “A” Heeresgruppe , as well as the “D” Heeresgruppe, which was, 
under General von Bock, pressing towards Dunkirk from the East, — where 
to slow down their speed and leave ten kilometres between their foremost 
ranks and the fleeing enemy. These counter-orders, “that held back the 
German advance for two days, and gave the British time to bring home safe 
and sound the most valuable section of their army,” are utterly 
ununderstandable unless one boldly admits that they were dictated by 
considerations which exceed by far the domain of “politics” no less than that 
of strategy; considerations not of a statesman but of a seer. 

The generals did not know what to think, but they obeyed: orders 
were orders. 


Kleist, “Auch du warst dabei,” p. 278 (Quoted by Hans Grimm, “Warum? Woher? aber 
Wohin?” edit. 1954, p. 364-365). 



325 


To anyone who, in the name of a pan-Aryan view of things (or merely 
in the name of “Europe’s” interest) stood — and stands — without 
reservations, on the side of National Socialist Germany, the tragedy of the 
situation was, — and remains, retrospectively, — maddening. The capture or 
destruction of the whole British Expeditionary Corps at Dunkirk, and the 
immediate invasion of Great Britain — by parachuted troops, if a proper 
landing was, on account of the British fleet, impossible, — could have, one 
feels, put an end to the war: crushed rotten, Jew-ridden, West European 
Democracy before the U.S.A. had time to save it, and united all Europe 
under the strong hand of the greatest European of all ages. And that new 
unity in the spirit of National Socialism would have made Europe the 
bulwark of higher mankind, not “against Asia,” but against the Dark forces 
“in Time” embodied in the latest and lowest form of the old superstition of 
the “value of every man”: Marxism; against the Dark forces which are, with 
the help of the Marxist doctrine, threatening Europe and Asia and the whole 
world. And the Fiihrer himself destroyed that possibility with one word. 

That is, at least, the spontaneous (and superficial) view of the average 
racially-conscious Aryan, Adolf Hitler’s German or foreign disciple. But 
that was not Adolf Hitler’s own view. The Fiihrer’s more-than-political and 
more than strategical intuition reached “far beyond any quickly concluded, 
timely peace.” 1 It grasped — whether he was himself in a position to 
exteriorise that vision of things or not — the only real earthly peace that 
ever was and ever can be: the peace of the coming Golden Age, of the far- 
gone latest one, and of all successive Golden Ages; the peace of this earth 
whenever the visible world-order is in full harmony with “the original 
meaning of things,” 2 i.e., with the invisible and eternal cosmic Order, as it is, 
in fact, at every great new Beginning and at no other time. That peace 
excludes such bitterness as is bound to arise as the consequence of the 
humiliation of a great people. Adolf Hitler, did, therefore, all he could to 
spare England the humiliation of total defeat. The baffling orders he gave on 
that fatal 23rd of May 1940, — the date Germany “began to lose the war” 3 
— and the astoundingly generous peace proposals he 


1 Hans Grimm, “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” (edit. 1954), p. 367. 

2 “Mein Kampf ’ (edit. 1939), p. 440. 

3 Hans Grimm, “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” (edit. 1954), p. 367. 



326 


laid a month later before the English, have no other significance. 

Rudolf Hess’ much misunderstood, lonely heroic flight to, Scotland as 
a desperate, self-appointed peace-maker, on the 10th of May 1941, has also 
no other significance. It was, on Hess’ part, neither the rash action of a man 
half-insane (as it had to be described, officially, for the sake of convenience, 
and as Rudolf Hess himself wished it to be described, in case of failure) and 
still less an attempt at rebellion against the Fiihrer’s policy; an effort to end 
the war against his will. Quite the contrary! Rudolf Hess undertook his long- 
planned flight, doubtless without Adolf Hitler’s knowledge, as all the details 
of the event (and specially Hess’ own last letter to the Fiihrer), clearly show. 
But he was guided from the start by the unfailing certitude that his was the 
supreme chance — if any — to bring about, in the teeth of the most adverse 
circumstances, that which the Fiihrer had, in vain, always wanted, and 
always striven for: lasting peace with England — the sister-nation, in spite 
of all the insults of her Jew-ridden Government and press; the great Aryan 
power, in spite of her betrayal of the Aryan Cause; — constructive 
collaboration with England, first step towards the constructive collaboration 
of all peoples of the best Nordic blood. 

Rudolf Hess failed — in the realm of visible facts, at least — as Adolf 
Hitler himself was destined to fail, and for the very same basic reason: 
namely because he is, like he, one of those uncompromising idealists and 
men of action whose intuition of permanent earthly realities exceeds and 
overshadows the vision even of the most compelling emergency; one of 
those men, “against Time” — both “Sun” and “Eightning” — who have in 
their make-up too little “lightning” in proportion to their enormous amount 
of “sun.” (In fact, of all the Fiihrer’s paladins, none — not even Hermann 
Goring; not even Geobbels, who was so passionately devoted to him — 
seems to be so, deeply like him as Rudolf Hess.) 

England’s answer to Adolf Hitler’s repeated peace proposals was, 
after a categorical “no,” an intensification of her war effort and a hardening 
of her war methods. 1 England’s answer to Rudolf Hess’ supreme appeal to 
her sense of responsibility 


It is now proved that England began her mass-bombing of civilian populations on the 
11th of May 1940; see on that point Spaight’s book — “Bombing vindicted.” 



327 


before the dead, before the living and before the yet unborn was... a cell in 
the Tower of London (and, later on, in Nuremberg, and finally in Spandau, 
to this day) for the daring self-appointed messenger of peace. England’s 
answer to all the understanding and friendliness that National Socialist 
Germany had showed her from the very beginning, her answer to Adolf 
Hitler’s sincere profession of faith in Anglo-German collaboration; her 
answer to his unheard-of generosity at Dunkirk was... war to the finish: 
hundreds and thousands of bombers — one wave after the other, in tight 
formations — pouring night after night (and often in the day-time) streams 
of fire and brimstone over the German towns, and on the other hand — 
illimited, enthusiastic aid to Soviet Russia, no sooner Adolf Hitler had 
declared war on her. England’s answer to the German Fiihrer’s repeated plea 
for honest pan-European anti-bolshevistic solidarity rooted in the 
consciousness of common Aryan blood (or of a high proportion of it at least) 
resounded in Churchill’s jubilation at the news of the “second front,” thanks 
to which the German forces were now divided. Churchill — the Anti- 
Communist, but still wilder Anti-Nazi, — declared: “The cause of Soviet 
Russia is now the cause of every Englishman.” England’s answer was, in 
August 1941, the Atlantic Charta, — an open alliance with the main tool of 
Jewry in U.S.A., President Roosevelt, who (although the U.S.A. were not yet 
at war with Germany) now ordered actual firing at every German ship the 
Americans met on the high seas. England’s answer was two years later, the 
Yalta, and then the Potsdam Agreements between Churchill, Roosevelt and 
Stalin: the sinister coalition of the Western plutocracies and of the Marxist 
Empire — of all the forces “in Time,” — against National Socialist 
Germany; the cold-blooded planning of Germany’s dismemberment and 
enslavement for ever; and the relentless advance, of the crusaders of hatred 
from the East and from the West, until their two hosts of hundreds of 
thousands, in one of which there were Englishmen, had met and merged into 
each other over the martyred Land. England’s answer was, through British 
accusers along with others, the shameful distortion of history in the 
Nuremberg Trial, the condemnation of the peace-maker Rudolf Hess for 
“crime against peace,” and the prolongation of the whole propaganda of 
infamy against both 



328 


the National Socialist doctrine and the German Nation, to this day. 

Maybe, the Jew-ridden United States of America have, under the 
Freemason Franklin Roosevelt, played an even greater part than that of 
England in the preparation, conduct and gruesome conclusion of the Second 
World War. But England is the nation to which Adolf Hitler had, over and 
over again, the most sincerely, the most appealingly held out his hand, in the 
name of the natural brotherhood of Nordic blood, in the name of the 
peaceful regeneration of the West. Her crime against him, against his people, 
against herself and the whole Aryan race, is therefore greater than that of 
any other of the Allies of 1945. And nothing — absolutely nothing — can 
ever make good for it. 


* * * 

It is, as I said before, a tragedy, that the unnatural but, for the sake of 
immediate expediency, brilliantly conceived alliance of Germany, Soviet 
Russia and Japan did not endure at least till the war with England — and, if 
necessary, with the U.S.A., — was brought to a victorious end. But, 
whatever many people (and, more specially, the sympathisers of 
Communism) may think, it is not through Adolf Hitler’s fault that it did not. 
Russia — not Germany — first broke the Pact of August 1939. She broke it 
in her haste to expand westwards and southwards, towards the Baltic coast 
and towards the Balkans and the Mediterranean (the Adriatic and the Aegean 
Sea); in other words, in the resumption of her old tendency to Pan-Slavism, 
be it at the expense even of non-Slav populations. Or perhaps would it be 
more accurate to state that the coalesced forces of world-Jewry, nearly as 
powerfully represented in Soviet Russia as in the U.S.A., used that old 
Russian tendency (as they had used England’s short-sighted chauvinism and 
commercial jealousy) in order to reach their own end: the encirclement and 
destruction of National Socialist Germany — which was Adolf Hitler’s 
personal opinion. 1 

The occupation of the Baltic States” and their final in 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 242. 

2 ... . 

Lithuania, — including the part of it designed, in the Pact, as German “sphere of 
interests” — in June 1940, and, soon afterwards, Lettonia and Estonia. 



329 


corporation into the Soviet Union on the 3rd, 5th, and 6th of August 1940, 
contrarily to Stalin’s agreement with J. von Ribbentrop “not to change the 
inner structure” of such lands as he would take into his “sphere of interests”; 
the Russian occupation of the whole of Bessarabia — including North 
Bukovina, with its mainly German population; — and then, the exorbitant 
conditions which Molotov put, (during his visit to Berlin in November 1940) 
to Russia’s proposed adhesion to the Axis 1 2 and, last but not least, the support 
which Stalin gave Simovitch and the other members of the anti-German 
conspiracy who, in March 1941, seized power in Yugoslavia, and soon 
declared war on Germany, all contributed to renew and, gradually, to 
increase to the breaking point the tension which the Pact signed on the 23rd 
of August 1939 had temporarily suppressed between the Third Reich and the 
leaders of the Marxist Empire. The last interference, immediately following 
the signature in Vienna of the treaty which was to make Yugoslavia a 
member of the Axis, was particularly resented by the Fiihrer as an act of 
hostility." It certainly was, both in fact and in spirit, a flagrant violation of 
the Pact of 1939. 

It is, however, Adolf Hitler’s refusal to accept Molotov’s conditions in 
November 1940, which made that unfriendly Communist interference 
possible, by cancelling all hopes of closer collaboration with Soviet Russia. 
The truth is that such collaboration could only have lasted as long as 
political (and more specially, strategical) necessities were sufficiently 
compelling to overshadow the profound opposition between the two 
regimes, nay, between the two faiths, of new Russia and new Germany: 
Marxism, and its contrary, National Socialism. It could hardly have been 
expected to endure more than a short time after a victorious conclusion of 
the war with the Western slaves of world-Jewry. The problem was, at most, 
how to make it endure till then. And the only practical way, to make it 
endure was to give in — for the time, at least, — on all the line; to accept the 
Russian Ambassador’s conditions without even discussing them. 

Exorbitant as they were, those conditions: — withdrawal of all 
German troops from Finland; conclusion of an additional 


1 See Chester Wilmet’s book: “The Struggle for Europe,” (1952). 

2 

" J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 225. 



330 


pact between Russia and Bulgaria (i.e., gradual absorption of Bulgaria into 
the Marxist Empire); strategical basis on the Bosphorus and Dardanelles to 
be granted to Russia; recognition of a Soviet sphere of influence South of the 
Caucasus; and Japan’s renunciation of her privileges in North Sakhalin — 
may well seem to-day , to many an average observer, be he himself a sincere 
National Socialist, ridiculously mild in comparison with the terrible 
consequences of the disaster of 1945. Apparently — one is, retrospectively, 
tempted to think, — was it not worth while accepting even such conditions, 
rather than running the risk of opening a second front, and what a gigantic 
one? 

The right answer — the only answer — to that question, is: “From a 
purely political (or military) standpoint — from the standpoint of immediate 
necessity, regardless of further consequences, — yes; it was, no doubt; from 
the more-than-political standpoint of the selfless seer — i.e., “in the interest 
of the universe,” to use the language of the immemorial Book of Aryan 
Wisdom, the Bhagavad-Gita, the spirit of which is, in our times, embodied 
in genuine National Socialism, — no, and a thousand times no. 

It is notable that, by choosing war with Russia instead of a Russian 
alliance at the expense of Finland and Bulgaria and all the countries 
menaced by the undue expansion of the Marxist Empire (ultimately, at the 
expense of the whole world) Adolf Hitler acted, as he had already in several 
important circumstances, against the suggestions of his entourage, and not 
merely of most of his generals, but also of his Foreign Minister, J. von 
Ribbentrop, who had signed the Pact of August 1939. “During these 
months” (preceding the declaration of war on Russia) says the latter, in his 
Memoirs, “I missed no opportunity of trying to bring about a definitive 
Germano-Russian alliance, in spite of all. 1 believe I would have reached 
that goal, whatever might have been the difficulties, had it not been for the 
opposition of the two philosophies, opposition on account of which no 
foreign policy could be carried out. First from an ideological point of view, 
and then because of Russia’s attitude, because of her military preparations 
coupled with her demands, the vision of an enormous danger imposed itself 
upon Adolf Hitler’s mind. In addition to that, the news of Anglo-Russian 
conversations, of 



331 


Sir Stafford Cripps’ visit and of his negotiations with the Kremlin 
Government, acted upon, him in a disquieting manner.” 1 

In other words, the Fuhrer took the terrible risk of a second front 
rather than become — and make the German people, in whose name he was 
conducting the war — responsible for such an expansion of Soviet influence 
as, even after a complete German victory in the West , would automatically 
have placed half the world under the control of the mighty citadel of 
Marxism. He acted in full consciousness of Germany’s natural mission as 
bulwark both of the Aryan race and of the eternal Aryan values, rooted in the 
race, against every possible threat of the Forces of disintegration, be it from 
the East or from the West. Such a threat was, in June 1941, admittedly more 
apparent in the West than in the East; Russia was preparing herself for war, 
but England was at war with the Third German Reich. Nay, it was becoming 
more and more obvious that the U.S.A. would soon join the struggle on 
England’s side. And the Fuhrer knew in what danger Germany would be, 
when America and Russia would “simultaneously throw in against her the 
whole bulk of their power.” 2 Yet, he knew also that a Russian alliance, 
sealed through his acceptance of the co-existence of a National Socialist 
Germany — be it of a National Socialist Europe, — and of a tremendous 
Marxist Empire stretching from the Aegian Sea to the Bering Straits, would 
be, in the long run, no guarantee against the absorption of Aryan man into 
that ugly, raceless and characterless sub-humanity typical of the end of this 
Dark Age. He knew it precisely because, being himself infinitely more than 
a politician, he thoroughly understood the more-than-political meaning of 
the war which was imposed upon him: not the usual clash between rival 
ambitions of a similar nature, but a world-wide coalition of all the forces that 
I have called “in Time” against the one modem State “ against Time”: the 
National Socialist State. He knew that Marxism — and not the diluted (and, 
moreover, obsolete) forms of Jewish poison for Aryan consumption known 
as Christianity and Western Democracy, — is the final man-centred faith in 
the service of the 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 237. 

2 

J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 239. 



332 


Dark forces; the doctrine destined to urge mankind to take its last step along 
the old way leading from primaeval Perfection to the fated depth of 
degeneracy, and ultimately to death. Surely there could be — and can be — 
no definitive co-existence of a powerful National Socialist Order either with 
a Marxist Order or with a Capitalistic one of the Western type. But, of the 
two, the Marxist Order, being, according to the hard logic of increasing 
decay, the vigorous young successor of the other, is the most dangerous. To 
strengthen Russia’s position as the conquering Marxist power, in order to 
buy her temporary alliance against the West, could have seemed, to a 
statesman (were he of genius), who would have been a statesman and 
nothing more, — let us say, to a German counterpart of Winston Churchill, 
— merely an unpleasant political necessity within a clever diplomatic game. 
To Adolf Hitler, the Seer, the Man “against Time,” — the One-Who-comes- 
back in His modern garb, — it appeared as the very betrayal of Germany’s 
mission, nay, as the very denial of Germany herself. For no spectacular 
victory over England and the U.S.A. would have spared new Germany, real 
Germany — Germany, the fortress of the National Socialist faith; the one 
modem Nation “against Time,” — the assaults of a Marxist Empire bent on 
ideological and political expansion, which the possession of key-positions in 
Europe and Asia would have rendered formidable. A German counterpart of 
Winston Churchill would doubtless have been hypnotised by the immediate 
interest of the Reich (or what appeared as such) and have lost sight of the 
Reich’s significance. The Man “against Time” knew that the two were not to 
be separated. He knew that, precious as it surely was in the practical field, 
the Russian alliance was not to be bought at the cost of the possibility of 
cmshing Marxism in the future; for the regeneration of Aryan man implies 
the defeat of the agents of the Dark forces on all fronts, and the end of all 
forms of the age-old Jewish lie. 

And, accepting the responsibility and risks of the double struggle, he 
took, the tragic decision of declaring war on the expanding Soviet Union, on 
the 22nd of June 1941. He hoped, no doubt, to reduce it to submission 
within a few months, after which he would have been free to continue to 
fight the slaves of world-Jewry in the West, with endless resources at his 
disposal. He was, however, aware of the gravity 



333 


of his decision. “If ever we be compelled to break through the door in the 
East, we do not know what power lies behind it,” had he told J. von 
Ribbentrop. 1 And yet, he gave the word to “break through” — for it was the 
only thing he could do, in keeping with the unbending, more-than-political, 
nay, more-than-human logic of his personality, of his mission, and of 
Germany’s; in keeping with the cosmic logic “against Time,” which had 
determined the growth and success of National Socialism, and which was 
now provoking this fatal turn in history. 

* * * 

The Russian campaign presented undeniable natural difficulties. One 
had, among other things, to reckon with the terrible conditions created by the 
Russian climate — the bitter winter that had protected Russia against all 
invaders (save the Mongols.) And the inexhaustible man-power which the 
Soviet Union could afford, regardless of losses, to throw into, the battle, — 
that fanaticised Red Army composed of all the races of North and Central 
Asia (and of Russia herself) under very efficient Russian command — was 
doubtless a tremendous force. A force, also, those hundreds of thousands of 
partisans who, full of the same unwavering faith in the Marxist ideology, or 
simply in “Mother Russia,” led a relentless guerilla war against the German 
occupation troops. 

Yet, during the particularly severe winter of 1941-1942, the German 
Army victoriously stood the test of unheard-of hardships; exceedingly low 
temperatures, — 35 and 40 degrees under the freezing point, — coupled 
with unusually primitive indoor conditions of life in isbas full vermin. And 
although it was, on account of hostile weather, prevented from capturing 
Moscow, it reached, in the course of 1942, such a remote front-line as no 
European invaders pushing Eastwards on that latitude had yet attained. The 
Swastika Flag fluttered above the everlasting snows of the Caucasus, at the 
top of Mount Elbruz, and on both sides of the Volga, and on the shores of 
the Caspian Sea. And the activity of the Russian partisans had yet anything 
but developed into a menace. A normal evolution of the campaign would 
doubtless have 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau” (edit. 1954), p. 240. 



334 


reduced it to nought and secured Germany a complete victory over the 
Marxist Empire and a lasting control of the limitless Eastern expanses, 
source of no end of raw material for the growing industry of the Greater 
Reich. 

On the other hand, Japan — who, through her well-known attack on 
Pearl Harbour had stepped into the war on the 7th of December 1941, — had 
conquered the Isles of the Pacific and all South-East Asia: Indo-China, 
Malaya, with Britain’s great Eastern stronghold, Singapore, and Burma, up 
to and even past the border of Assam and Bengal. And for a time the hope 
that the two advancing armies, bearers of the two banners of the Sun, would 
meet and greet each other upon Indian soil, and that Adolf Hitler would soon 
receive in old Indraprastha, the seat of legendary Aryan Kings — now 
imperial Delhi — the solemn allegiance of the whole Aryan world (Europe 
and Aryan Asia) while leaving his Japanese allies to organise the Far East, 
that unbelievable hope, I say, that superb dream of glory, did not seem 
unjustified. No amount of desperate efficiency on the part of the fanatical, 
disciplined, but unsufficiently equipped Red Army, — and surely no number 
of ill-inspired Indian Congressmen’s resolutions condemning in one breath 
“Nazism, Fascism and Imperialism,” and no “free India’s willingness to 
become the ally of the United Nations” 1 — could have, apparently, stood in 
the way of its materialisation. 

In fact, however, the splendid hope was a short-lived one. Instead of a 
rapid and definitive victory over the Marxist Empire, — a victory which 
would have allowed Germany to concentrate her whole war-effort upon the 
Western front, — came, in January 1943, the disaster of Stalingrad, where 
the Sixth Army and many thousands of auxiliary troops (twenty-two 
divisions in all) were trapped and cut to pieces, despite acts of super-human 
heroism. And then, after this tragic turning point in the evolution of the war 
in Russia, a series of set-backs: the immobilisation of the German forces 
before Leningrad, the stemming of the German offensive in the Caucasus, 
and the recapture of Kursk, Belgorod, Rostov, Kharkov Krasgorod, and 
Pavlograd, one after the other by the Russians, in the course of February 
1943. 


See the resolution of the All-India Congress Committee, of August 1942. 



335 


With the sincerity and detachment that characterise him, Adolf Hitler 
could not help seeing in that desperate and successful reaction of the 
toughest of all Germany’s enemies a further glaring proof of “what a single 
man can mean to a whole nation.” Any people, declared he to his Foreign 
Minister, J. von Ribbentrop, “would have broken down after such defeats as 
the German Army had inflicted upon the Russians in 1941-1942. The 
present Russian victories are the work of an iron personality, that of Stalin 
himself, whose unbending will and courage have called his people to a 
renewed resistance.” ... “Stalin” said he, was “the great opponent” he had, 
“both ideologically and in the military realm.” And he added, with the 
natural chivalrousness of a real warrior, that, were that irreducible opponent 
ever to fall into his hands, he “would respect him, and assign to him as a 
residence the most beautiful castle in Germany” 1 (One cannot help 
comparing that treatment reserved to Stalin in the case of a National 
Socialist victory, with the one that the coalesced leaders of Democracy and 
of Marxism — the crusaders of world-Jewry — were actually to inflict upon 
the members of the German Government after the war, not to mention the no 
less atrocious manner in which they would have handled Adolf Hitler 
himself, had they succeeded in capturing him. Nowhere, perhaps, does the 
contrast between the inspired Man “against Time” and the mean, short¬ 
sighted men “in Time” of the end of this Dark Age, appear more clearly.) 

There is truth — and a lot of truth — in the Fiihrer’s generous homage 
to Stalin’s greatness as a determining factor in the evolution of the Second 
World War. That greatness does not, however, suffice to account for the 
fatal change of fortune of which the tragedy of Stalingrad is but one of the 
first signs. Nor can, I repeat, Russia’s inexhaustible man-power coupled with 
harsh climatic conditions account for it. The complete and cynical 
explanation of it has been given on several occasions, and, among others, on 
that of the American “Independence Day,” 4th of July, 1950, by Mr. (since 
then, Sir) Winston Churchill himself: “ Alone America and England have 

'y 

prevented Hitler from Pushing Stalin behind the Ural.” 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 263. 

2 

Churchill’s speech, 4th of July, 1950. It is quoted by Hans Grimm in his book “Warum? 
Woher? aber Wohin?” (edit. 1954), p. 385. 



336 


In other words, no amount of man-power organised in a spirit of 
desperate resistance could have kept the German Army from conquering 
Russia (and pursuing its triumphant march through Central Asia and 
Afghanistan, to and beyond the easternmost limits of Alexander’s empire) 
had it not been for America’s and England’s direct and indirect help to the 
Communists; had it not been for the fantastic quantity of arms, ammunitions 
and equipment that the U.S.A. sent over, in order to make the Russian (and 
other) partisans increasingly dangerous, and the Red Army irresistible; had it 
not been for an ever closer and more effective collaboration of the two 
sinister tools of world-Jewry in the West — Roosevelt and Churchill — and 
of their misled people with the Marxist Empire, in the political, strategical 
and psychological realm: the intensified bombing of the German civil 
population by British and American planes, and the intensified anti-German 
propaganda financed by England and the U.S.A. (and more specially by the 
Jews of those countries) in all lands occupied by the German Army and in 
others also, all over the world, calling the whole world to take part in the 
“Crusade” against National Socialism; the British landing in Libya; the 
Allied landing in Sicily and, a year later, in Normandy; and the stubborn 
refusal of the Western Democracies to put an end to the war until Germany 
had surrendered “unconditionally”; in one sentence, had it not been for the 
readiness with which England and the U.S.A. — and practically the whole 
earth, under the influence of their tremendous propaganda — accepted (and 
acted up to) the statement broadcasted by Winston Churchill at the news of 
Adolf Hitler’s declaration of war on Russia (and all the more impressive that 
the British Prime Minister was universally known to be an anti-Communist ) 
“The cause of Soviet Russia is now the cause of every Englishman, nay, that 
of the entire freedom-loving world.” 

The historical landmarks in the development of the combined 
“crusade” against National Socialist Germany — the hypocritical Atlantic 
Charta, as early as mid-August 1941; and then, the well-known successive 
agreements of Casablanca, in January 1943, of Teheran, in November of the 
same year, of Yalta, in February 1945, and finally Potsdam, in August 1945, 
destined to tighten the grip of the death-forces upon the world from pole to 
pole, — are all immediate and logical consequences of 



337 


the spirit of that sentence. And so are the no less historical horrors that were 
to take place on German soil and elsewhere after the two victorious waves of 
destruction — the Red Army, and Eisenhower’s “crusaders to Europe” (and 
their British and French, and Belgian and Polish and Czechic satellites) — 
had met and mingled upon the smoking ruins of the proud Third Reich: in 
Dresden, overcrowded with refugees, the murder of half a million men, 
women and children under Anglo-American bombs, on that dismal night of 
the 13th of February 1945; the lamentable exodus of eighteen million 
Germans — also men, women and children, — from the eastern provinces 
tom away from the Reich to be given to the Poles, the Russians or the 
Czechs, with the full approval of Soviet Russia’s Western allies; the 
atrocities of the Red Army and of the soldiers of the capitalistic 
Democracies of the West in Germany, and of the anti-German partisans in 
all countries of Europe; the arrest, torture and murder (or long 
imprisonment) of thousands of National Socialists, from the martyrs of 
Nuremberg to the humblest of Adolf Hitler’s followers, for having done 
their duty thoroughly and faithfully; and, until 1948, the criminal attempt to 
kill Germany’s industry and to starve her people or force them to emigrate; 
and, until this very day, — in fact, when no longer in name, — that sinister 
farce known as “de-nazification” and “re-education” of the German people: 
the systematic attempt to cmsh the pride, nay, to kill the soul, of the finest 
Nation of the West. 

Soon after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour, which had prompted 
Germany’s declaration of war on the U.S.A. i.e., more than a year before the 
war was to enter its critical and decisive phase, J. von Ribbentrop told Adolf 
Hitler “We still have one year’s time to cut Russia off the supplies she 
receives from America through Murmansk and through the Persian Gulf, 
while Japan must take Vladivostock. If that cannot be done, and if American 
armaments and Russian man-power succeed in coming together, then the 
war will enter a stage in which it will be very difficult for us to win it.” 1 And 
the Fiihrer had “taken this remark in silence and made no comments.” He 
made no comments because there were 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 260. 

2 

~ J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 260. 



338 


none to make. J. von Ribbentrop had spoken the truth — a tragic truth, 
indeed. And Adolf Hitler knew it. And he knew also that nothing could alter 
it. 

J. von Ribbentrop had seen and described the situation from a political 
and strategical point of view. Adolf Hitler saw it, or rather felt it, intuitively, 
as the result of the inter-action of forces infinitely more than political. It is 
foolish to believe that he could have avoided the difficulties the diplomat 
was pointing out to him, by not declaring war on the U.S.A. The U.S.A. had 
declared war upon him and upon National Socialist Germany, in fact, when 
not officially, as early as 1937, 1 and had increasingly and openly been 
helping England’s war-effort since 1939. They actually were England’s 
allies — and Russia’s — before Adolf Hitler’s formal declaration of war 
came as an answer to that alliance and as an act of solidarity with Japan. 
There was nothing which the German Fiihrer could do, save to face the great 
event of our epoch with all his — and all his people’s — determination, and 
to fight to the bitter end a war in which Germany’s existence was at stake. 
By “the great event of our epoch” I mean the coalition of the Dark forces of 
the whole world — of those forces which I have called forces “in Time” — 
against the one living reminder of all the glorious great Beginnings of the 
past, and the one living herald of the coming one: the State “against Time” at 
the very end of this Age of Gloom. 

And Adolf Hitler, the Seer, the Man “against Time” — the creator, 
nay, the soul of that extraordinary State, — knew that this coalition, of 
which the Jews were, no doubt, the earthly instigators, but nothing more than 
the mere instigators, was and remains a cosmic fact', a sign of times. And 
that is precisely why he faced it as he did: refusing to the end all 
compromise with Soviet Russia, in spite of J. von Ribbentrop’s repeated 
suggestions, 2 and all compromise with the Western agents of world-Jewry, 
in spite of the repeated suggestions of other important men of the National 
Socialist Party and, which is more, of his generals; and treating with more 
and more mercilessness — through the Reichsfuhrer S.S. Heinrich Himmler, 
to whom he gave increased growers, — all actual or 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 164. 

2 

~ J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 236-239. 



339 


potential enemies of the New Order, and, among these, (apart from the 
German traitors that one was lucky enough to detect) the two main varieties 
of moral slaves of Jewry — the Christians and the Communists — and 
specially the Jews themselves. “As the war followed its course,” states J. von 
Ribbentrop, “the Fiihrer became more and more anchored in his view of it as 
the result of an international Jewish conspiracy against Germany.” 1 I would 
say more: not only did Adolf Hitler see in the Jews as a nation the secret 
instigators of this as well as of the last World War, but (and his writings and 
his whole career go to prove it) he thoroughly understood their real, deeper 
meaning in world history; their cosmic meaning as hereditary embodiment 
of the darkest forces “in Time,” foremost agents of that more and more rapid 
corruption and downfall of the naturally higher races, so impressive as the 
end of the present Time-cycle draws nigh. 

And that is why he knew — and proclaimed at every opportunity, 
from the start, — that the struggle he was conducting in Germany’s name 
was, for the German people and for Aryan humanity at large, a life and 
death struggle. 


* * * 

It proved materially impossible to prevent, within a year, American 
supplies from reaching Russia. And far from capturing Vladivostock, Japan 
did not even declare war on Germany’s most irreducible opponent (with 
whom she had, on the 13th of April 1941, sealed a non-aggression pact.) 
Japan, as I said in the beginning of this study, went her own way — the way 
she deemed the most likely to secure her domination over Fast and South- 
East Asia and to solve her own “living space” problem — without realising 
that her active contribution to Russia’s defeat, in co-ordination with 
Germany’s new war effort, would have brought her, in the long run, nearer 
to her goal than all her spectacular victories in the South Seas, Malaya and 
Burma. As for Italy, — whose partnership had been for Germany, from the 
start, more of a liability than of an advantage, — less than six weeks after 
Mussolini’s fall from power she hastened to betray her great ally in her 
“most criticial 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 211. 



340 


hour,” 1 as she had in the first World War. The formation of a new — 
separate — Fascist Government in North Italy (after Mussolini’s dramatic 
rescue from captivity, by Skorzeny) was of no practical avail. By the end of 
1943, Nationad Socialist Germany was alone — pressed between the two 
coalesced halves of a world in rebellion against the eternal. Idea that she 
had, more or less consciously embodied throughout history, and that she 
now proclaimed, louder and more defiantly that ever, through Adolf Hitler’s 
voice; alone to fight not on “two” but on a thousand fronts: against regular 
armies and against partisans in Russia, in Greece, in Italy, in Africa, in 
France, in Belgium, in Holland, in Norway — everywhere — and, at home, 
against increasingly destructive British and American bombers and 
increasingly active and arrogant German traitors, anti-Nazis of all 
descriptions; alone to stand against the thought-power and will-power and 
power of hatred of millions and millions of men, women and children of all 
nationalities and of all races; of a whole Dark Age humanity, bent upon its 
own degeneracy and doom; marked with the sign of perdition and, for that 
very reason, blind and mad: exalting its enemies and holding its true 
saviours in abomination. And it is difficult to say which one of the hostile 
factors — the “crusaders” from the East and from the West; the German 
traitors at home and on all fronts ; the relentless streams of fire which men of 
Anglo-Saxon blood poured night after night upon the helpless German 
civilians, killing over three million of them; or the silly, but sincere (and 
therefore efficacious) indignation of millions of apparently powerless people 
of all lands, as they repeatedly heard on the wireless about the “Nazi 
monsters” — played the crucial part in the disaster of 1945. 

To the extent the happenings of the invisible realm determine those of 
the visible, one can safely state that untiring hatred is, from the cosmic point 
of view, as efficient as power of arms. The victorious Allies — or rather the 
Jews, who animated the whole show, — were, at the Nuremberg Trial, after 
the war, to put forth the principle of “collective responsibility” and (strange 
as this may sound from someone who has exposed the famous Trial as one 
of the greatest infamies of history) they 


Mussolini fell from power in July 1943; Italy capitulated an entered the war on the side 
of the United Nations (under the Badoglio Government) on the 8th, of September 1943. 



341 


were, in that connection, again from the cosmic point of view, rigorously 
right. Anyone whose heart and will have carried Adolf Hitler to power, 
whose voice has hailed him as Founder and Leader of a new world, was and 
remains morally responsible for all that has been is or ever will be done in 
his name and in his spirit. I am the first one to accept this fact. And I accept 
it joyfully, with pride, as far as I am personally concerned. On the other 
hand, the principle of collective responsibility cannot be restricted to any 
particular group of people to the exclusion of other groups. It holds good for 
all those who admit a bond of solidarity with brothers in faith — or be it 
brothers in hatred — and, in particular, for all Anti-Nazis, whether they be 
ill-informed or not, intelligent or not, capable or not of judging in full 
liberty. A child of ten who sat before his parents’ wireless in Calcutta or 
Shanghai, and was glad to hear the news of the Allied landing in Normandy 

— 6th of June 1944, — is responsible for the world-disaster of 1945. A child 
of ten who, in Sidney or Melbourne or San Francisco, added his voice to the 
chorus of hatred against the accused of Nuremberg, is responsible for the 
death (or long imprisonment) of those men, and bears his share of the 
infamy of the historic Trial. As I said before, the Second World War is 
nothing less than a monstrous crime for which practically the whole world is 
collectively responsible — a collective crime of the whole world against its 
Saviour, Adolf Hitler, against National Socialist Germany, against Aryan 
man and the possibilities that lie within him. It is the crime of the whole 
world which has completely yielded to the law of Time, i.e., the law of 
decay and death, against the last — or one before the last — grand scale 
expression of the age-old counter-tendency “against Time,” which the 
natural aristocracy of blood and character — the elite of the Aryan race — 
has been embodying, more and more consciously, for centuries already. 

Among the millions who bear the guilt of it, the German Anti-Nazis 

— from those high officers who, on the 20th of July 1944, attempted Adolf 
Hitler’s life, to the most unimportant and inactive opponents of the National 
Socialist regime — occupy a special place, or rather, have a special 
significance. Being Germans, — the Fuhrer’s own countrymen, whom he so 
loved — they represent more than any others the waste of natural Aryan 
virtues in the service of untruth; the grip of the 



342 


Dark Age even upon the finest race of this earth; the defiling of the Aryan 
mind through false teachings of “humanity” and principles in contradiction 
with the laws and purpose of Life. And one should add that, along with 
them, and to a hardly lesser degree, all Anti-Nazis of Nordic stock — 
Norwegians, Danes, Dutchmen or Britishers (or Americans of Nordic origin, 
such as the sinister “Crusader to Europe,” Dwight Eisenhower, himself) — 
represent the same. For National Socialist Germany was not fighting the war 
imposed upon her for herself alone, but for the whole of higher mankind; for 
the reassertion of the eternal natural values and of the natural human 
hierarchy, i.e. for the rule of truly higher mankind upon this earth 
(irrespective of “nationality” in the narrow sense of the word). 

Speaking of the future Europe of his dreams and of the splendid 
Aryan elite that was to lead it, Adolf Hitler said that it “mattered little” 
whether a member of that elite were “an Austrian or a Norwegian.” 1 All that 
counted in his eyes was that the ruling aristocracy be, physically, morally 
and culturally, a real Aryan one. The same idea, namely that National 
Socialist Germany was but the first step towards a regenerate National 
Socialist Europe, is most clearly expressed in the last known text dictated by 
the Man “against Time”: his “political Testament.” And one may add that a 
National Socialist Europe is, logically, but a first step towards a racially- 
conscious and legitimately proud Pan-Aryandom, organised according to 
Adolf Hitler’s principles — accepting him as its everlasting Leader — and 
occupying in the world the place Nature has assigned it. 

As I wrote in another book , every person of Aryan blood, — be he or 
she a thoroughbred European or a high-caste Indian — who fought Germany 
during the Second World War, and thus hindered the materialisation of that 
glorious programme, is, hardly less than the German Anti-Nazis themselves, 
a traitor to his or her own — to our common — race. 

* * * 

Others have described — or tried to describe — far better 


Adolf Hitler’s “Tisch Gesprache,” published after the war. 

2 

Published by L. Battersby. 

3 In “Pilgrimage,” written in 1953-1954 (Introduction). 



343 


than I (who was not on the spot) ever could do, the last days of the Third 
German Reich: the irresistible advance of the two frantic invading armies 
(and of their respective auxiliaries) into the heart of the land, in which years 
of unheard-of bombardment had left nothing but ruins; the terror of the last 
and fiercest air-raids, that disorganised everything, while streams and 
streams of refugees kept pouring westwards (realising that they had, in spite 
of all, less to fear from the Americans, — enemies of National Socialism 
with no faith to put in its place — than from the Russians, who were fighting 
in full awareness of their allegiance to the contrary faith); the horror of the 
last desperate battles, intended to immobilise for a while an enemy that one 
now knew to be the winner; and the moral break-down, — the frightening, 
blank hopelessness, the bitter feeling of having been mocked and cheated — 
of millions in whose hearts faith in National Socialism had been inseparable 
from the certitude of Germany’s invincibility: the “moral ruins,” even more 
tragic and more lasting than the material ones. Others have described or tried 
to describe the horror of the last days of Berlin under the relentless fire of 
the Russian guns — Berlin, which, seen from above, “looked like the crater 
of an immense volcano.” 1 

In the midst of the capital ablaze, stood the broad and yet untouched 
gardens of the Chancellory of the Reich. There, surrounded by a few of his 
faithful ones, in his “bunker,” underground, Adolf Hitler, the Man “against 
Time,” lived the apparent end of all his life’s work and of all his dreams, and 
the beginning of his people’s long martyrdom. More or less accurate reports 
have reached the outer world about his last known gestures and words. I 
have just mentioned the publication of his “political Testament.” But nobody 
has described in all its more than human grandeur the last real inner phase 
— the tragic failure, and yet, (considered from a standpoint exceeding by far 
that of the politician) the culmination — of his dedicated life. 

Throughout the war and before the war, for two and a half decades, 
Adolf Hitler had conducted Germany’s struggle (and that of Aryan man) — 
the modem aspect of the perennial 


These are the words of the well-known German airwoman, Hanna Reitsch, who saw it. 



344 


Struggle for the triumph of Light and Life, — against the coalesced forces of 
the whole world. And he had. not lost faith in victory, not even when 
everything seemed to turn against him and his people: not even after 
Stalingrad; not even after the Allied landing in Normandy; not even after the 
Russians and Americans and their satellites had marched into Germany from 
the East and from the West, and were advancing, every day deeper into the 
heart of the tom and blasted land, in spite of desperate resistance and useless 
counterattacks. “He lived in a dream” 1 has written a French author, in a 
heart-rending book. And that is true, in a way, — partly because deliberate 
traitors purposely kept him ill-informed about the actual situation on every 
front, in every occupied country, and in practically every essential service at 
home (as it clearly appears, from various most outspoken war-memoirs), and 
partly because he was himself more of a Seer than of a politician. He knew 
he was deceived and betrayed, — “See how they lie to me, and for how long 
already!”, declared he, in 1944, to the Luftwaffe hero, Hans-Ulrich Rudel, 
after a talk in which the latter had given him the right picture of a war sector 
where he had himself fought. — But he did not know till very late — too 
late — to what extent one betrayed him. (He admitted it himself in his last 
speech.) The confidence he put in any German who seemed entirely devoted 
to the National Socialist Idea was complete. And traitors took advantage of 
it. 

He also “lived in a dream” in the manner every great Seer has done, 
from the beginning of ages. Aware as he was of the absolute tmth of his 
doctrine, and of the absolute genuineness of his mission and of that of his 
people, and knowing, as he did, that tmth is bound to conquer in the long 
mn, he was tempted to underestimate the power of the death-forces that are, 
in accordance with the law of evolution in Time, to drag the world to its 
doom before the new Golden Age (and, with it, a new Time-cycle) can 
dawn. The clear vision of eternal, infinitely more-than-political, earthly 
reality, (of earthly reality “in harmony with the primaeval meaning of 
things”) towards which he strove throughout his career, had made him, for 
years, blind to the terrible signs of impending disaster. The certitude that the 
German Reich, as he 


1 


Georges Blend, “L’Agonie de l’Allemagne.” 



345 


had wanted it and founded it anew and organised it at the end of this Dark 
Age, was the first step towards the glorious earthly Reich of re-conquered 
Perfection, — the regenerate Aryandom of the awaited Golden Age — and 
that the advent of that Kingdom of gods on earth was as mathematically 
positive a fact as Sunrise after every night, made him, for years, at least, 
forget that the Third German Reich — the State “against Time,” his own 
creation — had to disappear before it could rise again, transfigured into a 
Golden Age State. 

He had, no doubt, in the course of the war, become more and more 
conscious of the enormity of the forces set against him, both abroad and at 
home; more and more aware of widespread, lurking treason; and specially 
more and more convinced of the sinister part played by world-Jewry in the 
conduct of events. 1 From 1942 onwards, he had, nay, — with Heinrich 
Himmler’s ever closer collaboration, — faced and tackled the Jewish 
question — at last! — with some amount of that ruthlessness with which it 
should have been tackled years before. But it was too late. That tardy 
mercilessness — that delayed awakening of the righteous “lightning” side of 
his nature, in him who, as I said in the beginning of this book, had, in his 
make-up, more “sun” than “lightning” — could no longer save the Reich. 
The mass-liquidation of about 750.000 Jews 2 from Germany and other 
European countries in the gas-chambers of Auschwitz and of a couple of 
other concentration camps did not prevent the influential Jews, living in 
safety in U.S.A., in England, in Russia, in India, in Palestine, — anywhere in 
the wide world — from directing the fury of all mankind, including that of 
the Aryan nations, against new Germany. (And after the war, when the fate 
of the few executed Jews — who were — unfortunately! — by the way, not 
necessarily the most dangerous ones, — became known in foreign lands, the 
figure of 750.000 became overnight 6.500.000 and even 8.000.000, in older 
to give the victorious Allies, “crusaders of humanity,” an excuse for 
torturing and killing as many of Adolf Hitler’s followers as they could. 
While thousands of the most nefarious 


J. von Ribbentrop, “Zwischen London und Moskau,” p. 273. 

2 

This figure was given to me by an S.S. officer. The Jewish publication “ Shem ” — 
written for Jewish readers — states, however, about half that number only. 



346 


Jews had, thanks to the Fiihrer’s astounding generosity, already left 
Germany before the war.) 

Similarly, the severity with which were handled such conspirers 
against the National Socialist regime as were detected near the end of the 
war, — the men of the 20th of July, for instance, — did not prevent others 
from continuing, undetected, their treacherous activities. Nor could it undo 
all the mischief wrought, from the beginning of the regime, by those men in 
high position who were secretly bent upon its destruction at any cost, even at 
that of the destruction of Germany herself, along with it. Harsh, exemplary 
repression of such elements also came too late. More so: Adolf Hitler’s 
mistrust of all classes of his own people, save of the honest, simple-hearted 
workmen, faithful to him to this day, 1 came too late. And that, I repeat, 
because, contrarily to the Prophet Mohamed, contrarily to Lord Krishna, and 
to all Men “against Time” — both “Sun” and “Lightning” — who died 
victorious, our Fiihrer had, in his personal make-up, too much sunshine in 
proportion to his “lightning” power. 

And now, the end had come. Adolf Hitler no longer “lived in a 
dream.” He knew that the supreme counter-offensive — the Ardennes 
offensive — had failed to stem the advance of the Western Allies. He knew 
that the Russians had, on the other hand, broken through and crossed the 
Oder River and that they were massing around Berlin. In a desperate effort 
to hope against all hope, he kept on mentioning General Wenck’s army — 
which in fact no longer existed — and waiting for it to appear, and free the 
capital of the Reich. But he knew within his heart that General Wenck would 
not come; that the war was finished — and lost. And he could well imagine 
the atrocious ordeal that his people were now to experience at the hands of 
the agents of the Dark Forcestheir enemies and his. 

* * * 

The Russian guns kept on firing without cease. And Berlin continued 
to bum. It had been burning for days. It had become a down-right inferno. 


That mistrust of all but the working classes is often expressed in the Fiihrer’s “Tisch 
Gesprache,” — conversations of his published after the war. 



347 


In the depth of his “bunker” under the yet untouched Gardens of the 
Chancellory, — Adolf Hitler could hear the thunder of the explosions and 
feel the death-convulsions of his capital, through the tom and battered earth. 
And he knew it was the end 

Within the “bunker,” a few faithful ones — Eva Braun, who had never 
thmst herself into the limelight of the great Days, but who loved him, and 
was now his wedded wife; Dr. Goebbels, with his family; General Krebs, 
Admiral Vosz, Martin Bormann, and some others, — were waiting with him 
to kill themselves at the appearing of the Russians. At the entrance of the 
Gardens and of the “bunker” — on the margin of that roaring and flaming 
hell that was rolling nearer and nearer, as irresistible as an ocean of lava, — 
S.S. men kept watch, ready to die. There they remained, with as much 
impassibility, as much dutiful detachment as those Roman guards of old 
who, in 79 A.D. had stood at the gates of Pompeii — there where their 
officers had ordered them to stay — under the showers of burning ash from 
the suddenly empting volcano; within sight of the streams of molten rock, 
till the end; till they had lost consciousness and sunk to the ground under 
their armours, while the advancing lava rolled over them. But the stream that 
was to roll over the bodies of these last defenders of the Third German Reich 
and to submerge half (and, soon, perhaps, all) Europe, was the inexhaustible 
Red Army; the most formidable human instrument in the service of the 
levelling forces. Of the heroic State “against Time” — Adolf Hitler’s 
creation — no trace would be visible after its passage. And those very men 
of Nordic blood, traitors to their race, those “crusaders to Europe” who were, 
now, welcoming and helping its advance, would be, one day, — soon — 
wiped away before it. 

Unaware of that atmosphere of cosmic disaster (for such it was) which 
has been compared to that of a living “Twilight of the Gods,” the six 
Goebbels children — Helga, twelve years old; Hilde, eleven; Helmut, nine; 
Holde, seven; Hedda, five; and Heide, three — as prettily dressed as in 
peace time, thanks to their heroic mother, played hide and seek in the 
corridors of the last unconquered fortress of National Socialist Germany. 
Sometimes, the Fiihrer, or those of the S.S. men who were not on duty, 
would play with them, or tell them stories. A day or two before the end, the 
famous airwoman, Hanna Reitsch, 



348 


piloted General von Greim to the “bunker” and stayed there a few hours with 
him. Magda Goebbels told her, among other things: “They believe in the 
Fiihrer and in the Third Reich; when these cease to exist, there will be no 
place in the world for my six children.” And she added: “Provided Heaven 
gives me enough courage to kill them!” The admirable woman actually did 
kill them. And she and Dr. Goebbels killed themselves afterwards. 

According to the writing that has been published as his “political 
Testament” and to the statements of several people who were present in the 
“bunker” nearly to the end, Adolf Hitler and his wife, Eva, did the same. 
According to other, equally plausible assumptions, they left the “bunker” in 
time — not in order to save themselves, but in order to continue the struggle, 
one day, — and the Founder of the National Socialist faith still breathes 
somewhere upon this earth, several years after the destruction of his life’s 
work, ready to inspire the new rising of his trusted ones to power and to 
preside over the new triumph of the Swastika, that nothing can hold back. 
There is no actual proof this way or that, but only, — as years pass without 
bringing any sign of his being alive, an increasingly strong probability that 
the Fiihrer did not survive Germany’s total sacrifice. 

This may be, no doubt, a depressing fact for his disciples, nay, a heart¬ 
rending fact for such ones among them who never had the honour and the 
joy of seeing him. From the cosmic point of view, it matters little; for Adolf 
Hitler’s significance remains just the same whether he be, in the flesh, 
visible or invisible, alive or dead. Alive or dead he remains the hero who, in 
our atrocious epoch — very near the end of the Dark Age of the present 
Time-cycle, — stood alone, at the head of his privileged people, against the 
fiercer and fiercer downward current of Time; against the whole world that 
had become (as in every successive Dark Age) the domain of the forces of 
disintegration and death, exalting and obeying their agents while hating 
every genuine Messenger of Life. Alive or dead, he has sacrificed himself 
for his people; and his sacrifice (and that of his people for the entire Aryan 
race) is just as complete in either case — nay, if he be alive, his life must 
have been all these years, many times worse than death. Alive or dead he is 
He Who comes back “age after age, when justice is crushed. 



349 


when evil triumphs, to establish upon earth the Reign of Righteousness” 1 ; 
the Man “against Time” Who, again and again in the course of history, and 
every time with the methods of the age in which He appears , fights for that 
ideal of integral perfection — of absolute health — that no Age save a 
Golden Age — an “Age of Truth” — can live on a world-wide scale, in all 
its glory. Alive or dead, he is eternal, and will come back, for he is He: the 
One Who spoke for all times through the most ancient known discourse of 
Aryan Wisdom, the Bhagavad-Gita. 

In the “bunker” within the Gardens of the Chancellory, — last 
material bastion of National Socialism amidst Berlin ablaze, — he dictated 
his “political Testament.” It is difficult to say whether the wording we 
possess of it is the right one or not. If, as some say, the Fiihrer survived the 
disaster, the mere mention of his “voluntary death” within the document 
would be enough to make it inaccurate. But, whatever be the wording, nay, 
whatever be the debated facts themselves, the spirit of Adolf Hitler’s last 
known message and the serenity one breathes in it — the calm, unshakable 
certitude, even at the darkest hour, that truth will conquer in the end, in spite 
of all, — are genuine. The glorious vision of a “united and National Socialist 
Europe,” the formation of which represents “the work of centuries to come,” 
is genuine. The consciousness and pride of Germany’s historic mission, in 
particular, of the mission of that splendid German youth who bore Adolf 
Hitler’s name, as forerunner, inspirer, leader and organiser of a regenerate 
Aryan humanity within and beyond the geographic boundaries of the Reich, 
are genuine. Genuine, and not new; for the Reich-Idea, in a more-than- 
political sense had always held the main place in Adolf Hitler’s life. 

In August Kubizek’s biography of him as a young man, there is a 
passage too significant for me not to quote it nearly in extenso. It is the 
description of a walk to the Freienberg (a hill overlooking Linz) in the 
middle of the night, just after the future Fiihrer and his friend had attended 
together, at the Opera, a performance of Richard Wagner’s “Rienzi.” “We 
were alone,” writes Kubizek. “The town had sunk below us into the fog. As 
though he were moved by an 


1 The Bhagavad-Gita, IV, Verses 7 and 8. 



350 


invisible force, Adolf Hitler climbed to the top of the Freienberg. I now 
realised that we no longer stood in solitude and darkness, for above us shone 
the stars. 

“Adolf stood before me. He took both my hands in his and held them 
tight — a gesture that he had never yet made. I could feel from the pressure 
of his hands how moved he was. His eyes sparkled feverishly. The words did 
not pour from his lips with their usual easiness, but burst forth harsh and 
passionate. I noticed at his voice even more than at the way in which he held 
my hands, how the episode he had lived (the performance of “Rienzi” at the 
Opera) had shattered him to the depth. 

“Gradually, he began to speak more freely. The words came with 
more speed. Never before and also never since have I heard Adolf Hitler 
speak like he did then, as we stood alone under the stars as though we had 
been the only two creatures on earth. 

“It is impossible for me to repeat the words my friend uttered in that 

hour. 

“Something quite remarkable, which I had not noticed before, even 
when he spoke to me with vehemence, struck me at that moment: it was as 
though another Self spoke through him; another Self, from the presence of 
which he was as moved as I was. In no way could one have said of him (as it 
sometimes happens, in the case of brilliant speakers) that he was intoxicated 
with his own words. On the contrary ! I had the feeling that he experienced 
with amazement, I would say, that he was himself possessed by, that which 
burst out of him with elemental power. I do not allow myself a comment on 
that observation. But it was a state of ecstasy, a state of complete trance in 
which, without mentioning it or the instance involved in it, he projected his 
experience of the “Rienzi” performance into a glorious vision upon another 
plane, congenial to himself. More so: the impression he had received from 
that performance was merely the external impulse that had prompted him to 
speak. Like a flood breaks through a dam which has burst, so rushed the 
words from his mouth. In sublime, irresistible images, he unfolded before 
me his own future and that of our people. 

“Till then I had been convinced that my friend wanted to become an 
artist, a painter or an architect. In that hour 



351 


there was no question of such a thing. He was concerned with something 
higher, which I could not yet understand.... He now spoke of a mission that 
he was one day to receive from our people, in order to guide them out of 
slavery, to the heights of freedom.... Many years were to pass before I could 
realise what that starry hour, separated from all earthly things, had meant to 
my friend .” 1 

It is shattering to recall, in the light of the “political Testament,” that 
extraordinary episode from the time Adolf Hitler was a young man 
seventeen. The serenity of the Fiihrer’s last known message, dictated under 
the fire of the Russians guns, becomes all the more impressive. It is the 
serenity of that bright starry night that had surrounded him and penetrated 
him as he had, forty years before, taken full consciousness of his mission for 
the first time. Then, the grandeur of his destiny had overwhelmed him. And 
the mysterious greater Self that had revealed it to him had appeared to him 
as “another Self,” not his own. Now he knew the two were the same. Now, 
the destiny was accomplished. The Way of glory and sorrow had come to its 
end. In a few hours — perhaps in a few minutes, — the enemy would be 
there, and the last symbolical bastion of National Socialist Germany — the 
“bunker” in the Gardens of the Reichskanzelei — submerged. 

And yet... Calmer now, amidst the thunder of explosions and the noise 
of crumbling buildings — the flames and ruins of the Second World War — 
than then, at the top of the Freienberg, under the stars; freed from the 
temporary wild despair that had seized him at the news of the Russian 
advance West of the Oder River, Adolf Hitler beheld the future. And that 
future — his own, and that of National Socialism, and that of Germany, who 
had now become, for ever, the fortress of the new Faith, — was nothing less 
than eternity; the eternity of Truth, more unshakable (and more soothing) in 
its majesty even than that of the Milky Way. 

The Russians could come, and their “gallant Allies” from the West 
could meet them and rejoice with them upon the ashes of the Third Reich (as 
Winston Churchill and his daughter Sarah, who were actually to be seen, a 
few days later, 


1 August Kubizek, “Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund” (edit. 1954), p. 140-141. 



352 


giggling with Russian officers before the skeleton of the Reichstag ); Berlin 
could be wiped out — or “bolshevised” — and Germany, cut in two or in 
four, could, for years and years, suffer such an ordeal as no nation in history 
had yet suffered. In spite of all, National Socialism, the modem expression 
of cosmic Tmth applied to socio-political and cultural problems, would 
endure and conquer. “The heroism of our soldiers, who have kept towards 
me feelings of unfailing comradeship, is a guarantee that a National Socialist 
Germany and a united National Socialist Europe will, one day, take birth,” 
wrote Adolf Hitler in his “political Testament.” “May my faithful ones keep 
in mind that it is the job of the coming centuries to establish a National 
Socialist Europe, and may they place collective interest always above their 
own! ... May they — Germans and non-German (all the forces of National 
Socialist Europe) — remain racially conscious, and resist without weakness 
the poison which is about to corrupt and kill all nations: the spirit of 
international Jewry .” 1 

The tragic State “against Time” which he had set up as the one 
possible dam against the everlasting forces of decay, and which now lay in 
the dust, would one day rise again on a pan-European (or even a pan-Aryan) 
scale, in all the vigour and splendour of regained youth. It would rise under 
the leadership of the One Who is to put an end to this Dark Age; of the One- 
Who-comes-back, under His last aspect — equally “Sun” and “Lightning,” 
whereas Adolf Hitler, more “Sun” than “Lightning,” is but His one-before- 
the-last Incarnation. It would rise again as the Golden Age theocracy to 
come — a theocracy from within', the earthly kingdom of Aryan gods in 
flesh and blood. 

And the atrocious end? The agony of the proud Third German Reich? 
It was but the beginning of the Via dolorosa leading to the great New 
Beginning. All the horror of the present and of the immediate future would 
pass. The hell in which the German people were to live, for years, would 
pass. National Socialism would rise again because it is true to cosmic 
Reality, and because that which is true does not pass. Germany’s Via 
dolorosa was, indeed, the Way to coming glory. It had to be taken, if the 
privileged Nation was to fulfill 


1 


Adolf Hitler’s “Political Testament.” 



353 


her mission absolutely, i.e. if she was to be the Nation that died for the sake 
of the highest human race, which she embodied, and that would rise again to 
take the lead of those surviving Aryans who are — at last! — to understand 
her message of life and to carry it with them into the splendour of the 
dawning Golden Age. 

Oh, now — now under the ceaseless fire and thunder of the Russian 
artillery; now, on the brink of disaster — how the Man “against Time” 
clearly understood this! 

Above him and above the smoke of the Russian cannons and of the 
burning city, above the noise of explosions, millions and millions of miles 
away, the stars — those same stars that had shed their light over the 
adolescent’s first prophetic ecstasy, forty years before — sparkled in all their 
glory, in limitless void. And the Man “against Time,” who could not see 
them, knew that his National Socialist wisdom, founded upon the very laws 
of Life; his Wisdom that this doomed world had cursed and rejected, was, 
and would remain, in spite of all, as unassailable and everlasting as their 
everlasting Dance. 



354 


CHAPTER XV 

GODS ON EARTH 


To-day, — ten years after the disaster of 1945 — when half the world 
is shivering and shaking before that which it calls the “Communist danger,” 
nothing seems more out of date than the old alliance of the capitalistic States 
with Soviet Russia (and the Communist forces of all countries) against 
National Socialist Germany. People who never had anything to do with 
National Socialism — sincere Catholics who are, at the same time, sincere 
French patriots, such as Professor Maurice Bardeche, — expose the stupidity 
of the Anti-German policy of the Western Democracies, which led to the 
war, and the iniquity and folly of the Nuremberg Trial, — that glorification 
of treason — and the folly of a “de-nazification” effort which, if successful, 
can only throw Germany into the arms of Soviet Russia. Nay, such a 
notorious Anti-Nazi as Sir Winston Churchill admitted publicly, only a 
couple of years after the end of the war, that the Western Allies had “killed 
the wrong pig,” meaning — in glaring contradiction with his own former 
words and actions — that it would have been more reasonable for the 
enemies of Communism to help National Socialist Germany to crush Russia, 
instead of helping Russia to crush National Socialist Germany and then to 
“bolshevise” half Europe and the three quarters of Asia. The sinister 
worldwide coalition without which Adolf Hitler would, no doubt, have won 
this war, appears more and more as a bad bargain in which the reading 
diplomats of Soviet Russia — and Stalin (that old fox!) at the head of them 
all — “did” their gullible partners of the capitalistic camp with masterful 
skill. And the Anglo-Saxon politicians who prepared the Agreements of 
Teheran and of Yalta and of Potsdam, and those who signed them, and those 
who welcomed them, and the millions of newspaper-reading sheep who, 
under the anti-Nazi intoxication of the time, (and the subsequent atmosphere 
of “war crime” trials and of “de-nazification”) found them wonderful, now 
feel small and 



355 


bitter at the idea of having been “done” — nay, so thoroughly “done”! — 
and are taking to hate Soviet Russia, the fortress of conquering Communism, 
as violently — and as unintelligently, — as they ever hated National 
Socialist Germany. 

Many a political sympathiser of National Socialism in and outside 
Germany beholds this fact with unconcealed satisfaction and says: “The 
wheel is turning; — so much the better!” But this is not true, not true, at 
least, in the sense it is meant. It is not true, because it is contrary to the laws 
of evolution in Time — to the laws of Life — that a world, or even half a 
world, should halt on its way to perdition and try to go back, against the 
current of history. The wheel of history is turning. It never stopped doing so. 
But it is not turning towards the general acceptance, still less towards the 
broad-scale glorification of National Socialism, the typical Wisdom “against 
Time.” On the contrary! It is turning as it has been ever since the fall of man, 
i.e. ever since the end of the far-gone latest Golden Age, in the sense of the 
stream of Time: towards untruth; towards chaos; towards degeneracy and 
death — further and further away from the Wisdom of salvation embodied, 
age after age, in all true Men “against Time” and nowadays in Adolf Hitler 
and his disciples. It cannot turn otherwise, as long as the last Man “against 
Time” — the victorious Destroyer-and-Creator, equally “Sun” and 
“Lightning,” Who will put an end to this humanity and to this Age of Gloom 
and open the coming Time-cycle, — has not manifested Himself. 

What gives so many people the illusion that the growing Anti- 
Communism of a large section of post-war mankind is necessarily linked (or 
susceptible of becoming, one day, linked) with a change in the world’s 
attitude to National Socialism, is a blissful ignorance of the true nature of the 
latter Weltanschauung. It is, in particular, the error which consists in taking 
it for a purely political doctrine, while it is, in reality, infinitely more than 
that; the ignorance of its character “against Time,” i.e. of its cosmic 
significance and place. It is, also, the ignorance of the true nature of the 
world-wide anti-Nazi coalition that caused the Second World War and 
finally broke the power of the Third German Reich. That fatal coalition of 
hatred against the Hitler faith is also something more-than-political. It is, as I 
have tried to show in the preceding chapter, the logical alliance of all the 
agents of the Dark 



356 


forces against the one doctrine “against. Time” and the one State “against 
Time” at our epoch. The Dark forces are just as alive, just as active, now, 
after the war — after their victory — as during or before the war; nay, more 
so, as every day brings us nearer the unavoidable “end of the world.” The 
fact that their various agents have started quarrelling among themselves does 
not mean that they have ceased being what they always were, namely, agents 
of disintegration and death, — still less that any of them has suddenly 
become an agent of regeneration. They are, now, — all of them, — 
becoming blind to their deep similitude and are exaggerating their 
differences and forgetting their common origin and their common purpose 
only because the one obstacle that stood in their way — the National 
Socialist State, with that unassailable Wisdom “against Time” that underlay 
all its institutions — is no longer there. Were it, before their doom, to rise 
again, again they would automatically coalesce against it. 

The alliance of the capitalistic world with the citadel of Marxism may 
now appear, politically, as a bad bargain for the “Christian West.” In fact — 
from the standpoint of cosmic truth — it was and remains a most natural and 
reasonable bond: that of all those who believe the old Jewish lie against 
those who boldly and boisterously expose it; that of all those who share the 
superstition of the value of the two-legged mammal as such, against those 
who proclaim, in defiance of the spirit of this and of all fallen Ages, against 
the tendency of history” — against Time” — the merciless Doctrine of 
human selection and of Detached Violence, leading to the kingdom of living 
gods on earth. More so: it was, ideologically, on the part of Russia’s former 
“gallant allies,” a step dictated by an unfailing instinct of self-preservation. 
They, whose philosophy of life rests upon the old and obsolete form of the 
man-made and man-centred creed, — upon the Christian values, whether or 
not, also upon the Christian metaphysics, — ran, for the protection of their 
very raison d ’etre, for the defence of all that they were accustomed to love, 
to those who uphold the self-same creed of man in its new, young, 
materialistic form, feeling quite rightly that they alone could help them, if 
the creed and all it meant to them — the love of mam, the cult of man; pity 
for man, as he is, with all his weaknesses; and the artificial barrier between 
him and the rest of Creation, — were to survive. They 



357 


ran to them spontaneously, as old men run to young and strong ones for 
protection against other young and strong ones of a different world. 

Now that they have to pay the price for Russia’s help, — the price for 
the survival of their precious “human values,” which Russia alone (Russia 
who, deeply speaking, shares them ) could save for a time, — and that they 
find it too high, they see, in it, the “Communist danger.” They forget who 
their once only possible ally against that danger was; and what he signified. 
They forget that the price they would have had to pay him (in the long run) 
for being freed for ever from the “menace of Asia” mobilised under Russia’s 
leadership, was nothing short of a definitive, irrevokable renunciation of that 
man-centred scale of values, which is dearer to them than anything else. For 
Communism is the natural product of evolution of capitalistic Democracy, 
while National Socialism is the flat negation of it — a revolt against its 
spirit. The Marxist values — centred round the love of all men irrespective 
of race (of all men as potential “workers”) — are the Christian values within 
a technically advanced world in which the nation of an “immortal soul” is 
rapidly loosing all appeal. The National Socialist values are the negation of 
these as well as of all man-centred ones. 

The Western Allies of 1945 believe National Socialism is dead. That 
is why they feel safe to quarrel with Soviet Russia and to speak of a 
“Communist danger.” The youngest expression of their own values “in 
Time” frightens them, because there no longer is, now, a powerful State 
“against Time,” bearer of the eternal life-centred values and denial of theirs, 
to remind them, through its sheer existence, of that which surely is, from 
their point of view, the greatest danger of all, namely, of the unavoidable 
advent of the last Man “against Time” and of the dawn of a new Time-cycle. 

* * * 

In his remarkable book “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?”, Hans 
Grimm, who never was a National Socialist, but who Understands, better 
than many a German who once called himself one, the nature and grandeur 
of Adolf Hitler’s mission, writes, among other things. “And had he” (i.e., the 
Fiihrer) “been able to say, in full awareness, from the beginning: 



358 


‘We are, in consequence of human fertility, from whiff a false 
‘humanitarianism’ has taken away the restrictive interference of Nature, 
faced with a smothering of Europe under a flood of invading masses from 
the East. We Germans, are the first to be threatened. We can and must raise 
a dam against that mass-inundation. In order to be in a position to do so, we 
must again, physically and morally, take root in ourselves and in our race, 
and put an end to nonsensical quarrels for power among our own people; 
then, we must be given living space according to our number and abilities, as 
others have, or we must conquer that living space there where no valuable 
creation risks to be spoilt. And this must now become our accepted moral 
goal, for indiscriminate breeding coupled with mass-levelling means 
accelerated sinking into decay. But the Creator has made man healthy in 
body, spirit and soul, and wishes him to remain so, and every glance at 
Nature all round us — at Nature uncorrected by man, in which alone the 
healthy and fit to live are allowed to survive, — confirms this point of 
view.... Had he dared to say that after the successful Seizure of power, ... 
would not the whole world have, then, defended itself even quicker than it 
actually did against him and against his institutions and against us ?” 

In these words lies the secret of the apparently strange coalition which 
started the Second World War, which persecuted National Socialism as long 
as it could after Germany’s defeat, and which is, in spite of all protestations 
of “Anti-Communism” on the part of the Western Democracies, still 
persecuting it; preventing, at least, its free expression. Through the sinister 
alliance of the Western plutocracies and of the Marxist Empire, — the 
alliance of Christianity as it has come down to us (and also of humanitarian 
Free Thought) and Communism — against National Socialist Germany, the 
fallen world of this advanced Dark Age was, indeed, just “defending itself’; 
defending the erroneous principles which have been, more and more 
completely, for centuries, governing its thoughts, its feelings and its life; the 
erroneous — anti-natural — values which its conscience has gradually 
evolved or accepted since the far-gone day decay began to set in, and which 
it has more and more cunningly glorified, as decay increased 


1 Hans Grimm, “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” (edit. 1954), p. 155-156. 



359 


and spread; defending its very existence as a Dark Age world “in Time.” 

I have tried, in two former chapters, 1 to explain what this, means, 
insisting upon the fact that the state of present-day humanity (including that 
of the noblest races) is the natural and unavoidable result of millenniums and 
millenniums of ever-increasing aloofness from the primaeval divine pattern 
of the Universe, in other words, from primaeval life in Truth. I have also 
tried to show the part played by that extraordinary nation, the Jews, in our 
advanced Age of Gloom, which can, historically, be considered as their 
particular reign. 

At the beginning of our Time-cycle (as it is shown in the myth of the 
Garden of Eden, which the Christians borrowed from the Jews, and the latter 
from immemorial non-Jewish sources) man, — Golden Age man, in all his 
pristine health and beauty, — was a perfect part of a perfect Creation, in 
harmony with himself and with it; with every living being, which he at first 
respected. “Sin” — the cause of degeneracy — consisted not in man’s 
rebellion against a man-loving “God distinct from the Universe and “Maker” 
of it in the manner an artisan is the maker of a pot or of a watch, but in 
rebellion against that divine living Nature of which man was and remains a 
part and nothing but a part. It consisted in man’s implicit claim to dominate 
and even to “change” Nature for his own ends and, as time passed and as 
“civilisation” spread, in his increasing contempt for the silent daily example 
given him by less evolved (but also less corrupt) living species, still faithful 
to the spirit and purpose of Creation; in his deliberate transgression of the 
laws of Life for the sake of pleasure, temporary convenience or mere 
superstition. In other words, it consisted — and consists — in the sacrifice of 
the divine whole to the part, and of the future to the present; 2 of the Universe 
to “man” and of every human race to the individual; and of the individual’s 
own immortality in his race and of his proper mission in the universal 
scheme, to a passing whim or a tiny, selfish “happy life.” 

It is noticeable that in this Dark Age — the only one, the historical 
evolution of which we can somewhat follow, — 


In chapter I and in chapter XIV. 

2 

M. Edmond Goblot, the French logician, used to define all sin as a sacrifice of the 
future to the present.” 



360 


religion itself has become, everywhere (in practice at least, when not also 
dogmatically) more and more man-centred and more and more 
individualistic. 

The Bhagavad-Gita, definitely /i/e-centred — Gospel of detached 
action “in the interest of all creation” (and not only of “man”) — expresses, 
whatever be the epoch in which it was written in its present form, the 
Wisdom both “above Time” and “against Time” of the Ages preceding ours. 
(The epos in which it is inserted is significantly placed by Tradition before 
our Age of Gloom.) The great religions of escape that took birth in Ancient 
India — Buddhism, Jainism, — are, no doubt, life-centred. But they are 
religions of escape, doctrines of integral pessimism with no bearing, in fact, 
upon this earth. In practice, their devotees, in or outside India, and even their 
ascetics, have little to do with that truly universal and active love which 
prompted the Blessed Buddha, in one of his many marvellous lives (so the 
Jatakas relate) to give up his own body to feed a hungry tigress; little to do, 
nay, with the moral attitude behind that legend. One only has to see, in 
Buddhist countries, the general indifference to all creatures’ suffering, for 
which the passers-by are not directly responsible, and the indifference of 
most Jains or so-called such, to the misery of animals other than cows, to be 
convinced of it. In addition to that, they reject not only the traditional form 
but the very spirit of the Caste System: the idea of the natural hierarchy of 
human races. They reject it in perfect keeping with the logic of their attitude 
of escape from life. The result of this is, however — as I have tried to show 
in another book, 1 — the lowering of the biological quality of the whole bulk 
of them who are not committed to an actually monastic life. And this 
levelling provides, in its turn, the ground for the development of a man- 
centred philosophy in practice, be it against the logic of the original faiths. 

But it is in Christianity and Islam, the great international equalitarian 
religions rooted in Jewish thought, that the man-centred tendency, 
characteristic of our fallen world (and more specially of the advanced Dark 
Age) appears in all its strength. There, far from being an attribute of the 
faithful, in contradiction with the philosophy that they are expected 


1 See “Gold in the Furnace” (edit. 1952), p. 212 and following. 



361 


to profess, it is buttressed by that which is, perhaps, the fundamental dogma 
of these religions (so fundamental that, save in exceptional cases, it survives 
as a moral postulate in the hearts of those who have rejected all “articles of 
faith” once connected with it) namely: the dogma of “human dignity,” i.e., 
the unquestioned belief in “man,” irrespective of race or personal worth, as 
the creature set apart from all creatures; God’s darling, infinitely valuable. It 
is, in fact, this dogma — expression par excellence of the general human 
tendency “in Time” — that secured these religions their immense success in 
the Near East and in the West (where they spread) and in the further East 
and in the whole world, where their moral influence is undeniable, even 
there where they met and still meet the most fanatical opposition. 

One may not — and, it would seem, one should not — think that the 
two prophets, whom the religions exalt as their respective founders, 
implicitly adhered no that already old dogma, denying the, unity of Life. I 
have said in this book (and elsewhere) that I personally look upon Jesus 
Christ, whose race is uncertain, to say the least; and teaching, anything but 
Jewish, as a man “above Time,” and upon the Prophet Mohamed, (who, 
contrarily to him, dreamed of a new Order of justice on earth, and used 
violence to establish it) as a man “against Time.” No really great Leaders of 
that type can share with fallen humanity a belief contradicting the 
harmonious indivisibility of Creation. It is, however, not Jesus Christ but 
Paul of Tarsus who gave Christianity its impulse as a conquering religion, 
and Christendom its historical character as a community “in Time,” 
exploiting (in disfiguring it, and adapting it to Dark Age conditions) a 
doctrine originally “above Time,” intended for small groups of unworldly 
devotees, never for the questionable “faithful” of a Church numbering 
millions. As for the great warlike Man “against Time,” Mohamed, founder 
of a theocracy in this world which he was to establish by frankly using the 
methods of this world and, which is more, of this Dark Age, (and not by 
pretending to scorn them while using them nevertheless, as the Christian 
Churches did) I have already said of him: he was endowed with more 
“Lightning” power than “Sun,” — the very reason for which he was, in our 
Age of Gloom, able to triumph during his own life-time. The enormous 
concessions he made to the weaknesses 



362 


and superstitions of the Dark Age, — in particular to that dogma of the 
“dignity of every human being” and to the corollary conception of a 
community of faith, destined to spread over the whole earth, destroying or 
absorbing all the former communities of blood, — were weapons in his 
hand; weapons without which he never would have overcome rival 
Christianity in North Africa as well as in West Asia and laid the basis of 
Islamic civilisation. 

One may not, also, trace that now so broadly accepted dogma 
necessarily to a Jewish origin. Religious books that have no connection 
whatsoever with Judaism — the Popol-Vuh, of the Maya-Qu’iches of 
Central America, for instance — lay stress upon it with no less insistence, 
and even more childish candour perhaps, than the Bible does. Chandidas and 
certain other exponents of fourteenth and fifteenth century Bengali 
Vaishnavism, have implicitly — and sometimes explicitly — adhered to it. 1 
And if the spirit expressed in it be precisely that which provoked, in the mist 
of an unreachable past, the fall of Golden Age mankind (as one should 
believe, in accordance with the logic of evolution in Time), then it is much 
older than the Jews themselves. But it is certain that it has become one of the 
most obvious postulates of Jewish thought, from the very dawning of the 
latter onwards, and that it has asserted itself more and more with the 
development of philosophical speculation among the Jews and with the 
evident (or subtle) growth of the influence of Jewish thought in the advanced 
Dark Age. Man is, irrespective of race and personal worth, according to 
Jewish tradition, “made in God’s own image,” while other creatures, 
however perfect they be as samples of their kind, and however noble, are 
not. And the Kabbala defines man — also irrespective of race and of 
personal worth or capability — as “the creature who, in his turn, creates,” in 
double opposition to God, — the Non-Created Who creates — and to the 
whole non-human living world, “creatures who do not create.” And from the 
time outwardly hellenised Jews, settled in cosmopolitan, Greek-speaking 
Alexandria, started systematically “blending” Greek ideas with their own 
“esoteric” doctrines, — i.e., from the Fourth Century B.C., — to the present 
day, the whole development of thought and religion could, in the West at 
least, I repeat, be defined 


See footnote p. 253. 



363 


as centred round an increasingly tyrannical belief in the so-called “dignity of 
man” as opposed to all other living creatures. 

That belief is as much the outcome of the fatal mixture of races which 
characterises fallen humanity in general and specially Dark Age humanity, 
as it is, on the other hand, the promoter of ever deeper physical and moral 
degeneracy, through further mixtures — further sinning against the blood of 
the superior races, in the name of an erroneous conception of life. And in the 
eyes of whoever studies history in the light of cosmic Truth, the Fourth 
Century before Christ, — beginning of the “Hellenistic period” in the annals 
of the Near East, which are inseparable from those of imperial Rome and of 
the “Christian West” — should be considered as the beginning of the last 
part of the present Dark Age, of which we are, now, nearing the end. 
Accelerated decay had, no doubt, already set in amid the Greek world (as 
elsewhere) before the foundation of Alexandria. It had set in, and was 
spreading-a sinister sign of times. But the confusion that started in 323 B.C., 
— after Alexander’s sudden death — gave it a new impulse (much against 
the spirit and intentions of the Conqueror.) 

The latter had, better than any of his most broad-minded 
contemporaries, understood the necessity of transcending that strictly 
hellenic — be it ;?mz-hellenic — patriotism, that sharp distinction between 
Greek and non-Greek expressed in the words: “Pas men Hellen Barbaras.” 
Yet, far from setting the example of such internationalism as many modern 
ideologists would doubtless like to attribute to him, he drew a very definite 
line between one sort of “non-Greeks” and the others. He encouraged his 
pure-blooded Macedonians to marry Persian women — Aryans like 
themselves who merely spoke a different language and had different 
customs, — but, significantly enough, not women of other races. And both 
his own foreign wives were of Aryan blood. In other words, whether he 
acted in this connection in full, clear consciousness, or through some vague 
intuition — an intuition of genius, however vague it might have been, — he 
seems to have been, in our advanced Dark Age, one of the first great 
forerunners of true racialism as opposed to narrow State-patriotism; a 
practical champion of the idea that racial similitude should help to break 
down artificial barriers between people, being, moreover, as it is, the only 
reality in the name of which the suppression of such long-accepted 



364 


accepted barriers is justified. One should not make him responsible for the 
shocking blood-mixtures that took place all over the Near East at a yet 
unheard-of rate, after him. They were fateful — as I said: signs of times. 
And consequences of a rapidly spreading man-centred attitude to life, for the 
generalisation of which the Greek speaking Jews of all the important trade 
and culture centres of the Hellenic world, specially of Alexandria, bear the 
heaviest responsibility. 

Outspoken racialists with regard to their own people, but active 
promoters of anti-racial internationalism in the midst of other nations, it is 
they, the everlasting “ferments of disintegration,” chosen agents of the 
Death-forces in our advanced Dark Age, who prepared, through multifarious 
“esoteric” adaptations of Hebrew ideas to Greek philosophy (and, at the 
same time, through intensified intimacy with women of all races in all the 
seaports of the Mediterranean) the double conditions for the development of 
a great international, man-centred, anti-racial and anti-natural religion, 
intended, in the course of centuries, to deliver the West, — and, through the 
growth of Western influence, the world: teeming bastardised masses, and an 
intelligenzia entirely won over to a man-centred philosophy — into their 
hands. Whether to their own knowledge or not, — certainly to the 
knowledge and under the pressure of those invisible Powers of darkness who 
rule the visible world more and more absolutely as one millennium succeeds 
the other in the Age of Gloom, — they made possible the career of such a 
man as Philo the Jew, also called Philo the Platonician, 1 who paved the way 
which the Fathers of the Church and, after them, so many Christian writers 
were to tread. Their intellectual internationalism, rooted in that idea of the 
“dignity of man” which is so perfectly expressed in the Jewish Kabbala, 
drew the thinking Greeks of Alexandria and of the Near East further away 
from the example, the dreams, the spirit of the fair-haired young war-lord 
from the North to whom Greece, in her collective pride, had rendered divine 
honours. And they slowly replaced their more and more obsolete State- 
patriotism not by the consciousness and pride of a broader brotherhood of 
similar blood comprising Hellenes and Persians (and, ultimately, all Aryans) 
but by the superstition of “man” in general — “man” as distinct from and 
opposed to both created Nature 


Philo taught in Alexandria in the first part of the first century A.D. 



365 


and Godhead. And thus their descendants were, less than three hundred 
years after the death of the Macedonian hero, willing to accept the new 
wording of the old Jewish lie — Paul’s message: “God hath made all nations 
out of one blood,” 1 — at least, willing to hear it with the smiling equinamity 
of indifference, while their children or grandchildren would accept it 
wholeheartedly. 

The old lie of the fallen ages — the superstition of “man,” older in 
fact than the Jews, — corrupted the blood and killed the spirit not merely of 
the Hellenes but of many other Aryan nations, from the Romans onwards. It 
is the curse of the modem world. 

Christianity is also not the only expression it assumed in order to 
spread far and wide, taking advantage of most men’s damnable conceit and 
unsurmountable cowardice: of their mania of wanting to feel personally 
important in some way or another, — in someone’s eyes — and of wanting 
to “hang on” to something, when faced with the mystery of death. Several 
Eastern religions of “salvation,” in particular the new forms of the very 
ancient cults of Cybele and of Mithra, centred like Christianity, round the 
“infinite value of the individual human soul” irrespective of the body it 
animates, had, along with the young religion of cmcified Jesus, a following 
in the Roman Empire. But none possessed that conquering fanaticism which 
the latter owed to the tradition of the “jealous God” of the Jews. None 
proclaimed itself, like it, not “a” way among others but “the” only, way to 
salvation. None was, like it, prepared to use any Dark Age methods in order 
to raise itself, in the Empire and beyond, to the status of the only faith. In 
other words, none had, like it, already become, or was, at the first given 
opportunity, susceptible of becoming, to the same extent as it, a formidable 
organisation “m Time.” And that is precisely, why Constantine, that 
perspicacious politician, gave the Christians his imperial protection: 
salvation-seekers as well adapted as they to the conditions of success in this 
world were the most likely to give the Empire, quickly, at least some sort of 
unity of faith — better than no unity at all. And that is also why so many 
kings and war-lords of the best blood — personally, the last men one could 
have expected to adhere either to the unwordly, peace-loving creed “above 
Time” which 


Acts of the Apostles, Chapter 17, Verse 26. 



366 


Christianity originally was, or to the equalitarian, unnatural religion which 
Paul had made of it, — sought the friendship of the Church, asked to be 
baptised, and, what is more, forced the new, foreign faith upon the healthy 
nations of Northern Europe, who first did not want it, but who took to it all 
the same, and sooner or later got used to it, for they too had to go the way of 
decay, in accordance with the law of evolution in Time and the will of the 
dark Powers, rulers of our Age. 

The surest moral factor of decay is, indeed, none other than that old 
superstition of “man” — that sickly love of fallen man as he is, as we see 
him all round us; that sickly longing to “save” even the ugliest specimen of 
humanity at any cost; in one word, that sickly belief in the “dignity of all 
men,” which the Jews possibly did not invent, but which they proclaimed 
louder and louder and exalted more and more systematically before the 
whole world, in all international thought-currents or religions which they 
have started or helped to start, or influenced, in particular in Christianity as it 
has come down to us. This is so true that the mentioned superstition (for it is 
one) seems to be the strongest and most irradicable element — the really 
living element — of the official religion of the West. No typically Christian 
dogma, no article of faith in the theological sense of the word, has, like it, in 
public consciousness, stood the test of centuries; none has, nay, like it, with 
time, in so-called Christian lands and elsewhere — all over the world, — 
become accepted as self-evident truth by votaries of the most varied 
religions and by men who profess no religion at all. It has been spared — 
nay, strengthened — by every successive, storm which shook the prestige of 
dogmatic Christianity itself. It was never questioned, let alone rejected, by 
the boldest “rationalists” whose very profession of thought was doubt and 
impartial investigation. (On the contrary, some of them, such as Descartes, 
made it the basis of their whale philosophy.) It was and is likewise exalted 
by haters of the Catholic Church such as the theists of the French 
Revolution, and by detractors of all other-worldly faiths such as our 
Twentieth Century Communists. In one word, it is, — and more and more 
thoroughly and more and more consciously so, — the common faith of 
practically all men of the advanced Dark Age: of those who profess some 
creed originally “above Time” and of those whose philosophy is 
unmistakably and openly “in Time,” (for 



367 


all creeds originally “above Time” — or even “ against Time ” — have, 
whenever successful, given birth in this Age to Churches and civilisations 
decidedly “in Time”; Churches and civilisations settled upon compromises 
with the Dark Forces.) 

Alone three classes of individuals are free from it: a minority of 
people “in Time,” consciously self-centred, of the type of those money¬ 
makers and power-seekers who would sacrifice anybody and anything — the 
whole world — to their personal ends; a minority of contemplative thinkers 
and saints “above Time,” of the type of those who have realised the unity of 
their deeper being with all life; and finally, a minority of fighters “against 
Time devoted to an unbendingly life-centred ideal. 

The people of the first of these groups hide their cynical self¬ 
centredness under a noisy lip-adherence to the dogma of the “dignity of all 
men.” They are, nay — while busy causing, directly or indirectly, in view of 
their goal, the suffering and death of any number of human beings, — the 
strongest supporters of that precious dogma; the promoters of an 
increasingly wide-spread belief in it. Who would ever dream of attacking 
them in defence of it? Contemplative saints and thinkers are, whatever may 
be the truth that they have realised, too far above the world — too inactive 
— to be looked upon as dangerous. They know one has to wait for the 
coming Golden Age in order to see eternal Truth once more integrally 
reflected in the institutions of this world. And they do not mind waiting. But 
the militant minority “against Time,” who not only in thought but in action, 
here and now, denies the very basis of all man-centred creeds in the name of 
a truer, life-centred wisdom, automatically rouses against itself and its ideals 
the coalesced fury of all the forces of disintegration. The Dark Age world 
ceases (for a time) being divided against itself, in order to wage upon it, — 
from the cosmic point of view, its real enemy — a war without compromise, 
without the hope of an “honourable peace”; a proper war of extermination. 
Such was the nature and the purpose of the coalition of Communists and 
Anti-Communists, Jews and Christians, Freemasons and Catholics, men of 
all races and all creeds, against National Socialist Germany: the State 
“against Tim q” par excellence. 


* * * 



368 


The noisy “anti-Communism” of a great number of notorious Anti- 
Nazis, from President Eisenhower and Sir Winston Churchill downwards, 
should not to-day impress us. Considered from the standpoint of immediate, 
practical interests, it may well be genuine. Considered from the standpoint of 
permanent — of absolute — reality, it is skin-deep. 

In the eyes of short-sighted politicians — and all politicians who are 
nothing more than politicians are necessarily shortsighted, — the 
distribution of the forces in presence has entirely changed since the world¬ 
wide anti-Nazi coalition, the last works of which were the Yalta and 
Potsdam Agreements and the Nuremberg Trial and the “de-nazification” 
imposed upon Germany, began to break in two, i.e. since 1948 or so. Since 
then, — so they imagine — National Socialism is out of the picture. And the 
Anti-Communists (thousands of “former National Socialists” and millions of 
definite Anti-Nazis of all countries) form more or less one block — the so- 
called “free world” — under American leadership, against the Communists 
of Europe, Asia and Africa (and America) — the other bloc — under 
Russian leadership. It looks as though it were so. And since the “free world” 
is more or less willing to absorb the “former Nazis,” it must be that the 
latter, — the Anti-Communists of always — have more affinity with it than 
with the Communists. The simple logic of all those who, but yesterday, had 
become the allies of Communism in the name of the “rights of man,” would, 
it appears, point to such a conclusion. 

But the conclusion is false, and the logic too simple, and those who 
profess it, ignorant of the great historical fact of our epoch: the growth of a 
militant minority “against Time,” at war with the whole Dark Age world and 
its ideals — at war, in particular, with the old superstition which proclaims 
the “dignity of all human beings.” 

The short-sighted politicians overlook the fact that neither 
international Agreements, nor law-courts, nor interdictions, nor measures of 
“re-education” can kill thought-currents which have their roots in cosmic 
reality; the fact that National Socialism, — or, to be more precise, Hitlerism 
— continues to exist after the disaster of 1945; more so: that the disaster of 
1945 — the unavoidable defeat of the National Socialist State , — has 
purified the National Socialist community; separated, in it, the good com 
from the weeds; tried it, like fire tries a mixture of pure gold and base metal, 
and isolated the pure 



369 


gold. They overlook the fact that there are no such creatures as ‘former 
Nazis,” even if there be — alas! — plenty of former members of the 
N.S.D.A.P. nay, plenty of people formerly in high position in the National 
Socialist State, who never were National Socialists at all. Such people were, 
in the days they acclaimed Adolf Hitler, either unaware of what they were 
doing, or consciously playing a double game for the benefit of the anti-Nazi 
forces: either simpletons or traitors. Adolf Hitler’s full-fledged followers, 
who knew from the start what they stood for and what they wanted, have 
neither denied their principles nor accepted compromises. And if some of 
them seem to have done so — outwardly — it is only in order that they 
might deliberately work themselves into the governing machinery of both 
halves of the hostile world, and bring about its collapse at the first 
opportunity. They may, — those real ones, more supple but no less genuine 
than their silent brothers in faith — appear to have affinities with the “free 
world” in a renewed and, this time, shockingly insincere “struggle against 
Communism,” or, under different circumstances — when it suits the one 
sacred purpose — they may seem to have affinities with the disciplined 
Communists of East Germany, in a no less insincere “struggle against the 
Money-power.” In reality, they are that which they always were; that which 
their genuine brothers in faith have stubbornly and openly remained; that 
which all true followers of Adolf Hitler are: bearers of the perennial faith of 
Light and Life in its present-day form; enthusiastic agents of the perennial 
cosmic forces “against Time.” They reject within their hearts, as 
uncompromisingly as they always did, the Jewish-sponsored dogma of the 
“dignity of man.” Both Communists and Anti-Communists of the present 
brand would flatly refuse to have anything to do with them, if only they 
could read into their souls and know them as they are. And were they, with 
or without the material help of any section of the hostile Dark Age world, 
again to rise to power, again Communists and “Anti-Communists” would 
forget their non-essential antagonism, and coalesce against them and against 
the reborn National Socialist State, exactly as they did during the Second 
World War. Again the whole world, stamped with the every day more 
glaring characteristics of the advanced Dark Age, would “defend itself’ — 
defend its tired, sickly, increasingly bastardised, ugly humanity, and the 
deep-rooted 



370 


prejudices without which the latter could not survive — against the defiant 
detractors of every weakness and of every sickness; the haters of all forms of 
decay. Again it would rise in an unanimous “crusade” to crush the men who 
love not “man” as he is, but the proud human aristocracy in the making, as it 
one day will be, once it will have stood the test of the Dark Age; the men 
who are ready, here and now, and without a need of pity or sadness, to 
sacrifice present-day man to that race of living gods, which the youngest and 
boldest of the races of this earth — the Aryan — is to become, through the 
ceaseless struggle of its natural elite against the current of Time. Again it 
would react as it did only a few years ago, for it would again more or less 
dimly realise that the actual forces facing each other on the material plane 
are (and always have been, and always will be) the same: the forces “in 
Time” and the forces “against Time.” (They will be the same till the 
definitive triumph of the latter, and the end of the Dark Age.) 

* * * 

As I said before, all historical movements original y “against Time,” 
which are successful — which look, at least, as though they were “lasting 
still,” after centuries of expansion — owe their success to some ideological 
compromise with the forces of decay, i.e. to some inner corruption; some 
irredeemable deviation from their inspiration and purpose; some 
unfaithfulness to their nature “against Time.” In other words, they have sunk 
to the level of movements “in Time”; or given birth to Churches and 
civilisations “in Time,” — denied themselves — in order to endure 
nominally. 

National Socialism refused every compromise with the spirit of the 
faiths “in Time.” That is the reason why it did not — could not — triumph, 
materially, now. That is, however, the reason why it shall triumph, 
materially, one day — upon the ruins of all faiths “in Time” and of all man- 
centred civilisations. 

Its crime, in the eyes of the short-sighted foreign statesmen, was that it 
had made Germany self-sufficient and powerful and that it would have 
within a generation or two, made her invincible. Arid the jealous politicians 
coalesced against it in order to hinder that extraordinary achievement. In the 
estimation of the Dark Forces of this Age, that stood behind them and 
behind the war-lords of the United Nations, and 



371 


used them as a murderer uses his knife, and in the eyes of all its enemies, be 
they foreigners or Germans, who knew what they were doing, the crime of 
National Socialism was that it rejects the superstition of the “dignity of man” 
in favour of the everlasting, life-centred Wisdom “against Time” and, what 
is more, that it claims to remould the Aryan world in accordance with that 
Wisdom; that it proclaims the rights (and duties) of the strong and beautiful 

— of the healthy, pure-blooded elite — in the place of the rights of “man” 
indiscriminately, and that it did all it could to rule “against Time,” in the 
spirit of that proud faith of the best; in one word, that it raises what I call 
“the S.S. outlook on life” (I can find no more eloquent expression to 
characterise it) in the place of the Judeo-Christian (and Communist) love of 
“man.” 

It certainly is no mere coincidence that, of all the organisations closely 
connected with the defence of the National Socialist State, the S.S. is 
precisely the one which has been (and still is) the most bitterly hated by the 
enemies of the Hitler faith: first and foremost by the Jews, whose aversion to 
it is well nigh pathological; then by the Communists and by the Catholics, 
and finally by the non-descript “decent people” of all degrees of mediocrity 

— even by such narrow-minded nationalists of countries other than 
Germany as should normally, (given the personal career of some of them 1 ) 
be the last ones to censure any supporters of ruthlessness in warfare or in 
coercion. The most bitterly hated and the most widely slandered; and the 
most relentlessly and the most savagely persecuted, no sooner persecution 
became materially possible; the one body, hundreds of thousands of 
members of which have died a martyr’s death in the anti-Nazi extermination 
camps of practically all countries of Europe — and of their colonies — and 
of the Soviet Union, or in the cellars and torture chambers of the Allied 
Prisons, after the war; thousands of members of which are I still in chains for 
so-called “war crimes,” in Siberia, no doubt, but elsewhere also — in 
Holland, in France, in Greece, — even ten years after Germany’s 
unconditional surrender; all members of which were collectively stamped by 
the judges of the international Tribunal of Nuremberg as “belonging to a 
criminal 


For example that of the French “resistant” Jacques Soustelle, as “Governor of Algiers, 
in 1956. 



372 


organisation,” and are , still to-day, after all these years, more or less 
everywhere (save in Germany itself) looked upon as such by the broad, 
uncritical masses, who have lived (or have been told about) the Second 
World War. 

It is no mere coincidence. And by no means also, a fact which the so- 
called “crimes against humanity,” rightly or mistakingly or willfully 
wrongly ascribed to numbers of S.S. men by the Nuremberg judges, would 
suffice to account for. No armies, ancient or modem, — and those of the 
united anti -Nazi front, less than any — and no police organisations are 
innocent of so-called “crimes against humanity”: acts of violence which 
obvious military necessities (or State necessities) cannot entirely justify. The 
history of the whole world is eloquent enough — and that of all great 
colonial powers of the past and of the present, particularly eloquent — in 
that respect. 

But why mention colonial powers and the multifarious horrors 
connected with the repression of resistance movements in tropical lands — 
or with the conquest of those very lands — by greedy cmsaders of man- 
loving creeds? Were not Eisenhower’s gallant “cmsaders to Europe” 
themselves lashingly censured, and that by non-Nazis and even by anti- 
Nazis — by Maurice Bardeche, a sincere Christian; by Frida Utley, a 
Communist, or at least the wife of one, — for their disgusting behaviour in 
Germany in and after 1945? And has not the American judge van Roden, 
who was sent to investigate into the atrocities perpetrated by his compatriots 
upon Germans (in fact, upon S.S. men) in connection with the all-too- 
notorious “Malmedy case,” clearly declared in 1948 that, were one seriously 
desirous of detecting and chastising “war criminals,” one should send home 
the “whole American Occupation forces” so that they be legally and 
impartially tried? 

It is true that the victors of 1945 never had the slightest, desire of 
being “impartial,” let alone “just.” Apparently what they had decided to 
punish were German “war criminals only — not their own. But even that is 
not rigorously accurate. At least, that does not suffice to explain why they 
drew such a definite line between German soldiers of the Wehrmacht and 
German soldiers of the Waffen S.S. and no line at all between the latter and 
the members of the elder organisation known as “Algemeine S.S .”: the only 
one out of which Were recruited the Security Service, the Secret State Police 
(commonly 



373 


known as Gestapo 1 ) and the staff of the concentration camps, i.e. all men 
entrusted with the inner defence of the National Socialist State. It does not 
suffice to explain why the German (and, during the war, also non-German ) 
regiments labelled as Schutz-Stafeln — S.S. — be they police or field units, 
were, as a whole, and without discrimination, branded as units of a “criminal 
organisation,” while their fellow formations of the Wehrmacht, Marine, 
Luftwaffe, etc, were not; why the victorious Allies and, along with them, the 
post-war press and radio, literature and cinema industry — all the forces of 
the anti-Nazi world — went out of their way to persecute, humiliate or revile 
every S.S. man, whatever he might have done or not have done, while they 
persecuted mostly individual officers and men out of the Wehrmacht and 
other German fighting forces, and presented their occasional so-called “war 
crimes” as individual cases of unjustified violence. It does not suffice to 
explain that reputation of cold-blooded barbarity which the whole S.S. — 
the Waffen S.S. no less than the “ Allgemeine ” — has acquired during and 
after the war, and the horror attached to its name to this day among the 
gullible masses of practically all countries, with the natural exception of 
Germany (and of Austria, which is, whatever one may say, a part of 
Germany) of Spain, and probably of Japan, where, I expect, no amount of 
democratic nonsense can kill men’s inborn admiration for any faithful 
soldiers. 

The truth is that, what roused — and still rouses — the hatred and 
fury of the “common man” in nearly all lands — and the very 
understandable fears of the intelligent leading Anti-Nazis, specially of the 
top-most Jews, actual rulers of the present-day world, — was (and is) not so 
much the German so-called “war crimes” themselves as the particular 
conception of life, the particular scale of values of some of those men who 
are alleged to have committed them or ordered them. For that which nearly 
the whole world of this advanced Dark Age stood up to combat and to crush, 
with a more or less clearly expressible but nevertheless most definite sense 
of self-defence, was not, in reality “violence,” not “crime” — not even 
“crime against humanity,” in the material meaning of the word — but 
National Socialism,, or more precisely, Hitlerism: the latest expression of the 


Geheime Staatepolizei 



374 


perennial cosmic Wisdom “against Time”; Hitlerism, the creed of the 
healthy, strong and beautiful, in their place at the head of a creation of which 
“man” is but a part; the creed of triumphant Life — of Nature — as opposed 
to the commonly accepted creed of “man.” And that which distinguished the 
whole S.S. — the “allgemeine” and the other — from the rest of the German 
forces, and justified, in the eyes of the world of our Age (from the 
Nuremberg judges and the leading Jews behind them, down to the most 
irresponsible specimen of two-legged mammal whom anti-Nazi propaganda 
could possibly reach) that name of “criminal organisation” indiscriminately 
applied to it, remains the sole fact that it was, or, at least was intended to be, 
the National Socialist body par excellence', the physical and moral elite of 
awakening Aryandom; the living, conscious kernal out of which and round 
which the yet unborn race of gods on earth — regenerate Aryandom — was 
to take shape and soul. 

In other words, the S.S. as a whole had, in new Germany, the meaning 
which new Germany herself had among the people, of the broad Aryan 
family: that of being the innermost and highermost stronghold of the wisdom 
“against Time”; the ferment of regeneration, determined to overcome 
millenniums of decay. Is it a wonder that the very agents of the forces of 
decay treated it as they did — and as they do? 

* * * 

A few quotations out of Georges Blond’s book “L’Agonie de 
TAllemagne” will help to buttress what I have just said. The French author 
may have held Petain’s policy of collaboration with Germany for the right 
one, in France’s interest, but he never was and never pretended to be a 
devotee of the Hitler faith. His wards are therefore neither those of an enemy 
nor those of an admirer but those of a reporter whose sole desire is to give an 
accurate picture of what was. 

“S.S. men,” says he — and although he speaks only of the Waffen S.S. 
this applies also to the “ allgemeine ” — had to measure at least one metre 
eighty (nearly six feet) and to undergo an extremely severe physical and 
medical examination. They were not to have a single tooth which had once 
needed the attention of a dentist .” 1 It strikes me as a remarkable coincidence 


1 Georges Blond, “L’Agonie de l’Allemagne,” p, 103. 



375 


that this same condition (of not having even a single decaying tooth) was, 
among others, imposed, in ancient Greece, upon those who wished to 
become priests of Apollo, the god of Light. I must also add that, apart from 
revealing, at the medical test, a more than average sharpness of sight and 
hearing, S.S. men were all to be possible givers of blood. The letter 
indicating his particular blood-group — A, B, or O, — was tattooed under 
the right arm of every one of them, to make things easier in emergency 
cases. Useless to stress that all S.S. men had to be of irreproachable Aryan 
blood. The genealogy of each and every one of them was studied with 
utmost care — generations back 1 2 3 — before his admission. 

The ideal of physical cleanliness and of absolute health — the natural 
basis of more-than-physical purity — was exalted among them to the 
supreme degree; exalted in their training as a conscious elite and in their 
daily life within the barracks and outside. “The rooms in which they lived 
and all objects which they used had to be washed and scrubbed, polished and 
shined every day. S.S. men were entitled to have uniforms and equipment of 
the very best quality, but the obligations imposed upon them with regard to 
presentation and cleanliness were unbelievable. At the time of the daily 
inspection the soldier was expected to look as though he had come ‘fresh out 
of a box’.... “As a result of the most severe inspection of all — the one that 

took place before the weekly day’s leave — one man out of three was sent 

2 

back on account of some trifling omission.” 

“An S.S. man who caught a venerial disease was punished. The 
punishments consisted in supplementary military exercises ( Aufmarsch: 
standing, lying, marching, running, crawling, with full equipment, for an 
hour) in imprisonment, or expulsion from the S.S. community.” 

And, side by side with a deadly, machine-like efficiency, carried, 
through intensive drill, to the limits of perfection, were cultivated — carried, 
they too, to their highest degree — among S.S. men, those exceptional 
qualities of character, the outcome of which is personal value and also 
efficiency: a complete mastery over one’s nerves; serene indifference to 
one’s individual fate; absolute detachment within utmost thoroughness 


1 Up to 1600 A.D. at least. 

2 George Blond, “L’Agonie de l’Allemagne,” p. 104. 

3 George Blond, Ibid., p. 104. 



376 


and utmost skill. In other words, being already the physical and racial elite, 
the S.S. was expected to be, at the same time, a perfect organisation and a 
perfect aristocracy of character and deeper intelligence; an unfailing 
instrument of war (or of coercion) and a brotherhood of real supermen; the 
all-round conscious elite of our Age: heroes “against Time” accepting all the 
conditions of their extraordinary mission; accepting the mechanising tyranny 
of drill — twelve hours a day of the most exacting military exercises 1 — not 
with “resignation” but with understanding and with joy, knowing it was a 
means to invincibility, at any rate a means to the most terrible efficiency in 
the fulfillment of duty; and loving duty, — their duty; their action for the 
triumph of truth on earth; their struggle “in the interest of the Universe” — 
above all. 

The military exercises were carried out under the actual conditions of 
modem war, with all the dangers that this implies. “Danger of accidents bred 
vigilance, and was an element of the S.S. education .” 2 The young future 
officers were put to even harder tests than the soldiers. “One of these tests, 
intended to develop self-control, was the following: the young officer, 
standing in the position of “attention,” held a grenade in his right hand. On 
command, he was to unscrew it, to hit upon the fire-lever, and then, ... to 
place the grenade upon his helmet and while remaining in the position of 
“attention” — erect and immobile and perfectly calm — “to wait for the 
explosion.” A Hindu would probably think: a beautiful exercise in the 
training of Western “Karma Yogis.” And he would be right. 

All this however, — the fact of being a physical and, what is more, a 
racial elite, no less than a deadly efficient instmment of action (a merciless 
police-force and, in the case of the Waffen S.S, the toughest of all tough 
troops of the German Army) — would hardly have been enough to raise the 
S.S. above the best German military bodies of all times; to place it in a 
different class of warriors; and to bring down upon it, indiscriminately, the 
hatred of the Dark Age world. But let me once more quote Georges Blond: 
“Three times a week the S.S. recmits 


In the second degree training of the Waffen S.S., after the young recruits’ oath. See 
George Blond, “L’Agonie de l’Allemagne,” p. 106. 

2 Georges Blond, “L’Agonie de l’Allemagne,” p. 105. 

3 Georges Blond, “L’Agonie de l’Allemagne,” p. 106. 



377 


had a course in political education: lectures about the Fiihrer’s person and 
about his life; about the National Socialist doctrine and the history of the 
Party; but before all about the racialist Teaching. The two basic books were 
Walter Darre’s “ Die Rasse ” and Rosenberg’s “My thus des XX 
Jahrhunderts 

“On the form he had filled demanding his admission, the future S.S. 
man had nearly always written, opposite the word ‘religion,’ the answer: 
Gottglaubig — believer in God. It was not the thing to do to write down 
‘atheist,’ or ‘Lutheran’; still less ‘Catholic.’ Gottglaubig. That ‘belief in 
God’ did not” — religiously, or rather, dogmatically speaking — “imply 
much. The important point was to be convinced, or ready to let one’s self be 
convinced, of the necessity and of the excellence of the advent of a ‘blood 
aristocracy’ that was to rule alone over the rest of mankind. The superior 
blood was the Aryan, and more particularly the Germanic or Nordic. The 
Latin people were held to be not very interesting, the Jews were looked upon 
as mud and vermin. Christianity was a religion soaked in Judaism, and even 
an undertaking carried on under Jewish inspiration, with a view to revile 
man by inculcating him a feeling of sinfulness. 

It is an error to believe that cruelty was systematically cultivated. 
Friendliness and kindness towards children and towards animals were 
recommended to S.S. men. But the tree of blood aristocracy and of the 
deified State could not bear fruits of meekness and humanity. Pride always 
carries within it the seed of cruelty .” 1 

Through this reportage of a non-Nazi — and nobody save a non-Nazi, 
nay, nobody save a definite opponent of the Hitler faith in its essence (i.e. an 
opponent of it not necessarily on the political but certainly on the 
philosophical plane) could write such a sentence as the last one, which I 
purposely quoted — one can, to some extent, understand the historical 
significance of the S.S. and account for the world-wide hatred of which that 
organised, warlike Aryan aristocracy has been, and still is, the object. 

At the root of both, there is that explicit and uncompromising 
repudiation not merely of “Christianity,” but of that which I have called “the 
values common to Christianity and to all man 


1 Georges Blond, “L’Agonie de l’Allemagne,” p. 102-103. 



378 


centred faiths”; to all faiths “in Time,” be they other-worldly or of this 
world; the repudiation of the values which appeal to bastardised masses (and 
all the more so that these are more bastardised); there is the haughty 
rejection of that dogma of the superexcellence of “man,” outcome of 
immeasurable human conceit and, more and more, for the last two and a half 
thousand years or so, of Jewish sophistry. That, and that alone, is what this 
Dark Age world could not and cannot and never will be able to forgive the 
S.S.; that, and not its so-called “war crimes” and “crimes against humanity” 
(the “decent people” and their leaders commit or encourage or tolerate far 
worse horrors); that, and not its terrible efficiency, nor its purity of blood as 
a fact, nor even its German pride and thirst of expansion. 

The famous Teutonic Knights of the Middle Ages were pure-blooded 
Germans and merciless warriors; conquerors of new lands for a German 
Reich that was already pushing eastwards with all its young strength. They 
were the sword that prepared the way for the German settlers’ plough — 
exactly what the S.S. would have been, had the Russian campaign ended 
victoriously, i.e. had the anti-Communist Western Allies left Russia to her 
fate. Yet they were not “war criminals” or “criminals against humanity,” 
whatever violence they might have exerted. For they fought and conquered 
in the name of Christianity, with the blessing of the Catholic Church — it 
was the only way to carry on a successful German Ostpolitik in the twelfth, 
thirteenth or fourteenth century. And had the toughest among the modern 
German forces — the S.S. — done the same, or that which can be, to-day, 
regarded as the equivalent of the same, namely, had it fought and conquered 
with the selfsame violence, the self-same ruthlessness, nay, the self-same 
national fanaticism, but in the name of the “rights of man” against the 
“bolshevik danger” considered as a menace to “man’s dignity” and to 
“individual freedom,” never would it have been collectively branded as a 
“criminal organisation” by an international Law Court — never; not even if 
Germany had finally lost the war. (In that case it is, in the first place, 
probable that Germany would have won. For the world-wide coalition of 
Communists and Anti-Communist against her would not have taken shape.) 

But there is more: whatever people may say, now that 



379 


powerful material interests have torn asunder the Yalta front, I doubt 
whether the toughest and most fanatical units of the Red Army — whose 
fanaticism can match that of the S.S. and whose brutality has, already in this 
war, by far beaten its — be, even after a conflict between the so-called “free 
world” and the Soviet Union ending with the latter’s unconditional 
surrender, collectively stamped as groups of a “criminal organisation.” I 
doubt it because, however much the so-called “free world” may profess to 
hate Communism, Communism does not profess to attack that deep-seated 
superstition of “man” which is the implicit faith of the Dark Age. On the 
contrary! That very superstition lies at the root of Marxism even more so 
than at the root of historical Christianity or of humanitarian. Atheism, of 
which Marxism is but the logical prolongation in a world increasingly 
dominated by “technique.” The only, way to carry on any successful national 
Ostpolitik (or Westpolitik) in our Dark Age, is to carry it on under the mantle 
of some form or other of that international superstition. 

National Socialist Germany carried on the struggle for her existence 
against that superstition; against the accumulated moral prejudices of Dark 
Age mankind; I repeat: “against Time.” She fought for her existence, being 
herself the citadel of the Hitler faith. And the S.S. — indiscriminately, 
whether Waffen S.S. or “ allgemeine ” — was and remains the great dedicated 
Knightly Order of the Hitler faith. For no other reason has the Dark Age 
world persecuted it with such elemental hatred. 

* * * 

After all that has been written before, during and after the war 
concerning the alleged “ungodliness” of National Socialism, it is striking to 
read in Georges Blond’s reportage, that the word a young man would 
generally write down in, answer to “religion,” in the form he had to fill in 
view of his admission into the S.S, was not “atheist” but “believer in God.” 
It is striking to read that “it was not the thing to do” to write down “atheist” 
— “atheist” or, by the way, “Lutheran” and still less “Catholic”; in other 
words: “atheist” or “Christian.” And yet, therein lies, perhaps, a hint at the 
fundamental difference between the National Socialist Weltanschauung, or, 
rather, the National Socialist attitude to life, and that of all Anti-Nazis. 



380 


For the “Atheism” with which one is here concerned — that “Atheism” 
which is “not the philosophy to profess,” for a man expected to set the 
example of National Socialist orthodoxy — has nothing to do with the 
wisdom of the various “atheistic” schools of thought of Ancient India. It is 
just usual modem European “Atheism”: the hasty — uncritical — denial of, 
or at least, the complete absence of interest in “all that one cannot see,” on 
the part of men who have rejected the personal God of the Christian 
Churches while remaining as faithful as ever to the Christian values, i.e. to 
what I have called the superstition of “man.” 

Is not “man” as a whole the most evolved of all visible creatures upon 
this planet? Tme, the enormous differences in beauty, in nobility, in 
intelligence, which distinguish human races from one another are so 
obvious, they too, — so visible', — that one should hardly need any definite 
metaphysics in order to acknowledge them, and to regard not “man” but 
alone superior man — man of the superior races — as the masterpiece of 
Life’s patient artistry as we see it. Yet, ninety-nine times out of a hundred, 
people who style themselves as “materialists” — as “atheists,” believers in 
“hard facts” — are, in that respect, as blind as those who postulate the 
existence of some invisible, transcendent, yet personal and man-loving 
“God.” Their “atheism” has all the ethical characteristics of historical 
Christianity. It is intimately interwoven with the self-same moral prejudices 
as it in favour of “all men,” irrespective of personal and racial differences 
with the self-same ferocious partiality in favour of “man” in general, as 
opposed to other living creatures. Like it, — and like all man-centred faiths 
of whatever metaphysical tenets and whatever origin, — it places the most 
idiotic or perverse, and ugly, human weakling of any race infinitely above 
the most perfect specimen of non-human Creation: above a splendid healthy 
lion or tiger; above a beautiful healthy tree. Or, to speak more accurately, the 
average European “atheist” or “materialist,” sub-consciously soaked in 
Judeo-Christian morals, loves any repulsive human weakling (or human 
devil) more than he does the most majestic dumb animals of the earth; more 
than he does the most loveable and beautiful cat or dog or horse, and all the 
trees of all the forests.. Like the average Christian, he believes that Nature is 
there for man to exploit 



381 


to his utmost advantage. And the most abominable forms of that ever- 
intensified exploitation — vivisection; circuses; the fur industry, etc., — do 
not trouble his moral conscience; at least have never yet troubled it enough 
for him to cause their suppression. “Man” is, in his eyes, whatever be his 
objective value as a living creature, his individual and racial place in the 
general scheme of life, the one creature (or, at any rate, by far the first 
creature) to be loved and helped and saved. However contemptible he be, 
individually or racially, from a cosmic standpoint, he is, in his estimation, 
always worth saving — be it at the cost of any amount of suffering, 
disfiguration or destruction of the rest of living creatures; always worth 
saving just because he happens to be “a man.” 

To those few full-fledged believers in Adolf Hitler who have well 
understood and wholeheartedly accepted the basic principles of his Teaching 
with all their logical implications, nothing is as repugnant as that moral and 
metaphysical attitude. All brands of Christianity imply it. That is the reason 
why none of them was, on the part of whoever accepted to become a model 
of National Socialist orthodoxy, “the thing to write down” in answer to the 
question: “religion?” Atheism — I repeat: not the abstract atheism of certain 
schools of Aryan thought in Ancient India, but average present-day Western 
atheism: that of the Communist associations of the “Godless” in Russia; that 
of ninety-nine per cent of those Europeans who have stepped out of every 
Christian Church without realising in the least the absurdity of all man- 
centred ethics — is, in fact , closely connected with it, although it may, 
philosophically speaking, imply nothing of the kind. That is why the 
orthodox National Socialist, or he who sincerely wished to open his heart to 
the influence of National Socialist orthodoxy, could be no “atheist.” 

He could — and can — be no follower of any man-centred faith, for 
all these are faiths “in Time,” faiths of decadence, faiths expressing in a 
more or less naive more or less sophisticated form, that unchanged 
blasphemous conceit of man as such — that rebellion of man against the 
Cosmic Order — through which decay started, millenniums ago. He was — 
and is — to be a “believer in God”; not in the personal, transcendent and all- 
too-human “God” of the Christians (and of many “Theists”); not in a “God” 
made in the image of any man or men — least 



382 


of all in the image of the Jews — but in that immanent Creative Force which 
manifests Itself in all Life’s masterpieces at all levels of its endless effort; in 
perfect man and in every perfect specimen of non-human creation; in other 
words, he was to be a believer in the reintegration of man into the cosmic 
Scheme, according to the original divine pattern of the latter, which implies 
the natural racial hierarchy of human beings and their individual inequality, 
not their indiscriminate “dignity” and “equal rights.” For his “belief in God,” 
which, in Georges Blond’s eyes, “did not imply much” implied at least that 
— or the readiness to accept that as unquestionable truth. Georges Blond 
immediately says so himself, strangely disconnecting this admission from 
his former statement. Let me repeat my quotation of his words: “The 
important thing was to be convinced or ready to let one’s self be convinced 
of the necessity and of the excellence of the advent of a blood aristocracy 
that was to rule alone over the rest of mankind. The superior blood was the 
Aryan, and more particularly the Germanic or Nordic, etc ...” 1 

It is a fact that this conception of a naturally hierarchised world, with 
a natural — God-ordained; not arbitrarily man-chosen, — blood-aristocracy, 
in its place at the head of it, is incompatible with any faith that exalts “man” 
en bloc, man as an alleged privileged species (regardless of the tremendous 
differences between one human race and another, nay, between one human 
individual and another,) at the expense of all the rest of the living. It is a fact 
that it is incompatible with all faiths and all philosophies, the scale of values 
of which rests upon the dogma of the “dignity of man”: upon the idea of the 
infinite price of the “human soul” (to the exclusion of all other living souls) 
and of the “rights” of man, whoever he be; incompatible with all faiths and 
all philosophies which proclaim, among other things, that “all men” have the 
“right to live” and that they are “all” worth saving. 

According to that proud and ruthless wisdom — both essentially 
aesthetic and warrior-like — which was and remains that of the S.S, the 
supreme blood-aristocracy of mankind (the militant elite of the Aryan race) 
has not to “save” its inferiors, but to continue perfecting itself, according to 
Nature’s purpose; it has not to “love all men” and to sacrifice the rest of the 
beautiful realm of Life to “man’s” ends, but to love perfection — 


1 Georges Blond, “L’Agonie de l’Allemagne,” p. 102. 



383 


health, in all its glory, — both in its own members and in the lovely healthy 
representatives of all natural species (including those of the noblest non- 
Aryan human races) and to sacrifice, always and everywhere, the sickly and 
the deficient to the healthy, the weak to the strong, the imperfect to the 
perfect; it has to be the privileged Legion that prepares “against Time” — 
regardless of the general tendency of the present-day world to forward decay 

— the god-like Perfection of the coining Golden Age; the chosen minority 
which, already now, at the darkest period of the Dark Age, foreshadows, 
through its own very existence, something of the unthinkable Golden Age 
beauty, just as the first streak of light at the Eastern horizon foreshadows, in 
the yet lasting night, the splendour of the coming Sunrise. It has to be the 
vanguard of those whom a mathematically just Destiny, rooted in their 
inherited virtues, will prompt to cross the “bridge” which Nietzsche 
mentions — the bridge between animalhood and supermanhood — while 
men of lesser dynamism and lesser detachment will fall from it into the 
primaeval Pit. It has to possess the mercilessness of the Nietzschean warrior 

— not that of the fool, who does not know why he kills; nor that of the 
passionate, who thinks he knows why, but makes a mistake, and deplores his 
own violence when it is over, but that of the wise, conscious of the necessity 
of his violence in the interest not of fallen “man” but of “the Universe” 
(again to use a word from the Bhagavad-Gita); the mercilessness of the wise, 
in the interest of the perfection that he represents and prepares; of the wise 
who knows himself to be in the service of the forces of Life, and who regrets 
nothing. It has to possess, also, the kindness of the Nietzschean) warrior, 
which is a sign of understanding and of serenity, and a tribute to the divinity 
of Life. Georges Blond cannot help mentioning the fact (although he may 
not give it its full significance) when he actually writes that “friendliness and 
kindness towards children and animals were recommended to S.S. men .” 1 

They were not recommended, in fact, to S.S. men alone, but to each 
and every National Socialist. They are in absolute keeping with the whole 
philosophy of the Swastika, which is a typically life-centred one. They are in 
keeping with those simple and beautiful commandments contained in that 
which 


1 Georges Blond, “L’Agonie de l’Allemagne,” p. 103. 



384 


the Nuremberg judges have condemned as Alfred Rosenberg’s “Nazi 
Catechism”: “Thou shalt be brave. Thou shalt never do anything mean. Thou 
shall contemplate and love God in all living creatures, animals and plants. 
Thou shalt keep thy blood pure....” 1 (Nothing is more cowardly and more 
mean than indifference to the suffering of dumb creatures, let alone than 
cruelty towards them). The most one can say is that S.S. men, being the elite 
of the National Socialist forces, were to set the example of a definitely life- 
centred scale of values, with all that it implies. 

People who have, on the contrary, a scale of values rooted in what I 
have called the “superstition of man” — i.e. more or less all people of this 
Dark Age, — are puzzled at the thought of that “kindness towards children” 
so strongly stressed by National Socialist ethics and, one should add, so 
thoroughly practised by the Fiihrer himself. “And what about the Jewish 
children, who were no better treated than their elders by Himmler’s men?,” 
they retort “And what about the deficient children of all races, who were 
‘liquidated’ as useless consumers of valuable energy? Or about those babies 
who were not even deficient — and not Jewish — and who were, 
nevertheless, under the supervision of National Socialist doctors, ‘painlessly 
put to sleep’ because it was, amidst the atrocious conditions that prevailed in 
Germany at the end of the war, no longer possible to feed them?” The 
world’s reaction to the National Socialist and in particular to the S.S. attitude 
towards animals is quite different, but perhaps even more characteristic of 
this Dark Age mankind — even more instructive. It has been dearly 
expressed by all those who, having heard that vivisection had been declared 
illegal in the Third Reich, at the Fiihrer’s orders, find it “queer” that, in the 
same State “against Time,” concentration camps were tolerated as a 
necessity. It has been clearly expressed by Count Robert d’Harcourt in his 
preface to the French translation of Adolf Hitler’s “ Tisch Gesprache ,” 
published in 1952: “Humanity towards animals bestiality towards human 
beings — we have seen that mystery of coexistence.... At Dachau, at 
Buchenwald, the torturers who used to push their 


Quoted by Maurice Bardeche in “Nuremberg II ou les faux-monnayeurs,” p. 88. 
“ See Fran Schmidt’s case in my book “Defiance” (edit 1951), p. 330-342. 



385 


victims into the gas chambers ... were those same men who would nurse a 
wounded dog’s paw with all a hospital sister’s tender care.” 1 In the first 
case: bewilderment and indignation. In the second case: also bewilderment, 
but an indignation of a still baser nature; an indignation rooted in the 
bitterness of wounded conceit; in the jealousy of the two-legged mammal 
who cannot bear the thought of anybody treating a four-legged creature 
better than him or at least better than certain specimens of his kind. In both 
cases, on the part of the alleged defenders of “liberty,” a complete lack of 
understanding for any scale of values which is the denial of their own; in 
both cases, on the part of the average man, soaked in his man-centred 
superstition, — for millenniums accustomed to regard his increasingly 
decaying brood as the centre of all things — hatred; wild hatred for that iron 
Legion of men “against Time” who love cosmic Perfection, not “man”; or, at 
the most, man and all creatures, to the extent they reflect and announce 
cosmic Perfection. 

What a votary of the actual S.S. faith could answer, — what, in fact, 
no National Socialist dares to answer, precisely because he more or less 
dimly feels, in this controversy of values, the real cause of the world-wide 
coalition against all he loves and reveres, — is the following: “Of course we 
do not, as you people, love all children just because they are “man’s” young 
ones! We are, thanks to our natural privilege of superior blood, destined to 
build, patiently and stubbornly, collective supermanhood. “Man” — fallen 
man; sickly or bastardised man, promised to perdition, i.e. lost to this earth, 
— does not interest us. We love, no doubt, the beautiful, healthy, 
pureblooded children of our own young and beautiful Aryan race: those who 
can and will grow into supermen — who will, at least, beget and bear 
supermen, in course of time. We love the healthy, pure-blooded children of 
other noble races: they are beautiful at their own level and according to their 
own pattern; beautiful, when healthy; and we hope to make them, sooner or 
later, our allies in the struggle we are carrying on. But Jewish brats — and 
that, in war time, of all things; when the food problem was becoming acute 
for our own people? And 


Translated under the title: “Libres propos sur la guerre et la paix,” p. XXIII. 



386 


when the British and Americans were pouring streams of fire upon us, to 
please their Jewish masters? No, my friends! Anyhow, a two year-old Jew is 
a Jew. And in twenty years’ time, he will be twenty-two, and will work 
against us and against our purpose. It is his “raison d’etre” to be our 
opponent, in the natural play of forces. Why on earth should we spare him in 
the bud? Because “God made him”? “God” made all sorts of parasites: flees 
and bugs and lice and what not. Do you spare those? Or their eggs? The 
Jains — or some Jains — I am told, do. They are as logical and 
uncompromising as we, but serve a different ideal: an ideal entirely “above 
Time,” which leads their ascetics straight to pious suicide through willful 
starvation. But we, whose kingdom is of this earth, again, why should we 
spare whatever stands in our way? A human parasite — or possible parasite 

— is far more dangerous than a six-legged one; a human “ferment of 
decomposition,” far more dangerous than any mildew. 

Of course, he “is human.” That may be a reason for you people to 
confer upon him that “right to live” which you so flatly deny to thousands of 
harmless dumb animals that you sacrifice every day to “man.” It is no reason 
for us to do the same. We are free — always have been; always shall be free 

— from the superstition of “man.” I say: superstition, for your idea of “man” 
is false; contrary to the dictate of Nature that made man a creature to “be 
overcome” or to perish through decay; false, and dangerous, for it paralyses 
the healthy impulse of men who, otherwise, could follow us along the harsh 
and bloody road to collective supermanhood. 

As for deficient children — or, by the way, deficient grownups, — 
well! We are in the world to help Nature suppress all that is deficient; all that 
is irredeemably deficient, that goes without saying; and also all that could, 
perhaps, “be saved” — patched up — with a lot of patience and care, but 
that is not worth saving. You people believe “all men” to be “worth saving”; 
worth patching up. We don’t. We believe that the time, money and energy 
that one now wastes on prolonging most sickly lives would be far better 
employed in promoting the creation of such social conditions as would 
favour the birth of healthy people only. Let the incurable weaklings be put 
out of the way from the start, like among the Spartans, like among our own 
Nordic forefathers, Vikings and others! Place to the 



387 


healthy! Place to the strong — to the plants that grow, victoriously amidst 
wind and storm, not in the artificial, even heat of green-houses! 

Those children that we painlessly “put to sleep” because we could no 
longer feed them, after your bombs had smashed our transport services to 
atoms, were a different problem. We find it bitterly ironical that 
“humanitarians” — and nay, such ones as took an active part in the savage 
world-wide “crusade” against us — should reproach us with such acts of 
mercy. Is not a painless death a thousand times better than death through 
starvation — since anyhow death was to be the unavoidable solution? What 
were we to do, according to your “superior” moral code? To watch the 
children’s agony for days and days, while you continued setting our supplies 
on fire and shelling our railway stations — and the children’s homes? It is 
strange, to say the least, that such tender-hearted people as you did not think 
of the “poor kids” before, and refrain, for their sake, from bombing our land. 
Surely the kids would now still be alive, had we not been faced with the 
most tragic hunger dilemma. 

And now, let us speak of the alleged “contradiction” between what 
you call our “humanity towards animals and bestiality towards human 
beings.” It seems a contradiction to you , because you judge us with your 
scale of values. But we have not your scale of values. We have not your silly 
infatuation for “man,” — for man is anything but an homogeneous species 
of which one can talk in one breath. We do not systematically love each and 
every two-legged mammal more than the most noble four-legged ones. On 
the contrary! We love, nay, we respect a perfect specimen of animal life — a 
beautiful horse, dog or cat, or a wild beast in all its majesty — infinitely 
more than a personally deficient or racially contemptible man; a so-called 
“thinking creature” who does not think, or whose thoughts are mean, or 
dangerous; specially if, in addition to that, the creature stands in our way in 
the political field, as our alleged “victims” all did, more or less. We do not 
worship “man” as he is — man in rebellion against Nature and against our 
Nature-inspired wisdom — nor do we bow down before any man-loving, 
whimsical personal “God,” conceived in the image of the meanest of men; 
before a “God” who “saves” man alone, among all living beings, (and that, 
all the more joyfully that 



388 


the darling creature is more sinful!) We worship that impersonal, pitiless 
Godhead which abides in all beings to the extent they are healthy and 
beautiful — perfect; that Godhead, which is more alive and infinitely nearer 
to us in the magnificent four-legged aristocrats (in a velvety black panther; a 
royal Bengal tiger), in the noble birds, nay in the noble trees, than in most 
men of the present-day degenerate world, including many conceited 
“intellectuals” of sickly constitution and questionable Aryan descent. The 
royal tiger or lion, the eagle, the unbending oak-tree, are our equals, in a 
way; our equals, or rather our counterparts, on a different plane, — as the 
perfect Japanese warrior or the pure-blooded, chivalrous Arab aristocrat, are 
our human counterparts outside the Aryan race. The decaying masses of 
Menschenmaterial of various degrees of bastardisation, which we are out to 
use (whenever they can be used) or gradually to eliminate (whenever they 
prove useless) are neither our equals nor our counterparts in any way. 

In addition to this, don’t forget an important point: animals of 
whatever description can never stand in our way in the struggle for the 
triumph of National Socialism. People, — including God knows how many 
millions of misled or criminal men of Aryan blood — can; and did, and do, 
and will again, at the next opportunity. You don’t expect us to handle such 
ones (when we are in power, and manage to lay hands on them) as gently as 
we do our faithful parade horses and police dogs, do you? Once more: we 
are worshippers of hierarchised Life; fighters for the rule of the Best, in the 
interest, not of “man,” but of the whole scheme of Life. Our goal is not to 
“save man.” (Let man perish, if he cannot either become a god on earth, or 
integrate himself into our world, ruled by gods on earth!) Our goal is to build 
up, consciously, against the stream of millenniums and millenniums of 
decay, that earthly order of Truth in which perfect man will again be the 
kind and wise king of a world where there will be no place for sickness; to 
build it up, or, at least to prepare its next, irresistible return. 

You all, who persecute us in the name of “humanity,” put this into 
your pipes, and smoke it!” 

Such an answer would make the philosophical position of Hitlerism 
absolutely clear. It would, however, only make it — and Germany, the 
privileged Land of its birth — more unpopular than ever in this broad Dark 
Age world. 



389 


* * * 

It is here the place to recall a great German and a great Aryan, whose 
name has become, after 1945, in the hearts of most non-German (and, I may 
say, also of a considerable number of German) people, thanks to world-wide 
Jewish propaganda, the symbol of every abomination: the Reichsfiihrer S.S., 
Heinrich Himmler. I have said: of all National Socialist organisations, the 
S.S. is the one the Anti-Nazis of most varied shades hate the most. Now, of 
all S.S. men, Heinrich Himmler, — “head of Germany’s whole Police 
forces, and later on, Home Minister; Reichskommissar for the ‘Consolidation 
of German Nationhood,’ Chief of the Reserve Army, Chief of the Prisoner 
of War Department, and, for a short time, (at the very end of the war) 
Commander of a section of the Army,” 1 — is the one the whole world 
detests the most. 

I say: the whole world, and not merely “the Anti-Nazis,” this time, for 
I know quite a number of sincere National Socialists who anything but 
revere the Reichsfiihrer’s memory, and that, apart from any personal reasons 
which they might have to dislike him. They esteem he was “too hard”; in 
Georges? Blond’s words, too “indifferent to human realities.” More than one 
former concentration camp warder (or wardress) has told me so — after 
having suffered for years in the Allied jails, for having carried out his orders. 
People who feel that it is high time to do something to attract attention upon 
whatever can recommend Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich to the admiration 
of an increasingly “anti-Communist” West, try, more often than not, in that 
laudible intention, to shift all the widely spoken-of “horrors” of the National 
Socialist regime unto Himmler’s account. Had it not been for that “ice-cold 
fanatic,” never would the Hitler Movement, originally so sound and 
beautiful, have “deviated”; never would Germany have become a “police 
State”; and never would the world have been faced with such atrocities as 
were, in 1945, discovered to have taken place in the German concentration 
camps. So they say. One would think it were Himmler’s fault if the world’s 
stubborn and stupid millions believed Roosevelt’s — and Untermeyer’s 


i 


Paul Hausser, “Die Waffen S.S. in Einsatz.” 



390 


— propaganda instead of Adolf Hitler’s repeated warnings, and prepared, — 
before 1945, — Soviet Russia’s victory! 

Maybe it is not particularly “diplomatic” to render justice to the head 
of the Gestapo, and to point out that his much misunderstood ruthlessness 
takes on all its meaning in the light of the fact that he-he more than any 
other, apart from the Fuhrer himself, — acted “against Time.” Perhaps it is 
also not particularly “diplomatic” to remind people that Adolf Hitler had 
granted him his favour from the beginning, and, precisely — as Georges 
Blond rightly states, — “less because he found him remarkably efficient 
than because he recognised in him the perfect National Socialist believer”; 1 
and that he never withdrew the Reichsfiihrer S.S. that absolute confidence 
which he had put in him — never, at least, till the very last week of the war; 
till the 29th of April, 1945, when the translation of a BBC Home Service 
message, relating Himmler’s attempt to negotiate, without his orders, some 
sort of an armistice with the Western Allies, was suddenly handed over to 
him. Now, — now, when the Western world, the “free” world, the world of 
the “decent people,” should systematically be led to forget the Gestapo and 
the German concentration camps, and the wild elemental “Anti-Semitism” 
(or rather Anti-Judaism) which is inseparable from the history of National 
Socialism, and made to remember only Adolf Hitler’s struggle “for Europe” 

— perhaps it is, I say, not exactly a National Socialist’s duty to go and stress 
that, although he surely did not know ( could not know) every step which 
Heinrich Himmler (or his subordinates) took, in connection with individual 
cases, the Fuhrer was, and remained to the end, in complete agreement with 
him with regard to the spirit and general lines of his coercive activity, that, 
in fact, when he did, finally, withdraw him his favour, 2 it was not for having 
been “too hard,” but, on the contrary, not hard enough, — not 
uncompromising enough — in a different, yet parallel line of action, namely 
in the last phase of that desperate struggle “against Time,” which the two 
men had carried on together for so many years. 

I should myself feel that way, and would not mention the Reichsfiihrer 
S.S. at all, were I writing a political pamphlet, 


1 George Blond, “L’Agonie de l’Allemagne,” p. 182. 

2 

To the extent the document published as Adolf Hitler’s “Political Testament” is 
genuine. 



391 


intended to be read to-day, and thrown into the fire to-morrow, after having 
served its one purpose of contributing to bring my German comrades back to 
power. I entirely agree that, for the time being, the memory of many of those 
who have rendered the greatest services to the National Socialist cause — if 
necessary, even that of such a man as Heinrich Himmler, — should be 
sacrificed to the demands of the cleverest possible policy, in the immediate 
interest of the Cause. But this book is not a political pamphlet. And to hide 
this particular historical truth concerning Heinrich Himmler, would not serve 
the interest of Hitlerism in the long run. The frank acknowledgement of it 
leads anyhow to a better philosophical understanding of the great new faith 
“against Time” (and also of the world-wide coalition against it.) This truth 
must, sooner or later, be expressed. For it is nothing less than the 
consequence of a fundamental datum, which explains it, (and even explains 
the abrupt end of Himmler’s close and long collaboration with the Fuhrer) 
and which is the following: Heinrich Himmler was what I shall calf for the 
sake of convenience of speech, the Fiihrer’ s “lightning” counterpart: — a 
man “against Time,” he too, despite the enormous distance that separates 
him, the well-meaning disciple, from Adolf Hitler, the Man “against Time”; 
an idealist he too, as so many held him to be in the early years of the 
Movement and as some (who understand their National Socialist faith better 
than others) still dare to consider him to-day, and not that unscrupulous and 
faithless fellow, devoured with lust for personal power, that a pernicious 
propaganda has tried to make out of him. (One has no grounds whatsoever to 
believe such propaganda.) But an idealist with hardly any of the “Sun” 
qualities that the Fuhrer so eminently possessed, and with all the 
“Lightning” characteristics — all the traits of a man destined to act 
successfully “in Time” — which he partly lacked; a man “against Time” by 
far “more ‘Lighting’ than ‘Sun’,” in glaring contrast to Adolf Hitler. 

He was not — and never pretended to be, — a Master. He lacked that 
tremendous intuition which gave Adolf Hitler such an insight into cosmic 
realities. He lacked that aesthetic type of intelligence which distinguishes all 
creators and most prophets. He lacked that particular type of sensitiveness 
which draws unfailingly the right line between the spirit and the letter of a 
true doctrine; and also that particular suppleness 



392 


which allows one to avoid hasty generalisations. But he was an admirable 
disciple — one of the best ones Adolf Hitler had; a man of faith, who not 
only adhered to the National Socialist doctrine, as millions did, on account 
of the political horizons it opened (because it was the only creed that could 
save Germany), but who accepted it in its essence, and that, because it struck 
him as being true: capable of saving Germany, surely; but, apart from that, 
true absolutely, eternally, independently of its success or failure on the 
material plane; a man who accepted its basic idea of a natural racial 
hierarchy and of the eminent superiority of Aryan blood, its scale of moral 
values, entirely rooted in that idea, and its flat denial of the old Jewish- 
sponsored superstition of “man.” And a man of works, who, once he had 
embraced that creed (which he did wholeheartedly, and very early — when 
one had all to loose and nothing to gain by proclaiming one’s allegiance to 
it) was to forward it with all the fanaticism of an eleventh Century Crusader; 
to defend it with all the ruthlessness, the method, the cold-blooded, 
meticulous thoroughness of a sixteenth Century Grand Inquisitor. He 
applied, with detached exactitude and with an iron hand, the principle 
expressed by Adolf Hitler in “Mein Kampf’ — the principle steadily 
applied, in the course of history, by such men “against Time” or “in Time” 
who have succeeded in uprooting an old faith and in forcing a new one upon 
dynamic nations; the rule of every struggle “in Time” and a fortiori “against 
Time” — “Poison can only be overcome through counter-poison” ... 
“Tyranny can only be broken through tyranny, and terror through greater 
terror.” 1 Few famous men of the Third Reich — apart of course from the 
Fiihrer himself and also from Dr. Goebbels — were as thoroughly as he 
convinced of this practical necessity. Few — apart from the same (and from 
Julius Streicher) — were, as vividly as he, aware of the sinister historical 
role of the Jews, nay, of the fact that they have been, directly or indirectly, 
for centuries, and remain, the ferment of disintegration — the natural agents 
of the Forces of death — in the midst of all Aryan nations. 

The only pity is that Heinrich Himmler was not given immediately — 
on the 31st of January 1933 — the full powers that he was but gradually to 
acquire (and to enjoy, practically without control, but years later, — during 
the war). In that 


i 


“Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 507. 



393 


case, many dangerous Jewish “intellectuals” who, through written and 
spoken word, stirred the whole world against National Socialist Germany, 
would quietly have been packed off to Auschwitz without a return-ticket (or 
disposed of in some still less spectacular but equally safe manner) instead of 
being allowed to take the boat (or the aeroplane) that carried them to 
London, to New York, to Bombay, and where not. In that case, no rich Jews 
would have been able to leave Germany. They would have worked hard — 
dug canals, built roads, cut stones for the rest of their lives — under the 
vigilant supervision of S.S. men, instead of financing anti-Nazi newspaper 
articles, and books and lectures, and movements, all over the world. And not 
only the Jews, but also many a German enemy of the regime would have 
been denied the opportunity of becoming, in later years, the hidden 
accomplice of Great Britain, the U.S.A. and Soviet Russia, in their struggle 
to crush the new Aryan order in the making. That beautiful New Order 
would have had, thanks to Himmler’s methods applied in time to its defence, 
a chance to live. 

These methods — and the spirit behind them — are, as regards their 
application to war, defined in the Reichsfuhrer’s well-known, and most 
vehemently criticised, Posen speech of 1943: “...What happens to a Russian 
or to a Czech does not interest me in the least.... That hostile nations be 
prosperous or that they starve to death interests me only in connection with 
that number of their citizens which we need as slaves. Otherwise, it does not 
interest me. That ten thousand Russian women may die of exhaustion in 
digging an anti-tank ditch interest me only to the extent that the ditch is 
completed for Germany.... When someone comes and tells me: ‘I cannot 
have that ditch dug by women and children; it would kill them, and therefore 
be inhuman,’ I reply: ‘It is you the murderer of your German race! For if the 
ditch be not dug in time, German soldiers will perish; and these are sons of 
German mothers: men of your own blood....” 

This speech has given, after the war, any amount of grist to the anti- 
Nazi propaganda mill. One has deliberately forgotten that it is a war speech, 
delivered at one of the most critical moments of a life and death struggle. 
One has also, deliberately forgotten that the very equivalent of what 
Himmler here openly says has been practised over and over and over again, 
in 



394 


the course of all wars and all revolutions of history, without it hardly ever 
having been as bluntly worded. No fighter is indeed interested in what might 
happen to his enemies: all he wishes is to defeat them. And as for women 
and children, one is compelled to use them as slave-labour when none other 
is available and when the work to be done is urgent. Nor can one afford to 
measure each and every person’s task to his or her strength, when the work 
has to be ready within a definite and very short delay. To pretend one can is 
nonsense. Not a single one of those “humanitarians” whom the Posen speech 
fills — so they say! — with indignation, would sit and watch the enemy’s 
tanks roll over his own people, instead of having an antitank ditch timely dug 
across their way by whoever it be, including women and children if no male 
labour be at hand. Again, as I noticed in one of the first chapters of this 
book: it is not violence, but honesty about violence, which rapidly decreases 
at the end of the Dark Age; not ruthlessness, but the frank and 
straightforward admission of the necessity of ruthlessness in any 
revolutionary struggle, nay, in any struggle whatsoever, if one wishes to be 
lastingly victorious; the admission that “to overcome poison through 
counter-poison” — in the present case, to overcome Marxism through 
National Socialism, its only antidote, — implies, in war, exactly that which 
Himmler here mentions, and, in the domain of coercive activity, 
concentration camps and gas chambers (or their equivalent.) 

The reason why Heinrich Himmler is so widely and so bitterly hated 
is not really that he acted with the ruthlessness that one knows, — that self¬ 
same ruthlessness, I repeat, which has characterised the historically decisive 
action of all great fighters “in Time” or “against Time”: of those European 
rulers who once forced Christianity upon their subjects or upon the people 
they conquered; of the early warriors of Islam; of the Mongols in all their 
campaigns; of the agents of the Holy Inquisition who defended the Roman 
Church against heresy; of those early Shoguns of the Tokugawa Dynasty 
who defended Japan against Christianity; of the men of the French 
Revolution; and finally of the European colonialists who, willingly or 
without meaning to, (ironical as this may sound in the case of some of 
them!) helped to spread the Judeo-Christian infection — and its unexpected, 
but logical consequence: the later Marxist infection — all over the world. It 
is not that he 



395 


did this or that (or, rather, caused it to be done.) It is that he admitted, nay, 
proclaimed, in such blunt and brutal words, the necessity of his action. It is, 
more specially, that his action was accomplished neither in support of any 
already existing man-centred creed (whether Christianity, “humanitarian” 
Democracy, or Marxism) nor in the name of any new one, but for the 
triumph of Germany viewed as the citadel of an unbendingly life-centred 
faith “against Time”; for the glory of that cosmic (and not merely human) 
faith; for the preparation of the advent and rule of Aryan supermen: gods on 
earth. 

The advanced Dark Age world hates supermen, and is increasingly 
anti- Aryan. It loves “man” — average man; the more mediocre the better! 
— “man” as “God’s” alleged darling (and the actual darling of all 
philosophies rooted in, or mixed up with, Jewish thought); it loves “poor, 
suffering humanity”: the incurably sick; the cripple; the degenerate; and the 
vicious weaklings of all races, to whom it would gladly sacrifice all the 
healthy beasts of the earth. It believes in “human solidarity.” And any 
defiant denial of the latter, such as is contained in the Posen speech, 
“shocks” it profoundly. (What shocks me profoundly is that, among all those 
who feel “indignant” at the “monstrosity” of the Posen speech, hardly any — 
if any at all — have ever been kept awake, be it for half a night, at the 
thought of the sufferings of the countless innocent sentient creatures tortured 
in the vivisection chambers of the whole world in order to gratify man’s 
criminal curiosity, or to help him “save” — or prolong — the lives of people 
who are not worth saving, or, at any rate, to help him commercialise his 
diabolic ability as long as possible, at those patients’ expense. This does, not 
urge me to “love humanity.”) 

But there is more: the advanced Dark Age world, whose unifying faith 
is, more and more, the superstition of “man,” felt, and still feels, (be it 
dimly) that, had Heinrich Himmler enjoyed from the beginning of the 
National Socialist regime the full powers he had in 1943; or, rather, had 
Adolf Hitler, who actually was “more ‘Sun’ than ‘Lightning’,” possessed, 
along with his god-like vision, and dynamism and power of synthesis, — 
along with all the virtues and potencies and knowledge of a great creator 
“against Time,” who is, as I once stated, necessarily a Man “above Time” 
also, — Heinrich Himmler’s cold-blooded, abstract, exact and 
indiscriminate — mechanical — destructiveness, 



396 


untiringly directed against anything and anybody that stood in the way of 
National Socialism; had he possessed Himmler’s policeman’s estrangement 
to “human realities,” his contempt for all manner of shades and distinctions 
between Jews and half-Jews (or quarter of Jews) on one hand, as well as 
between “more or less” dangerous Anti-Nazis of Aryan blood, on the other, 
the glorious Swastika faith would have triumphed. And a glorious new 
Aryan humanity, an aristocracy of gods on earth, would have risen, pushing 
aside (and leaving to die out naturally) or eliminating the bastardised 
millions we know only too well. And it would have governed the earth in 
justice and in truth — according to the scale of eternal natural values, which 
has nothing in common with Christian-democratic, Social-democratic or 
Marxist morals. 

But then, Adolf Hitler would not have been Adolf Hitler the One- 
before-the-last and most tragic of all that series of men “against Time” that 
stretches from the beginning of the far gone legendary “Silver Age” 1 to the 
end of the one in which we are living. He would have been, in our Time- 
cycle, the last Embodiment of Him Who comes back, age after age “to 
establish on earth the reign of righteousness”; the last, and fully successful 
One, Whom Sanskrit Tradition names Kalki. For He alone will possess, 
mathematically balanced, and all to the supreme degree, the virtues which 
seem incompatible. He alone will be not merely “both ‘Sun’ and 
Lightning’,” but equally “Sun” and “Lightning.” 

Considered in the light of cosmic truth, the hatred of this advanced 
Dark Age world for Heinrich Himmler is but an unconscious expression of 
its fear of the invincible divine Destroyer, — Kalki — Who is to come. The 
East and West — Marxists and Anti-Marxists or so-called such — vaguely 
felt (and feel) that, had it been but for a little more “Lightning” power — a 
little more “cold-blooded inhumanity” such as Himmler possessed — Adolf 
Hitler would have been He, and have put an end to this Time-cycle. 

* * * 

This is so true that, of all Anti-Nazis the most justifiably such — the 
most naturally such — the most conscious, the most 


1 


The Treta Yuga of Sanskrit Scriptures; the age immediately after the “Age of Truth.” 



397 


purposeful, and those who, by far, understand the best the more-than- 
political nature of National Socialism, namely, the Jews, seem to have been 
aware of it. In December 1942, after noisy demonstrations in the streets of 
Jerusalem and after a day of fasting, they gathered at the famous Wailing 
Wall and there “invoked the Old Testament Jewish curse” 1 2 3 against Adolf 
Hitler and three of his closest collaborators. Which ones? Not Rudolf Hess, 
the chivalrous idealist; the man who had risked his life and lost his freedom 
in order to try to stop a fratricidal war. Hess was too deeply like the Fiihrer; 
he possessed, like he, more “Sun” than “Lightning” in his psychological 
makeup, and therefore was not to be feared; moreover, he was, for a year 
and a half already, a prisoner in the Tower of London. Not Julius Streicher 
either, although few were as demonstratively “anti-Jewish” as he. For the 
Jews are practical people — at least when they act systematically, as a 
nation. They do not object to people being anti-Jewish; they merely object to 
their being dangerous (from the Jewish point of view.) And Streicher was 
precisely too demonstrative and too impulsive to be dangerous. Even the 
stories he published in “Der Sturmer were too crudely related to be the last 
word in anti-Jewish propaganda. (The Jewish horrors presented as a matter 
of course, by Jews themselves, in the Old Testament, beat them anyhow!) 
No; the three great Germans that the Rabbis of Jerusalem took the trouble to 
curse, through immemorial performances of black magic, along with the 
Prophet and Leader of awakening Aryandom were Dr. Goebbels, Hermann 
Goring and Heinrich Himmler: all idealists; men “against Time,” in the 
service of the same ideal as himself, but men possessing, to an even greater 
degree than he, the qualities or advantages which secure success “in Time”: 
ruthlessness, coupled with suppleness; a convenient and adaptable 
eloquence, that can lie convincingly, whenever it is in the interest of the 
Cause; or that extraordinary personal charm — the manners, the many-sided 
intellect and princely extravagance — which made Goring’s contact with 
foreign plutocrats so easy and so helpful; or Heinrich Himmler’s 
unhesitating mercilessness 


1 See “The Goebbels Diaries” (New York, 1948), p. 250 — Entry of the 18th. December 
1942. 

2 See the same. 

3 George Blond, “L’Agonie de TAllemagne,” p. 290. 



398 


wherever the defence of the new German Reich, centre and citadel of a new, 
regenerate Aryandom, was concerned. Men who were, precisely, not like the 
Fiihrer, but whose capacities completed his and forwarded his creation, in 
which they all believed; men who often could, better than he, defeat the 
Dark forces with their own weapons, be it with the diplomat’s friendly smile 
and irresistible words of deceit, be it with the policeman’s irresistible 
pressure upon alleged plotters until they break down and give away the 
names of other plotters and the details of the plot — or die. Dangerous men, 
from the Jewish standpoint; men such as Adolf Hitler needed; personalities 
such as, could they have been harmoniously woven into his, would have 
made him the dreaded One Whom he merely precedes and foreshadows: the 
last Man “against Time,” Destroyer of this Dark Age world. 

* * * 

It is not that Adolf Hitler lacked eloquence or that he could not, when 
he liked, be full of charm. More than anything else, his inspiring speech and 
the fascination he exerted upon the masses, carried him to power. And his 
personal charm won him many a friend. But his were the devastating 
eloquence and the genuine, hypnotic fascination of a Prophet, not the artful 
persuasiveness of a diplomat or of a “man of the world” — or of both in one. 
The masses — the German masses, who are genuine, primitive; 
fundamentally in quest of justice — and the, real elite: — the aristocracy of 
blood and character, the men “against Time” — followed him as a matter of 
course. But he was not the man to bargain with the wily leaders of this 
advanced Dark Age, be they of the capitalistic or of the Communistic brand. 
He tried (how many times did he not stretch out his hand to England in a 
spirit of peace!) — but failed. An abyss gaped between all crafty 
professional diplomats and him; nay, between all men who accepted the 
“values” of this Age and him: an abyss which he (and they) increasingly felt 
to be unbreachable, but which did not exist (or at least was not obvious) 
between those same people and Hermann Goring, not to mention J. von 
Ribbentrop and other men of the Third Reich. There were moments in which 
the Fiihrer was particularly 



399 


aware of this difference and of his isolation in the midst of a hostile world 
that had let hell loose all round him It is in one of those moments that he is 
said to have declared — on the 22nd of April 1945, in presence of General 
Keitel and General Jodi —: “If it comes to negotiating, Goring will do it 
much better than I.” 

One cannot say, either, that Adolf Hitler could not be ruthless, when 
placed before exceptional circumstances. He proved himself to be, nay, more 
and more so, as the war drew nearer and nearer to its tragic end. Nothing 
buttresses this statement more definitely than the words he addressed all the 
Gauleiters of the Reich on the 24th of February 1945, commanding them to 
rouse the people to a “pitch of Teutonic fury” against the invaders from the 
East and from the West, so that the whole German nation might perish 
sword in hand, rather than surrender. “If the German people give way,” said 
he, carrying the logic of the National Socialist doctrine to its supreme 
conclusions, whatever these be, “that will only show that they have not a 
stamina worthy of their mission, in which case they deserve destruction.” 1 

It is not a sheer coincidence that these words were spoken on the 
twenty-fifth anniversary of the foundation of the National Socialist Party, 
They express the natural and logical reaction of the Man “against Time,” 
before the material impossibility of his dream within this Dark Age. The 
terrible “burnt earth” policy which he forwarded in a new message, 
addressed to the Gauleiters hardly three weeks later — on the 16th of March 
1945 — is an outcome of the same. In that message, the Fiihrer commanded 
that all power-stations, gas-factories, all manner of manufacturing centres, 
mines, railways, canals, water-supplies, clothes and food supplies etc., be 
totally destroyed. On the other hand, the generals received orders to turn into 
deserts the regions they were to defend to the death of their last soldier. They 
were to destroy not only the bridges, and all the works enumerated within 
the message to the Gauleiters , but even the water-tanks, the granaries full of 
corn, whatever is necessary to life, — whatever could be useful to the 
enemy. Never mind if the people who would survive bombing and battles 
would die of hunger and thirst! 2 


Quoted by Georges Blond, “L’Agonie de l’Allemagne.” 

2 

~ Quoted by Georges Blond, same book. 



400 


Those orders were never carried out. Albert Speer, Minister of 
Armement and Industries, saw to it that they were not. And although he 
came to know of this, the Fuhrer never had Speer arrested nor did he insist 
upon the execution of his own orders. The further desperate struggle 
absorbed all his energy. I have quoted these messages of the 24th of 
February and 16th of March 1945 merely on account of the light which they 
shed upon his spontaneous reaction to a state of affairs, that allowed no 
hope. A later episode is no less instructive. When informed, on the 29th of 
April 1945, that the Russians were advancing, through a passage of the 
Underground Railway under the River Spree, into the heart of Berlin, Adolf 
Hitler ordered that the passage be at once flooded. There were wounded 
soldiers in it: German soldiers who had fought and were dying for the love 
of him and of his dream of Aryan) pride and power. General Krebs told him 
so. The builder of the Third German Reich, mastering his feelings, replied 
that it could not be helped, and maintained his order, which, this, time, was 
carried out. The wounded Germans were drowned, along with a whole 
battalion of Russians 1 — sacrificed to the ruthless logic of total war even 
though, viewed from a practical standpoint, the sacrifice was useless; even, 
though the war was now lost anyhow. 

There is more: it would seem that it was precisely for not having kept, 
to the end, that superhuman detachment in front of “the fruits of action” — 
that attitude of the warrior who knows he is defeated, but yet fights and dies, 
sword in hand, — that he finally dismissed Hermann Goring (the man who 
“could negotiate” better than himself; who, — some hinted — was willing to 
negotiate with the Western Allies) and rejected and condemned Heinrich 
Himmler (who had, at the last moment, actually tried to conclude an 
armistice with them.) He had Fegelein, — Gruppenfuhrer S.S. married to 
Eva Braun’s own sister — shot for having, without permission, attempted to 
go home, and thus “to survive” the ruin of the Reich. He made apparently no 
distinction between Himmler, who had tried to negotiate with the Allies for 
Germany to live, and Fegelein, who had merely tried to spare his own life. In 
the last days of that titanic struggle against the coalesced forces of the whole 
Dark Age world, all discriminations and all proportions lost 


Episode also quoted by Georges Blond. 



401 


their meaning. Germany and a German became the same — or about the 
same — just as a light-year and a light-hour are the same in the agelessness 
of the Infinite. 

Adolf Hitler condemned Himmler precisely because he, “the perfect 
National Socialist believer,” who had followed him so far, and for so many 
years — already when the Party was small and illegal; — who had, nay, in 
many circumstances, gone further than he along the way of indiscriminate 
ruthlessness, did not follow him to the end; could not, it would seem, like he, 
and like Goebbels, and like admirable Magda Goebbels, understand the 
mathematical necessity of Germany’s Passion in view of the earthly 
salvation of the Aryan race, and of the ultimate re-establishment of the 
divine world-Order (never mind when and how); could not understand, like 
he, the necessity of her sacrifice “in the interest of the Universe.” (Albert 
Speer had also “not understood.” He too had stood up against the Fuhrer’s 
determination to fight to the finish. He had prevented the execution of his 
“burnt earth” orders. And yet the Fiihrer forgave him. True, Speer had joined 
the Party in 1933, after its rise to power, not like Himmler, ten years before, 
when the success of National Socialism seemed problematic. Nor was he 
that fanatical defender of the National Socialist doctrine, that Himmler was. 
Moreover, morally tortured at the thought of having broken his oath of 
allegiance to Adolf Hitler, Speer came, at, his own risk, and opened his heart 
to him. It is difficult to say whether the Fuhrer would have pardoned 
Himmler’s attempt to negotiate with the hostile powers, had the 
Reichsjuhrer S.S. come to him and done the same. Adolf Hitler expected 
more of him than of Speer or anybody else). 

The truth is that the Fuhrer’s ruthlessness and Heinrich Himmler’s 
were not of the same quality, or, to repeat what I have already so 
emphatically stressed, that Adolf Hitler was essentially one of those heroic 
but unfortunate Men “against Time,” “more Sun than Lightning,” who, as 
long as this Dark Age lasts, are bound to loose, while Himmler would have 
won, had he but possessed something of Adolf Hitler’s genius. He would 
have sacrificed anybody and anything to the one goal ,from the beginning — 
when the sacrifice would have had the greatest practical justification. He 
would not have cared for the losses. And he would have won. But he would 
not have been “Kalki” — the last one — for all that; not even with genius. 
He lacked 



402 


“Sun” qualities to a too great extent. But then, National Socialism, like the 
ancient Aryan order in India, — or like early Islam — would have fallen to 
pieces from within after a few generations, thanks precisely to those 
compromises with the Dark Forces, which every victory “in Time” implies. 

Adolf Hitler did not want such a victory. 

The only victory he wanted was a definitive one; — the definitive 
one; the one which only He, the last Man “against Time,” the last 
Incarnation of the everlasting World-Sustainer in a human body, — Kalki — 
can win. 

And yet — for such is the law of every sincere, genuine struggle 
“against Time,” which asserts itself more and more compellingly as time 
flows by, and as the Dark Age draws to its end — he was, from the start, 
aware of the necessity of those qualities “in Time,” of those “Lightning” 
qualities, which all ruthless National Socialists, and specially Himmler, 
emimently possessed; which he possessed himself, to a very high, even if 
not yet sufficient, degree. He was aware of their necessity if, in his own 
words, “poison” was to be “overcome through counter-poison, tyranny 
through tyranny, and terror through greater terror.” He has more than once 
compared the rise of the new Movement to that of the early Catholic Church, 
thereby recognising the solid worldly capabilities of its organisers and of his 
fighters — even of its spiritual fighters — as a sine qua non condition of its 
development and triumph, at once and in the long run. It may seem 
somewhat unexpected — not to say somewhat irrelevant, when not absurd 

— to mention in this connection such a thing as the immemorial symbolism 
of colours. Still in that most powerful Church of the Dark Age, that National 
Socialism is out to combat and to crush, but the long worldly experience of 
which it was — and is, now and in the future, — to meditate upon and to 
make use of, every ritual colour has its meaning. The Pope, Head of the 
faithful, is clad in white, recalling thereby the spiritual purity and lucidity of 
the Initiate — the Man “above Time,” whose other-worldly truth has been 
distorted and exploited in historical Christianity. The scarlet, purple and gold 
of the high Church Dignitaries also symbolise states of advanced spirituality 

— the ideal towards which the Church is supposed to aspire. But the Church 
is an organisation of this earth — an organisation in Time. It is the militant 
hierarchy acting 



403 


under the inspiration and orders of Dostoyevsky’s “Grand Inquisitor” “for 
the greatest glory of Christ” but surely not according to Christ’s wisdom, 
which is “not of this earth.” And its actual fighting forces — all its priests 
and nearly all its monks and nuns, who are its strength in the day to day 
struggle against all contrary (or rival) powers and its obvious witnesses 
among the people, — are clad in black, the colour of this Age; at the most 
(as in the case of the Dominicans) in black and white — the colour of this 
Dark Age and of Light “above Time.” 

It strikes me as an extremely eloquent fact that the Swastika, Symbol 
of Life and Health 1 and Symbol of the Sun, which Adolf Hitler chose to 
place at the centre of the German flag — not to say of the Pan-Aryan flag, 
for Germany is to remain, in the light of the Hitler faith, the head of a Pan- 
Aryan Movement — was back upon a white background, nay, black upon a 
white disk, amidst a further scarlet surface. And this is all the more 
remarkable if one assumes that the Fiihrer took his decision intuitively, 
without being aware of its meaning (which I, personally, however, do not 
believe.) 

It is, also, remarkable that, although the exigencies of war imposed the 
unconspicuous greyish-green (feldgrau ) uniform upon the Waffen S.S., the 
elder S.S. organisation, — the “Allgemeine” S.S, entrusted with the inner 
defence of the regime — wore black — black, I repeat, the colour 
symbolising par excellence the Dark Forces, which can be crushed only 
through forces of a similar nature', the colour symbolising the harsh qualities 
“in Time” that the S.S. men were to put to the service of an ideal of Golden 
Age perfection. 

Far from considering the black Swastika and the black raiment of the 
Knights of the new Faith as a “mistake from the standpoint of the Invisible” 
— still less as a “proof’ of “black magic” — I see in them signs of an 
unfailing knowledge of the laws of action in Time; a knowledge at least as 
sound as that of the builders of the Catholic Church; a recognition of the fact 
that alone through qualities “in Time” — through those “Lightning” 
qualities that carry all agents of the Dark forces to success and all great men 
“in Time” to greatness — can a Movement triumph here and now, in this 
Dark Age; specially 


Swasti, in Sanskrit. 



404 


near the end of it, and specially a Movement against the spirit of it. 

And, I repeat, — for one cannot repeat it enough —: had those 
capabilities and tendencies symbolised in the black Swastika upon the 
German flag and in the black uniform of the toughest defenders of National 
Socialism been displayed to their full, from the beginning, by the Man 
“against Time,” Adolf Hitler, (and not only the qualities of ruthlessness and 
fanaticism; characteristic of all revolutionary movements in their youth, but 
also such qualities of cunning, of deceit, of shameless unscrupulousness, as 
alone can match and beat the cunning, deceit and selfish unscrupulousness 
of this advanced Dark Age mankind); had, first of all, the Jewish question 
been solved in time, not only with all Himmler’s mercilessness, but also with 
all the necessary diplomacy, i.e., had the Jews — and all the Jews; all the 
dangerous ones, especially, — been disposed of quietly, without the world 
knowing of it or being able to prove it; had even the influential Jews in 
foreign lands somehow been lured into confidence and brought to their 
doom, already before the war; had, on the other hand, the question of the 
collaboration of certain technicians, capitalists and high officers, whose 
National Socialist convictions were more than doubtful, but whose 
capabilities the Third Reich needed, been tackled in a both more ruthless and 
more supple manner, — as similar problems were handled in Russia, by the 
Communists, on their coming to power; — had Adolf Hitler also proved 
himself both more merciless and more supple in his dealings with the outer 
world; had he, instead of displaying, in the last days of the war, a materially 
useless ruthlessness towards his own people, crushed England without 
hesitation, without pity, without remorse, in 1940, and made the widest 
possible concessions to Russia at England’s expense, regardless of the 
number of Europeans (Aryan brothers) whom he would have sacrificed to 
Stalin’s convenience (the self-same ones whom Roosevelt and Churchill 
were to sacrifice two years later, but this time against the German Reich); in 
on word, had he been himself plus the extraordinary man “in Time” who 
could have deceived Stalin and crushed England and U.S.A. (or deceived 
Roosevelt and Churchill, and crushed Russia, in the case that was more 
advantageous in the long run), it is more than probable that the National 
Socialist State would be lasting still. 



405 


But that was not to be, for the simple reason that I have already given 
— the reason which Adolf Hitler himself expressed, in his own way, to Hans 
Grimm, in 1928, — namely that he, the Leader of the National Socialist 
Movement, was not “the Leader Who is to come” — i.e., the last Man 
“against Time” — but only the One-before-the-last; the one who was to do 
“the preparatory work” {die Vorarbeit) for the One Who will come after 
him. 

He felt — not being, himself, that One “equally ‘Sun’ and 
‘Lightning’” — that, were he to allow the ruthless (and cunning) men round 
him to act from the beginning as they liked, the State “against Time” that he 
wanted to build would, very soon, ins their hands (or very soon after him 
and them) degenerate into an ordinary State “in Time” — as the early, noble 
and warlike Islamic State so quickly degenerated into the dreary, corrupt 
Khalifate, nay, Khalifates, of which history tells us, after the rule of saintly 
Ali. 

Rather than such a victory, — the only possible one for any great Man 
“against Time,” save the last One — he preferred the terrible risk (and, soon, 
the terrible reality) of heroic defeat. And he faced defeat, fully conscious of 
its meaning, in the spirit of detached (apparently useless, yet, spiritually 
necessary) dutiful action, which is that of that other divine Man “against 
Time” Who spoke upon the Kurukshettra Field, thousands of years before. 

His S.S. men, — those of them, at least, who were worthy of the 
name, —faced it in the same spirit. It was natural to them. We read in one of 
the most impartial foreign reportages written about them — in that book of 
Georges Blond’s, already quoted — the following statement: “War, modem 
war, with its power of death and its essential inhumanity, was for them a 
pleasure. Or, if not exactly a pleasure, at least the most interesting, the only 
really interesting way of life. Most of the Waffen S.S. men did not even 
raise within their minds the question of the possible issue of the war: all that 
interested them was that it lasted.” And the French author adds: “Such was 
the result of National Socialist fanaticism coupled with drill. 1 We see, in the 
S.S. men’s attitude to war the outcome of the glorious Aryan Wisdom of 
detached Action, which is both theirs and that of the Bhagavad-Gita. It 
reminds us verses 


1 Georges Blond, “L’Agonie de l’Allemagne,” p. 106. 



406 


of the Book of books: “...looking to thine own duty, thou shouldst not 
tremble; for there is nothing more welcome to a Kshattriya than a righteous 
war;” 1 “Happy the Kshattriyas who obtain such a fight, offered, unsought, as 
an open door to heaven”; 2 “...Slain, thou wilt obtain heaven; victorious, thou 
wilt enjoy the earth, therefore, stand up, son of Kunti, resolute to fight!” 3 
“Taking as equal pleasure and pain, gain and loss, victory and defeat, gird 
thyself for the battle; thus, thou shalt not incur sin.” 4 It reminds us that the 
S.S. men — the real ones — elite of the privileged Nation out of which 
Adolf Hitler tried to make a Nation “against Time,” — are Aryan warriors 
“Kshattriyas” of the West. And if “National Socialist fanaticism coupled 
with drill” strengthened or created in them such an attitude, we should say 
that “National Socialist fanaticism coupled with drill” made genuine “Karma 
Yogis” out of them. 

Moreover, round them and beyond them, the Fiihrer’s people at large, 
who were to continue to live, and to fulfill in suffering their long-appointed 
historical mission, had the same attitude, more or less, and did the same. 
Every true disciple of his did — and does — the same, according to his 
conscience; every one, from the martyrs of Nuremberg — those who were 
hanged and those who, to this day, are prisoners, — to the humblest faithful 
German; to the humblest faithful Aryan of other lands, who believes in him; 
every one, beginning with the three men who had the honour of being 
cursed, along with him, by the rabbis of Jerusalem in December 1942; — the 
three, two of whom had been, unfortunately, cut off from him in the fever of 
the last days of the war. (Dr. Goebbels died, with his wife and children, the 
voluntary, heroic death one knows, in the historic “bunker.” Heinrich 
Himmler was killed — shot, and then, ignominiously thrown into a cesspool, 
by British soldiers 5 — a few days later. And Hermann Goring took poison in 
the night between the 15th and the 16th of October 1946, after having gone 
through the whole infamous Trial on the bench of the accused, and having 
justified before his judges and before posterity, in a last splendid speech, 
Adolf Hitler and the Third German Reich, 


The Bhagavad-Gita, II, verse 31. 

2 The Bhagavad-Gita, II, verse 32. 

3 The Bhagavad-Gita, II, verse 37. 

4 The Bhagavad-Gita, II, verse 38. 

5 Heinrich Himmler’s widow has, herself, given me the confirmation of this fact. 



407 


and the more-than-German and more-than-human aristocratic ideal that both 
embody forever). 

In the Allied jails and camps, after the war, and in the midst of the 
atrocious conditions under which all Germany was to live for years, the 
merciless purge began. The impersonal Forces of Light and Life, Whose 
ways are mysterious, used the Jewish torturers and Allied hangmen — and 
the politicians and businessmen whose interest it was to keep Germany 
down all these years, — to sort out and separate, within the National 
Socialist ranks or so-called such, the good corn from the tare. 

There were months and months of savage persecution, during which a 
host of martyrs sealed with their blood their allegiance to the Man “against 
Time.” I shall recall one — one among thousands; the worthy comrade and 
mouthpiece of thousands: a young S.S. warder of the Belsen camp, whom 
the British and their Jewish acolytes tortured in April 1945, in the hope to 
get I do not know what information out of him. One evening, he was brought 
to the infirmary, unrecognisable: eyeless, his jaw hanging; his bones broken, 
his face and body one raw, bleeding mass of torn flesh. He was placed upon 
a bed. And a British officer told the German doctors: “See to it that he lasts 
till to-morrow morning; we must try once more to make him speak...” In the 
middle of the night, the young man called the nurse in charge. He could not 
move; hardly utter a word. She leaned over the bed. He whispered; “Heil 
Hitler!” and gave up the ghost. I do not know his name; but r have often 
thought of him — and of others — and recalled the verse of the Horst 
Wessel Song: “Comrades whom the Reaction and the Red Front have slain,” 
— whom all the agents of the Dark forces have slain, — “march in spirit 
with us, within our ranks!” 

Countless such episodes have taken place in Germany (in Schwabisch 
Hall 1 and elsewhere) and in all lands of Europe and in Russia. And there are 
the martyrs who died, and there are those who survived — who, to this day, 
are waiting in the prisons of Western Germany and Western Europe: in 
Werl, in Wittlich, in Landsberg, in Breda, in Fresnes, etc., in Spandau and in 


The place in which the S.S. men involved (or alleged to be involved) in the notorious 
“Malmedy case” were tortured. See the report of the American judge Van Roden 
published in 1948. 



408 


the camps of Russia and Siberia; working as slaves in the Ural mines, in the 
freezing gold-fields of Kolyma, and waiting; waiting for a liberation that 
never comes. There are the thousands of civilians who are not — or are no 
longer — in jail, but who have no place in a world in which the citadel of all 
hopes “against Time” — the Third German Reich — has disappeared. 

Some of them — more and more every day — give way; gradually 
change; let themselves be absorbed into the ugly, dreary, Anti-Nazi post-war 
world. A few resist and remain — stronger as the flood spreads and roars all 
round them; victorious rocks, — invincible rocks — in the midst of the ever- 
expanding flood. They make no noise; they are not spoken of; not mentioned 
in any connection. They work, and they live; apparently, “like other people”; 
in fact, as National Socialists. They forget nothing, forgive nothing, and 
learn all that they can. They keep within their hearts and live up to the 
commandments of the new faith of Aryan pride and cosmic Truth, expressed 
by Alfred Rosenberg, the martyr: “Thou shalt be brave; thou shalt never do 
anything mean. Thou shalt love God in all living things, animals and plants. 
Thou shalt keep thy blood pure...” They gather now and then, when they 
can, — and read Nietzsche’s works, and Rosenberg’s and Fremsen’s, but 
specially Adolf Hitler’s “Mein Kampf.” And they comment upon the eternal 
words. They remember and tell their children the message of hope — the 
secret of invincibility; the call to power, — one of the last sentences of the 
Fuhrer’s book: “A State which, in the Age of racial contamination, devotes 
itself to the care of its best racial elements, is bound to become, one day, the 
master of the earth.” 1 

They work. They wait. They live. They are, in this darkening Dark 
Age, the irreducible element “against Time.” They gradually take full 
consciousness of themselves and of their meaning and of their mission, in a 
small number of initiates such as that one who told me, on the 28th of 
October, 1953; “Up till 1945, we were a Party. Since 1945, we have become 
the kernal of a great new faith. We have discovered who we are, and Who 
our Fiihrer is.” 

They live. They marry pure-blooded Aryans of the same faith as 
themselves. They have children — for the privileged Race must continue to 
be, and the Reich, its stronghold in the 


i 


“Mein Kampf’ (edit. 1939), p. 782. 



409-410 


West, must reconquer its power. They bring up their children in the same 
Hitler faith, in spite of all difficulties. They teach them to be proud of being, 
they too, members of the small, pure, healthy, — indestructible — 
community. They give them in marriage to worthy young men and women 
who will, with them, bring the community a generation further along its way 
to final power and glory. 

They are, of course, mostly Germans; there is, nay, a very strong 
proportion of former S.S. men among them. But there are also a few non- 
Germans, — so that the Fiihrer’s words be fulfilled: “In the new world that 
we are building, it will matter little whether a man comes from Austria or 
from Norway, provided he be a pure-blooded Aryan.” 1 (There were, during 
the war, non-German S.S. divisions — including an Indian one — fighting 
for the Third German Reich and for the Aryan Cause.) And the non- 
Germans look up to Adolf Hitler’s Land as to the Holy Land of the West. 

The whole faithful community is already a Pan -Aryan community. 
But a Pan-Aryan community conscious of Germany’s place and significance 
in the history of the West and specially in the history of these last years; 
conscious of the debt of the Aryan race to the National Socialist Reich — 
the State “against Time.” Its members are dispersed all over the earth. But 
the young faith “against Time,” the Hitler faith — that no de-nazification 
efforts can kill, for it is the modem expression of something eternal — is the 
link between them, wherever they be. 

They live, and work in silence, remembering Adolf Hitler. 

They live, and wait. Knowingly or unknowingly, they are waiting for 
Kalki; Kalki, the last Man “against Time”; the One Whom Adolf Hitler 
foresaw in 1928; the Avenger Who will give them — or their children — the 
world. 


Adolf Hitler, “Tisch Gesprache,” published after the war. 


15th February 1956. 



411-412 


PART V 

EPILOGUE 


(Kalki, the Avenger) 



413 


KALKI, THE AVENGER 


The last Incarnation of Him-Who-comes-back-the last Man, “against 
Time” — has many names. Every great faith, every great culture, nay, every 
true (living or obsolete) form or a Tradition as old as the fall of man (and as 
the subsequent yearning for the lost earthly Paradise) has given Him one. 
Through the eyes of the Visionary of Pathmos, the Christians, behold in Him 
Christ “present for the second time” 1 : no, longer a meek preacher of love 
and forgiveness, but the irresistible Leader of the celestial “white Horsemen” 
destined to put an end to this sinful world and to establish “a new Heaven 
and a new earth”; a new Time-cycle. The Mohammedan World is awaiting 
Him under the features of “the Mahdi,” Whom Allah shall send “at the end 
of times,” to crush all evil through the power of His sword — “after the Jews 
will once more have became the masters of Jerusalem” and “after the Devil 
will have taught men to set even the air they breathe, on fire.” On the other 
hand, in nearly every country of Europe, popular Tradition has greeted the 
One-Who-comes-back either in the form of a departed and returning King, 
or as the very Soul of a mythical, hidden Army: in Germany, as Emperor 
Frederic Barbarossa, who shall one day come out of the cave in which he has 
been asleep for centuries, and save his people, and lead them to unheard-of 
glory; in Denmark, as Holger Danske, of the Kronborg Mountain; in Poland, 
as the “Sleeping Host” of folk-tales; in Hungary, as “Attila,” who is, one day 
to re-appear at the head of “Csaba’s Army” and to work divine vengeance 
upon the wicked and to mete out justice; while the old solar religions of 
Central America pictured Him as the radiant white god Quetzalcohuatl, 
returning in glory and power — like the rising Sun — from beyond the 
Eastern Ocean. And the millions of Hindusthan have called Him 


“Deutera Parousia” — “Second presence” — (of Christ) is the Greek expression for the 

“end of the world.” 

2 ... . 

“ This tradition can be, in Islam, traced up to the fourteenth century. In Persia the Twelfth 
Imam — who disappeared mysteriously, to come back at the end of times, — has been 
identified with the “Mahdi.” 



414 


from time immemorial and still call Him “Kalki,” the last Incarnation of the 
world-sustaining Power: Vishnu; the One Who will, in the interest of Life, 
put an end to this “Kali Yuga” or “Age of Gloom” and open a new 
succession of ages. I have called Him in this book by His Hindu name, not in 
order to show off an erudition which I am far from possessing, but simply 
because I happen to know of no Tradition in which the three types of 
manifested existence — ’’above Time,” “against Time” and “in Time” — 
which I tried in these pages to evoke and to define, have so obviously their 
counterpart in the basic trinitarian conception of Divinity Itself, and in which 
(as a consequence of this) the Man “against Time” is, in all His successive 
embodiments, but specially in His last one, more eloquently — and more 
logically — considered as the divine Man par excellence. 

A few words will make this point clear. 

The well-known Hindu Trinity — Brahma, Vishnu, Shiva, so 
masterfully evoked in Indian art — is anything but the blending of three 
inseparable “gods” into one; nay, anything but the triple aspect of one 
transcendent and personal God. It symbolises something by far more 
fundamental, namely Existence in its entirety: manifested and unmanifested; 
conceivable, nay visible and tangible, and beyond conception. For Existence 
— Being — is the One thing divine. And there is no Divinity outside It; and 
nothing outside Divinity. 

Now “Brahma” is Existence in und fur sich — in and for Itself; Being 
unmanifested, and thereby outside and above Time; Being, beyond the 
conception of the Time-bound mind, and thereby, unknowable. It is 
significant that “Brahma” has no temples in India — or elsewhere. One 
cannot render a cult to That which no time-bound consciousness can 
conceive. One can, at the most, through the right attitude (and also through 
the right ascetic practises) merge one’s self into It; transcend individual 
consciousness; live “above Time” — in the absolute Present which admits 
no “before” and no “after,” and which is Eternity. 

“Brahma” — their own deeper Self and that of the world, experienced 
on the level of Eternity — is That which all men “above Time” seek to 
realise: the positive state of “peace, perfect peace”; of peace, not through 
non-existence, but 



415 


through liberation from the bondage of “before” and “after” and of all “pairs 
of opposites.” 

“Vishnu” — the World-Sustainer — is the tendency of every being to 
remain the same and to create (and procreate) in its own likeness; the 
universal Life-force as opposed to change and thereby to disaggregation and 
death; the Power that binds this time-bound Universe to its timeless Essence 
— every manifested being to the Idea of that being, in the sense Plato was 
one day to give the word “Idea.” 

All men “against Time” (all centres of action “against Time,” in the 
cosmic sense of the word) are “embodiments of Vishnu.” They are all — 
more or less — “Saviours of the world” forces of Life, directed against the 
downward current of irresistible change that is the very current of Time; 
forces of Life tending to bring the world back to original timeless Perfection; 
to that glorious projection of the Unmanifested that begins every Time- 
cycle. 

“Shiva” — the “Destroyer” — is the tendency of every being to 
change, to die to its present and to all its past aspects. He is Mahakala — 
Time Itself; Time that drags the Universe to its unavoidable doom and — 
beyond that — to no less irresistible regeneration; to the Spring of a new 
Golden Age, and, again, slowly and steadily, to degeneracy and death, in an 
endless succession of Time-cycles, anyone of which is an individual cycle, 
parallel to all others, no doubt, but like unto none other before or after it. 

The truly great men “in Time” — men such as Genghis Khan, or, 
nearer to us, Stalin, — reflect something of His terrible majesty. The 
greatest men “against Time’’ also , — inasmuch as they all must possess 
(more or less) the qualities of character that are specially those of the men 
“in Time”; the qualities in which is rooted the efficiency of organised 
violence. For Shiva is not only the “Destroyer”; He is the Creator — the 
“Good one” 1 ; the “positive” One — also, to the extent all further creation is 
conditioned by change, and ultimately by the destruction of that which was 
there before. He is — as Essence of destructive change; as Time — turned 
towards the future. The wild, cosmic joy of His Dance in the midst of 
flames, at the end of every successive Time-cycle, is both the joy of 
destruction and of new, perfect Creation. So much so that one can 


1 The word “Shiva” means the “Good One.” 



416 


not distinguish it from the joy of the heroes “against Time,” Incarnations of 
Vishnu. These are all, as I said before, also men “above Time.” A typical 
historic figure “above Time” — the Buddha — has been, in fact, classified 
as an “Incarnation of Vishnu” by the wise men of India; and there is indeed, 
in the cry of triumph attributed to him on his death bed — ’’Now, I shall 
never, never again enter a womb!” — something of the exultant intoxication 
of Lord Shiva’s cosmic Dance. And, on the other hand, Lord Shiva Himself, 
— Time personified — is also (strange as this may seem to the purely 
analytical mind) “above Time.” He is the great Yogi, Whose face remains as 
serene as the blue sky while His feet beat the furious rhythm of the Tandava 
Dance, amidst the flames and smoke of a crumbling world. 

In other words, Vishnu and Shiva, the World-Sustainer and the 
World-Destroyer, the Force “against Time” and Time Itself, — Mahakala — 
are One and the same. 1 And they are Brahma, timeless Existence, the 
Essence of all that is, They are Brahma manifested, “in Time” (and, 
automatically, also “against Time”) and yet timeless. Hindu art has 
symbolised this metaphysical truth in the figure of Hari-Hara (Vishnu and 
Shiva in one body) and in the famous Trimurti: three-faced Brahma-Vi shnu- 
Shiva. 

In the manifested Universe as we experience it at our scale, no living 
being embodies that triple and complete idea of Existence: — the 
everlasting, universal Law of constant change away from, and of untiring 
aspiration towards and ceaseless effort back to original Perfection, and the 
ineffable inner peace of Timelessness, inseparable from It — better than the 
everlasting and ever-returning Man “against Time”; He-Who-comes-back, 
age after age “to destroy evil-doers, and to establish upon earth the reign of 
righteousness.” 2 

The man “in Time” has hardly any of the “Vishnu” or, as I have called 
them, “Sun” qualities. 

The man “above Time” has hardly any of the “Lightning” qualities of 
Shiva, the Destroyer. 

The man “against Time” — the exceptional Kshattriya, who lives in 
Eternity, while acting in Time, according to the Aryan. 


Sri Krishna, Incarnation of Vishnu, says, in the Bhagavad-Gita: “/ am Time everlasting, 

I, the Supporter, Whose Face turns everywhere.” 

2 

Bhagavad-Gita, IV, verses 7 and 8. 



417 


doctrine of detached Violence once proclaimed upon the Kurukshettra Field 
— has Vishnu’s faithfulness to the original divine pattern of Creation, 
Shiva’s holy fury of destruction (in view of further Creation) and Brahma’s 
fathomless serenity which is, I repeat, the serenity of all three: timeless 
peace beyond the roar of all wars in Time. 

Yet no hero “against Time” has, in any Time-cycle, ever expressed 
that triple aspect of immanent Divinity with absolute adequacy, save the last 
one. And none was permanently successful (to the extent anything is 
permanent in Time-bound existence) — i.e., successful at least for a few 
myriads of years — save the last one. The life-work of every other one either 
gave way from within, after an incredibly short span of time, — securing 
itself, at the most, a purely nominal survival at the cost of ever greater 
compromises with the forces of disintegration, — or, was crushed from 
outside after a desperate struggle against those increasingly efficient forces. 
It is as though, throughout the countless millenniums of every successive 
Time-cycle, from the end of the Golden Age onwards, Divinity seeks to 
express Itself in a new World Order, faithful to the eternal pattern, through 
the agency of inspired Leaders of the greatest races of the earth, and never 
can do so till the end. Or rather, it is as though “the end” could be defined as 
the historical moment in which immanent Divinity, i.e., the Soul of the 
Universe, is again able to express Itself in a true World-Order, through the 
agency of the one and only one fully successful great Individual “against 
Time.” 

That last great Individual — an absolutely harmonious blending of the 
sharpest of all opposites; equally “Sun” and “Lightning” — is the one 
Whom the faithful of all religions and the bearers of practically all cultures 
await; the one of Whom Adolf Hitler (knowingly or unknowingly) said, in 
1928: “I am not he; but while nobody comes forward to prepare the way for 
him, I do so”; the One Whom I have called by His Hindu name, Kalki, on 
account of the cosmic truth that this names evokes. 

* * * 

The world has been waiting for Him for hundreds of thousands of 

years. 



418 


Every Man “against Time” has, knowingly or unknowingly, 
foreshadowed Him, and paved the way for His coming. The youngest great 
race of our Time-cycle on this earth — the Aryan — is awakening in order 
to bear Him in full consciousness and pride. And the most heroic and the 
most selfless of all its Leaders, Adolf Hitler, the One-before-the-last Man 
“against Time,” — more heroic than any of the elder ones, for he fought 
against the downward pressure of many more centuries; more selfless than 
the very last One, for he was, contrarily to Him, to reap nothing but disaster, 

— sacrificed himself and his people — at large in order to give Him; (out of 
the faithful surviving few) compagnons at arms in the last decisive battle. 

And the signs of times proclaim that the day He — Kalki — will 
appear, is drawing nigh. 

He will appear when all but the last and toughest of the natural Aryan 
aristocracy — His chosen compagnons at arms — have definitely taken the 
way to the abyss. And all but the chosen few are rapidly taking that way. 

* * * 

A more and more glaring sign of fate is to be observed in the shocking 
increase of the population of the globe from year to years; specially in the 
increase of the lower races and in the rapid bastardisation of the higher ones 
and the resulting accelerated fall of the whole of mankind to the level of an 
enormous unthinking herd. 

I have, in another part of this book, already mentioned the fact as one 
of the main characteristics of the advancing Dark Age. In the Golden Age, 

— symbolised, in Christian Tradition, in the much older myth of the 
“Garden of Eden” — extremely few people, but all god-like , lived in a lovely 
world, covered (wherever the climate permitted) with a luxuriant vegetation 
that nobody destroyed, and full of beautiful, free and friendly, animals, that 
nobody killed or injured. However; with the appearing of what I have called 
the superstition of “man,” expression of the oldest human selfishness and 
conceit, — i.e., meanness, — which cut him off the harmonious brotherhood 
of living creatures and caused his fall from the Golden Age state of 
existence, 


I have mentioned in this book Hans Grimm’s tragic warning. (See his book “Warum? 
Woher? aber Wohin?” p. 107-108 and 206 and following). 



419 


man ceased to be the righteous king of Creation to become, gradually, its 
tyrant and, more and more, — as myriads of years rolled by and as he sunk 
into the Dark Age, — its torturer. And his rebellion against the divinity of 
Nature led him, along with this, to despise Nature’s great purpose. A short¬ 
sighted quest for indiscriminate individual enjoyment made him indifferent 
to the call to supermanhood. And he degraded himself ever more. Now, at 
the end of the Dark Age, the Edenic picture is completely reversed. Upon the 
surface of this unfortunate planet, which is loosing with alarming rapidity its 
once so broad and thick mantle of forests; of this unfortunate planet, where 
whole species of proud wild creatures — the aristocracy of the animal world 

— have already been or are being, with no less speed, wiped away, — killed 
off to the last, — one notices an increasingly obnoxious and steadily 
expanding swarm of dreary (when not positively ugly) vulgar, silly, 
worthless two-legged mammals. And the more worthless they are, the 
quicker they breed. The sickly and the dull have more children than the 
healthy and bright; the inferior races, and the people who have no race at all, 
definitely more than the hundred per cent Aryan; and the down-right rotten 

— afflicted both with hereditary diseases and racially undefmable blood — 
are, more often than not, terrifyingly fertile. 

And everything is done to encourage that mad increase in number and 
that constant loss in quality. Everything is done to keep the sickly, the 
cripple, the freaks of nature, the unfit to work and unfit to live, from dying. 
One “prolongs” as much as possible the lives of the incurable. One inflicts 
torture upon thousands of lovely, innocent, healthy animals, in the hope of 
discovering “new treatments,” so that deficient men, whom Nature has, 
anyhow, condemned to death, might last a few months — or a few weeks 
longer; so that they be patched up, or artificially given an illusion of 
vitality... while remaining a burden to the healthy. And that, whoever they 
may be; just because they are “human beings.” Hospitals and asylums — 
bluntly described as such, or politely christened “homes” are full of such 
dregs of humanity, old and young... while the healthy are (physically and 
morally) made unhealthy, through the conditions of life imposed upon them 
by a false civilisation: through joyless work and over-crowded houses lack 
of privacy; lack of leisure; through compulsory inoculations 



420 


and cleverly advertised unnatural food; through nerve-wrecking mass-music, 
not to speak of a soul-killing, brain-softening mass-propaganda exalting 
unnatural values. Hospitals and asylums are, after slaughter-houses, one of 
the most depressing features of the advanced “Kali Yuga” or Dark Age; the 
one which would automatically provoke the greatest disgust in the heart of a 
strong man of the beginning of this Age, not to mention one out of the 
preceding “Dwapara Yuga” and a fortiori out of a remoter Age, if such men 
could come back as they once were. 

But why speak of hospitals and asylums? The streets are full of dregs 
of humanity, at least full of bastards and of sub-men. One only has to look at 
the faces one sees in the over-crowded buses, or in the cinemas and dancing- 
halls and cafes in large towns, nay even in small ones, even in the 
countryside, everywhere, save in those lands in which the dominant race is 
relatively pure. It is a pitiful sight; a pitiful world; a world up-side-down; a 
world in which the average cat or dog is, as such, immeasurably healthier, 
more beautiful — more perfect — than the average man or woman and a 
fortiori than the average post-1945 State ruler; nearer to the ideal archetype 
of his species than most present-day human beings and specially than the 
official {and the hidden) leaders of the present-day “free world” — President 
Eisenhower (or rather, Mr. Baruch) Churchill, Mendes-France, etc., (let 
alone their most obedient servants Konrad Adenauer, Theodor Heuss and 
Co) — ever were to the ideal archetype of man, God’s masterpiece. 

If only the, ugly sub-men were capable of lofty thoughts — or simply 
of thought — that would be something! But they are not. And their leaders 
are worse than they, not better. True, they all speak of “free thinking”; speak 
of it, and write about it. They criticise their former friends (the Communists) 
for “killing individual thought.” Yet they are themselves the first ones to 
lack both freedom of judgement and individuality. They all have the same 
views; and the same ideal. Their views are those of the ruling press. Their 
ideal is to “get on in life,” i.e., to make money and to “be happy,” which 
means: to enjoy tasty food, fine clothing, lodgings provided with the latest 
commodities; and, in addition to that, as often as possible, a little drink, a 
little light music, a little sport, a little love-making. Maybe, they call 
themselves Christians — or 



421 


Hindus, or anything else. But whatever religion they might profess, their 
faith is skin-deep. Nothing, absolutely nothing more-than-personal — and, a 
fortiori, more-than-human, — interests them. The one thing they all pray for, 
when they pray at all, is “peace”; not the unassailable, inner peace of the 
Best (of which they have not the foggiest experience), but peace in the sense 
of absence of war; the indefinite prolongation of a “status quo” which allows 
them to think of to-morrow’s little pleasure without the fear of to-day’s 
deadly danger; peace, thanks to which they will, undisturbed, — so they 
hope — be able to go on rotting in the midst of that increasing comfort, 
which technical progress secures them; peace, thanks to which they expect 
to remain (or gradually to become) happy — in the manner pigs are happy, 
when they have plenty to eat and clean straw to lie upon. 

Accelerated technical progress is, along with accelerated human 
degeneracy, an all-important feature of the advanced Dark Age. 

It is — or seems to be — the “triumph of man” over Nature. And it is 
interpreted and exalted as such by the sub-men, all the more proud of it that 
they have nothing else — no real, living culture; no disinterested work or 
knowledge-to be proud of. It is — or seems to be — the “proof’ of man’s 
superiority over all other sentient beings; the “proof’ of his superiority en 
bloc, regardless of race, for... a Negro can drive a motorcar, can’t he? And 
there are very clever Jewish doctors. It forwards or strengthens the age-old 
superstition of “man,” which lies at the root of all decay. It is, or seems to 
be, the way to universal “happiness”; the ideal of those increasing millions 
— and soon, milliards — who have no ideal. In fact, it helps the ruling 
powers of the Dark Age, the skilful agents of the forces of disintegration, to 
keep the millions under their control. For, paradoxical as this may sound, 
masses who can read and write are easier to enslave than masses who 
cannot, and nothing is so easy to subdue and to keep down as masses who 
consider their wireless and television sets and cinema shows as 
indispensable necessities of life. (The modem men “against Time” know 
that, as well as the men “in Time.” Only they do not dispose of the 
inexhaustible financial resources of the latter.) 

Technical progress, in all fields in which it does not automatically 



422 


imply cruelty towards man or beast (or plant) 1 , is not a bad thing in itself. 
Actually, it is not it that makes the Dark Age. What makes the Dark Age is 
the fall of all but an extreme minority of men to the level of a brainless (and 
heartless) herd, and, at the same time, their endless increase in number. And 
technical progress is a curse only inasmuch as it is the most powerful 
instrument in the hands of all those who, directly or indirectly, encourage 
that indiscriminate increase and, consequently, forward that herd-mentality 
(even if they do not explicitly intend to); in the hands of the doctors who 
keep the weak and deficient and mongrels alive, and do nothing to prevent 
further such ones from being born: in the hands of the politicians “in Time” 
who, precisely because they all share — like the doctors — the age-old 
superstition of “man” and of man’s individual “happiness” at any cost, are 
opposed to any systematic selection in view of the survival and welfare of 
the healthiest, let alone to systematic racial selection also, in view of the 
survival and rule of an all-round biological human aristocracy. 

As I said above, technical progress and its wonders could just as 
easily be put to the service of a decidedly “life-centred” philosophy “against 
Time”; of an aristocratic doctrine of personal and racial quality, such as 
National Socialism, if only the exponents of such a doctrine could maintain 
themselves in power in this advanced Age of Gloom — which they cannot. 

The reason why they cannot is not that there exist electric trains and 
electric irons, radios and television sets, aeroplanes and washing machines 
and “electronic brains” and all manner of major and minor commodities, 
products of technical skill, but that the overwhelming majority of mankind in 
this Age — the more and more numerous and duller and duller herd of all 
races, in process of general bastardisation, — is against any and every 
aristocratic wisdom. The reason is that the millions and millions — soon 
milliards — of sub-men feel themselves threatened in their dream of pig-like 
“happiness,” nay, in their no less pig-like existence, by whoever embodies 
such a wisdom “against Time.” The reason is that the increasingly powerful 
agents of the death-forces, natural leaders of this Age, use radio, cinema, 
television, and all technical means that money can secure, to excite the 
unthinking herd against the Best, while 


1 


Destruction of forests, for instance. 



423 


doing everything they cart, through the advertisement of more and more 
wonderful commodities, to keep the average man’s slumbering mind away 
from higher things — away from every aspiration “against Time”; away 
from every aggressive criticism of the fundamental Dark Age dogmas and, 
in general, away from all impersonal problems... until its slumber ends in the 
definitive sleep of death,. 

It is not — surely not! — technical progress as such which so deeply 
shocks Kalki’s future compagnons at arms (or the fathers of such ones), 
those natural aristocrats of the youngest human race, whom I have described 
as “the Best.” It is the glaring disparity between the perfection of modern 
technical achievements considered as “means” and the worthlessness of the 
ends to the service of which they are put; it is the contrast between that 
wonderful Aryan intelligence, which stands and shines behind practically 
every discovery of modem science, every invention of modern technique, 
and the steadily increasing degeneracy of the sub-human multitudes who 
enjoy the products of its creative ingenuity in daily life, as a matter of 
course, nay, who, through their misuse of them, are sinking lower and lower 
into that brainless and soulless “happiness” — I repeat: that pig-like 
“happiness” — which is the ideal of our times. 

That ideal is the one forwarded, under one form or another, more and 
more unmistakably in the course of centuries, by all typical Dark Age 
leaders “in Time,” in particular, by that most efficient of all agents of the 
Dark Powers during the last two thousand four hundred years (at least) and 
specially during the last three or four hundred years: the international Jew. 

The advanced Dark Age of this present Time-cycle is the reign of the 
Jew — of the negative element; of the reverser of eternal values for the sake 
of “human” ones, and, finally, for that of his own, selfish interests; the reign 
of the “destroyer of culture,” as Adolf Hitler so rightly pointed out; of the 
age-old “ferment of disintegration.” It is natural that “ferments of 
disintegration” should become more and more active — more and more 
alive — as a Time-cycle nears its end. 

* * * 


It is — or was, for a very long time — a wide-spread belief 



424 


among Christians that, when the Jews become once more the masters of 
Palestine, their “promised Land,” the “end of the world” — i.e., the end of 
the present Time-cycle, — will not be far away. The Mohammedans behold, 
they too, in that same event, one of the tokens announcing the advent of the 
long-awaited “Mahdi.” 1 Thanks to England’s steadily pro-Jewish policy, the 
Jews have, in Palestine, since 1938, a State of their own. If the collective 
belief of many generations of men, both in the West and in the Near East, 
corresponds to any reality (and collective beliefs of that nature generally do, 
to some extent), then the great end must be drawing night. The existence of 
that strange — at the same time ultra-modem and unbelievably archaic — 
Israelitish State is an extra “sign of times” or, rather, the symbol of a by far 
mightier and more dangerous reality, which is the actual “sign.” And that 
reality is none other than the ever-tightening grip of the Jew upon the whole 
world. 

The truth about the Jewish State in Palestine remains that which Adolf 
Hitler had already understood-half through his knowledge of the Zionist 
Movement, half through his intuition of the natural enemy of Aryan 
mankind as such — and expressed, fourteen years before its foundation, 
namely that the Jews never intended to live in their independent country 
(which is, anyhow, far too small to contain them all) but that they just 
wanted “protected Head-quarters — Head-quarters with sovereign rights, 
free from the interference of other States — for their worldwide international 
organisation of deceit; a place of refuge for rogues who have been detected, 
and a high-school for rogues in the making...." In other words Palestine may 
well be the mystical — and practical — centre of world-Jewry, but the 
Jewish danger has no “centre.” It is everywhere, and all the more difficult to 
fight that most people either refuse to see it or reject as “inhuman” the only 
methods through which it could be neutralised. 

One need not read the famous “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” or the 
more modem speech which Rabbi Emanuel Rabinovitch delivered in 
Budapest, on the 12th of January, 1952 before the “Emergency Council of 
European Rabbi,” 3 in order to be convinced of the double, world-wide effort 
of the Jews, 


See above, p. 413. 

" “Mein Kampf ’ (edit. 1939), p. 356. 

3 

Published through the care of Einar Aberg, Norrviken, Sweden. 



425 


on one hand, to lower the biological level of all non-Jewish races, specially 
of the Aryan, and, on the other, to work themselves into all key-positions in 
the economical, political, cultural and spiritual life of all leading nations. It 
is, on the contrary, the obvious reality of that double effort — the presence 
of the international Jew (or of organisations entirely under his control) 
behind all “spiritual,” “cultural” or political movements or thought-currents 
that allow, encourage, or logically lead to the mixture of races; behind all or 
practically all “literary,” “artistic” commercial or “medical” concerns, the 
aim of which is to encourage sexual perversity and any manner of vice, to 
provide silly amusements or to forward the love of empty speculation, in one 
word, to lower the physical, intellectual and moral level of the individual; 
and, along with that, the ever-increasing number (and influence) of Jews (or 
of men completely under Jewish control) in world-finance, world-industry 
and world-politics; — it is the fact that, whoever shows that he or she is 
fully aware of that effort and fully prepared to fight against it, “gets 
nowhere”; the glaring fact that nothing indeed happens in this ugly post- 
1945 world without the Jews’ order or permission, which strengthens, at 
least in us, the conviction that both the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” and 
the recent Rabinovitch speech, and the like of them, are genuine documents. 
As genuine as the much older Bible and Talmud that also proclaim the Jews 
“God’s Chosen people.” 

There resides, perhaps, the whole meaning of the rise and temporary 
victory and world-wide rule of the Jews as a “sign of times”; it is based upon 
a lie; it is lasting through a lie; it is the most logical feature of the advanced 
Dark Age, which is, more and more, the Age of lies. 

The truth is that there is no other “God” but the immanent, impersonal 
divinity of Nature — of Life; the universal Self. No tribal god is “God.” 
Tribal gods are more or less divine, to the extent they embody and express a 
more or less divine collective soul. Jahveh, the tribal god of the Jews, is as 
little divine, as negative as they themselves — they, the typically negative 
human element of our Time-cycle. Through a series of lies, the Jews have 
been for the last three thousand and specially for the last two thousand four 
hundred years, leading an increasingly intensified campaign for the reversal 
of the eternal, natural values — i.e., an anti-truth campaign — in view 



426 


of their own exaltation. They have, through the mouth of their prophets and 
“philosophers” proclaimed Jahveh “God of all men”; they have, then, 
concealed as many as they could of his nasty characteristics through a clever 
exploitation of the Christ myth by Paul of Tarsus and other Jews, half-Jews 1 
and judaised Greeks; they have, through the same, stressed anew the old, 
very old denial of the unity of the Realm of Life and proclaimed “all men” 
different in nature from the rest of creatures-and therefore above the general 
laws of Life — in order to buttress the false teaching that “one blood” 2 flows 
in the veins of “all nations,” and to kill the idea (and the instinct) of a 
natural, God-ordained racial hierarchy. They have preached meekness and 
forgiveness and pacifism (to all, save to their own people) in order to rob the 
young, warlike Aryan race of its stamina; in order to kill its healthy pride. 
They are, now more feverishly than ever, encouraging its adolescents to 
make fun of “Nazi prejudices,” to despise purity of blood, and to marry 
outside their race (if thus be the impulse of “individual love”) — so that the 
race may disappear; encouraging them into perdition, both through the old 
superstition of “man” under its various modem forms, and through the 
whole atmosphere of subtle cormption in which the post-1945 world is 
literally soaking. 

They must win — and they shall win —for the time being. Otherwise, 
it would not yet be the End. They must — and shall — see their dream — 
their immemorial dream of easy domination over a peaceable, “happy” 
hotch-potch of bastardised millions and ever more millions, that their long- 
drawn disintegrating action has rendered even more contemptible than they 
— at a hair’s breadth from its complete materialisation. Otherwise, the 
measure of iniquity — the measure of untruth — would not be full. And it 
would not yet be time for “Kalki” — the Avenger — to come. 

* * * 

I am not qualified to venture precise and specially political forecasts. 
This whole book has, moreover, little to do with that which people ordinarily 
mean by “politics.” It is history, 


Timothy, the faithful follower of Paul of Tarsus, was a half-Jew. 
2 See the “Acts of the Apostles,” Chapter 17, verse 26. 



427 


no doubt, and therefore also “politics”; but politics considered from a 
cosmic angle, from which current events and the men who stand behind 
them appear in an unusual light. 

Those who are daily and directly in touch with the social, economical 
and military realities which are, already, moulding the immediate future, can 
say nothing about that future, for they know nothing. And I know even less 
than they do about precise events, i.e., about the details of the road the world 
is taking. But I know the road. I know it, because that knowledge is not the 
concern of politicians, sociologists, economists or military experts but 
precisely that of people who look at history, past and present, and who live 
the history of our times; from the cosmic standpoint. There is nothing in the 
way of documents, very little in the way of statistics, to “prove” the 
soundness of what I say. Times to come will confirm it or not confirm it. All 
I can state now, in favour of my point, is that it tallies with all the forms of 
the one, unwritten Tradition which I happen to know. It is orthodox in the 
light of Tradition — orthodox as far as an interpretation can be. 

Tradition has not given us the date of the last return of Him Who 
comes back. Nor has it given us the means of calculating it. Tradition is 
neither history nor astrology. Yet, according to the signs I have mentioned, 
the last embodiment of the Forces “against Time” in our Time-cycle — 
Kalki — must appear soon. He will come when all will seem irretrievably 
lost: when nothing will be left of the real Chosen Race — the natural Aryan 
aristocracy — but a silent, unnoticed, yet conscious, unwavering and active 
handful of men and women of the type of those I have described at the end 
of the last chapter of this book. Now, everything does actually seem lost 
without hope. As Rabbi Emanuel Rabinovitch declared in 1952, “the goal 
towards which the Jews have been striving for over three thousand years” — 
namely, peaceful domination over a “happy,” bastardised earth, in which the 
“most dangerous enemy” — the polar opposite — of Jewry, i.e., the Aryan, 
will, (in the Rabbi’s own words) be “nothing more than a memory” — “is 
within hand’s reach.” And the few men who are already more than men, — 
the toughest votaries of the perennial Faith of Light and Life in its most 
recent form, — are waiting; waiting to recognise their own beloved Leader, 
Adolf Hitler, in the irresistible apocalyptic Warrior Who is to avenge him 
and his people — their 



428 


comrades and themselves. The divine Warrior is bound to come soon. 

It is impossible to say “where” He will appear. Since the far-gone 
days of the fall of man, all those who have been awaiting Him have looked 
upon Him as an exponent of their particular faith and as one of their people. 
The Jews themselves who have the strongest grounds of all to dread Him, — 
have taken over the immemorial myth announcing His advent and distorted 
it — reversed it, in the manner they reverse all truth, — into the dogma of a 
Jewish Messiah, to suit their purpose. The Jewish and judaised founders of 
Christianity — Paul of Tarsus and the others — have built up, round the 
mysterious person of Jesus (whose real origin is unknown) a whole 
pernicious — man-centred, anti-racialist, anti-natural — philosophy, in 
which they blended together, with astounding skill, Jewish Messianism and 
the old cosmic myth of the God Who dies and rises from the dead. They did 
so in order to give the Jews the negative element par excellence, the seeming 
of a positive mission of salvation, i.e., in order to make the negative values 
appear as positive, and the positive ones as negative — the genuine sons of 
the “Father of lies,” which indeed they are! For, whatever be the nation 
destined to bear Him, one thing is certain: Kalki will not, directly or 
indirectly, draw His origin from the Jewish people. None of the inspired men 
of action “against Time” ever did. The last One is also not to. Moreover, He 
will not be bom among any of the older races which have had their centuries 
of beauty and of glory in the Ages that lie irretrievably behind us and that 
are now (in spite of apparent revivals — false nationalisms; bad copies of 
those of the Aryan nations) in definite, wholesale decay. 

According to the laws of development in Time which are those of the 
logic of history, Kalki, the Avenger, the final Redeemer, can only belong to 
the youngest race of our Time-cycle: the Aryan. For it is the youngest and 
most dynamic race of any Time-cycle which provides “the bridge” into the 
following one: the chosen Vanguard who will have the enviable privilege of 
living in both Time-cycles; who will fight the last battle of the Forces of Life 
in the doomed world and experience amidst the perfection of the new-bom 
(or, rather, I regenerated) one, that glorious Golden Age state of existence — 
Godhead in flesh and blood, — which we fail to conceive even 



429 


in our loftiest dreams, to-day, in the Age of Gloom. Out of the youngest and 
most dynamic race of any Time-cycle come, if not all, at least the greatest 
number of its latest heroes “against Time” (i.e., those of its very last sixty or 
seventy centuries). It is at any rate remarkable that all the human “avatars” 
or earthly Incarnations of Vishnu mentioned in Hindu Tradition — five, out 
of the nine that belong to the past — are looked upon as “Brahmins” or 
“Kshattriyas,” i.e., Aryans. It is within the logic of Tradition that the “tenth” 
and last — Kalki — should also be bom as a member of the privileged race. 

Will He be none other than He whom I have described as the One- 
before-the-last Man “against Time” — Adolf Hitler — returning with more- 
than-human power? There is no reason why this should not be, provided the 
inspired Leader still be alive, and provided the world becomes, within his 
life-time, ripe for the great End (which would in no way be a wonder, at the 
rate decay has set in everywhere, after 1945). The terrible experience of 
defeat through treason, and the sight of the systematic degradation of his 
people through far subtler and deadlier means than the ridiculous “de¬ 
nazification” rules and regulations, would probably be enough to rouse the 
Fiihrer’s “Lightning” qualities until they balance in him the “Sun” ones and 
make him a new man, — infinitely more merciless than he was in his first 
career. 

But even if it be not so; — even if Adolf Hitler really be dead in the 
flesh, as an increasing number of his faithful ones believe, — still one is, 
considering things in their essence, justified in saying that “Kalki” will be 
he, come back. For “Kalki” will be all Men “against Time,” come back. He 
will be the exponent of all that for which everyone of them fought in vain 
against the ever more powerful current of decay — the very current of 
history; — the exponent of that eternal cosmic Order, the earthly projection 
of which is the “reign of righteousness” mentioned in the Bhagavad-Gita. He 
will be both He Who spoke to the Aryan warrior, Arjuna, — and to all 
Aryan warriors — on the Kumkshettra Field, and He Who spoke to the 
German people — and to every racially — conscious individual Aryan of 
the world — from Hofbraufestsaal, from Luitpold Arena, and from the 
German Reichstag. For the two are the same One: the One Who came back, 
and Who will come back again. 



430 


And “Kalki” will be nearer to and more intimately connected with the 
latest great Man “against Time,” Adolf Hitler, than with any of the many 
former ones. For He — the last One — is, as I said in the beginning of this 
study, none other than the One of Whom the Fiihrer spoke when, with that 
unfailing cosmic intuition that raises him so high above the cleverest of Dark 
Age politicians, he told Hans Grimm, in 1928: “I know that Somebody must 
come forth and meet our situation. I have sought him. I have found him 
nowhere; and therefore I have taken upon myself to do the preparatory work, 
only the most urgent preparatory work. For that much I know: I am not He. 
And I know also what is lacking in me.” 1 

He is that One. And He will, in the midst of the most hopeless 
circumstances, continue the old, — the perennial — Struggle against the 
downward stream of Time — the Struggle which the disaster of 1945 has 
apparently , but only apparently, interrupted — and bring it to a victorious 
end for a few myriads of years; make Adolf Hitler’s dream, through means 
that were yet unthinkable during (or before) the Second World war, a glaring 
reality for a few myriads of years. 

The means cannot be foretold, for things will have changed, by then. 
Things are changing — and the science of war, progressing, — every day. 
One point is, however, as a main feature of every recurring “great End,” 
beyond doubt: “Kalki” will act with unprecedented ruthlessness. Contrarily 
to Adolf Hitler, He will spare not a single one of the enemies of the divine 
Cause: not a single one of its outspoken opponents but also not a single one 
of the luke-warm, of the opportunists, of the ideologically heretical, of the 
racially bastardised, of the unhealthy, of the hesitating, of the all-too-human; 
not a single one of those who, in body or in character or mind, bear the 
stamp of the fallen Ages. 


* * * 

As I said before, His compagnons at arms will be the last National 
Socialists; the men of iron who will have victoriously stood the test of 
persecution and, what is more, the test of complete isolation in the midst of a 
dreary, indifferent world, 


Quoted by Hams Grimm in his last book “Warum? Woher? aber Wohin?” p. 14. 



431 


in which they have no place; who are facing that world and defying it 
through every gesture, every hint, — every silence — of theirs and, more 
and more (in the case of the younger ones,) without even the personal 
memory of Adolf Hitler’s great days to sustain them; those I have called 
“gods on earth” and parents of such ones. They are the ones who will, one 
day, make good for all that which men “against Time” have suffered in the 
course of history, like they themselves, for the sake of eternal truth: the 
avenging Comrades whom the Five Thousand of Verden 1 called in vain 
within their hearts at the minute of death, upon the bank of the Aller River, 
red with blood; those whom the millions of 1945 — the dying; the tortured; 
and the desperate survivors — called in vain; those whom all the vanquished 
fighters “against Time” called in vain, in every phase of the great cosmic 
Struggle without beginning, against the Forces of disintegration, co-etemal 
with the Forces of Life. 

They are the bridge to supermanhood, of which Nietzsche has spoken; 
the “last Battalion” in which Adolf Hitler has put his confidence. 

Kalki will lead them, through the flames of the great End, into the 
sunshine of the new Golden Age. 

And it will all begin again: the succession of Ages, in the same 
unchanging order, submitted to the same unchanging Laws; the unavoidable 
reappearing of that decay; the seed of which is contained in any and every 
manifestation in Time; the Struggle “against Time” and, finally, the rush to 
the abyss, — in spite of it; — for the millionth and ten millionth time. And a 
new great End, and a new radiant Beginning, and a new Time-cycle — again 
and again and again. There is no definitive End. 

* * * 

We like to hope that the memory of the One-before-the-last and most 
heroic of all our Men “against Time” — Adolf Hitler — will survive, at least 
in songs and symbols, in that long Age of earthly Perfection which “Kalki,” 
the last One, is to open. We like to hope that the Lords of the new Time- 
cycle, men of his own blood and faith, will render him divine honours, 


The five thousand Gennan Chiefs, beheaded on the same day in 787 A.D. by order and 
in the presence of Charlemagne (and of a number of dignitaries of the Christian Church). 



432 


through rites full of meaning and full of potency, in the cool shade of the 
endless re-grown forests, on the beaches, or upon inviolate mountain-peaks, 
facing the rising Sun. 

But even if it be not so, still he will, like all his divine predecessors, 
live, throughout the ages in the faithful consciousness of the Universe, the 
life-rhythm of which he symbolises. Still the long and more and more 
intense and finally almost desperate aspiration “against Time,” which 
characterises every recurring Time-cycle as soon as decay has set in 
obviously enough to be felt, will be, every time, a new expression of that 
self-same yearning after manifested Perfection for the sake of which he 
fought and lost; a new, long-drawn cosmic outcry, proclaiming that he was 
right in spite of all. And still every further Golden Age to come — every 
successive Dawn of Creation — will be the living materialisation of his 
highest dream; a further hymn of glory, proclaiming, every time for myriads 
of years, that he — He — has once more won. 








Ended in Hanover, on the Spring Equinox, 21st of March, 1956. 


* 


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