Germany 

and 

the Jewish Problem 

by 

Dr. F. K. Wiebe 


Germany 

and 

the Jewish Problem 

by 

Dr.F.K.Wiebe 


Published on behalf of the Institute for the Study of 
the Jewish Problem, Berlin 




"No man will treat with indifference the principle of race. 
It is the key of history, and why history is often so 
confused is that it has been written by men who were 
ignorant of this principle and all the knowledge it involves." 
"Language and religion do not make a race — there is 
only one thing which makes a race, and that is blood." 

(Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconslield in "Endymion", 
Vol. II, pp. 18 and 20) 

Ever since the day when the National Socialists came into 
power in Germany, thereby placing the solution of the Jewish 
problem in the forefront of German politics, public opinion 
the world over has become increasingly interested in that 
problem. Anti-semitism has been frequently described as a 
phenomenon exclusively confined to Germany, as a National 
Socialist invention which must necessarily remain incompre¬ 
hensible to the rest of the world. But to-day it is evident that 
the Jewish question is by no means a purely German question, 
that it causes on the contrary grave anxiety to statesmen 
in many countries, and that in many lands a pronounced 
anti-Jewish reaction has already set in. We do not propose 
to enquire, for the moment, whether these phenomena are 
a result of the example set by Germany. It is sufficient to 
register the fact that the Jewish question has, or is about 
to become everywhere acute, and that there is scarcely 
a country nowadays which does not find itself compelled to 
contribute in some way or other to its solution. 

Hence everyone who discusses Germany's attitude towards 
the Jewish question is at the same time dealing with an 
important problem of contemporary international politics, 
and, having regard to its far-reaching significance, is in duty 
bound to carefully investigate that question. 

It is a mistake to believe that the Jewish question has 
only arisen within the last few years, or, indeed, that its 


5 



origin is to be sought in modern times. The Jewish question 
is not an invention of National Socialism, nor is it derived 
from the anti-semitic movements that marked the close of the 
nineteenth century. If National Socialism can lay claim to 
any originality in the matter, then only because the National 
Socialist Party was the first to deduce the logical conclusions 
from a historical fact. The present German attitude towards 
the Jewish question is based on the experience made by 
Europe in the course of two thousand years. And this ex¬ 
perience has been a particularly bad one for Germany, espe¬ 
cially during the last few decades. 

The Jewish question undoubtedly dates back some two 
thousand years. Strictly speaking it is even older — namely, 
as old as the history of the Jews. The Jewish question arises 
everywhere where the nomadic Jewish race comes into contact 
with other peoples having a settled abode. 

This historical fact is admitted by the Jews themselves. 
The Jiidische Lexikon, which is the standard work of the 
German Jews—published long before the advent of National 
Socialism to power—confirms the historical continuity of the 
Jewish question throughout the centuries when it writes (vol. Ill, 
column 421): "this Jewish problem is as old as the association 
of the pronouncedly differentiated and dissimilar Jewish people 
with other peoples." 

It is a unique, and in the last resort inexplicable pheno¬ 
menon, that on the one hand the Jews have never been able 
to find a permanent home in which to develop a political 
and social existence "sui generis," while on the other hand 
they have never proved capable of being absorbed by any of 
the innumerable countries in which they have sought 
hospitality. 

This peculiar destiny of the Jews is, however, subject to 
variations. But these variations, in their turn, are only the 
perpetual ebbing and flowing of an unbroken tide. There 
were times in which the Jewish problem appeared definitely 
solved, in which the foreign immigrants appeared to have 


6 



become completely assimilated and to have lost their distinct 
ethnical personality. In such halcyon days no Jewish problem 
seemed to exist. But sooner or later the illusion was dispelled, 
and after many years of comparative rest and quiet Ahasuerus 
was compelled to again resume his eternal wanderings. 

The first expulsions of Jews on a large scale occurred al¬ 
ready in the earliest history of Palestine. 700 years before the 
Christian era the Assyrian King Sarrukin forced the Jews 
to leave the country, and his example was followed in 
586 B. C. by King Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon. Persecutions 
in Alexandria and the destruction of Jerusalem by the Ro¬ 
mans in A. D. 70 opened a period in which the Jewish question 
was not less acute than it is to-day. Further milestones in 
the eternal wanderings of the Jews are the crusades, the ex¬ 
pulsion of the Jews from England under Edward I in 1290, 
and their expulsion from Spain under Ferdinand and Isabella 
the Catholic in 1492. There is not a single century in which 
an expulsion of Jews has not taken place. Every nation in 
Europe has sought to preserve itself against Jewish domination 
by all the means at its disposal. 

It is an incontrovertible historical fact that those peoples 
with a settled abode who throughout the ages afforded hospi¬ 
tality to nomadic Jewish tribes, invariably regarded the latter 
as an essentially dissimilar race and not merely as a different 
religious community. Hence hospitality was only granted to 
the Jews under special conditions. It is interesting to observe 
in this connection that in every case where a European State 
was weak and financially impoverished, the restrictions 
imposed on the Jews were greatly relaxed and eventually 
abrogated. The numerical preponderance of the Jews in 
Eastern Europe — which has become the reservoir of Jewry 
in modern times — is to a large extent attributable to the 
political and financial weakness of the former Kingdom of 
Poland. 

The opening of the so-called "modern era" seemed never¬ 
theless to herald a period of permanent peace and rest for 


7 



the hitherto restless wandering Jew. It was the era of 
enlightenment, of liberalism, of belief in the ideals of progress 
and the rights of man. Conformably with the principles in 
vogue in this era, the Jews only differed by their religion 
from other citizens and as such enjoyed equality with the 
adherents of other religious bodies. They were no longer 
considered as appertaining to a different race, in other words 
as strangers. Differentiation on ethnical grounds between 
the Jews and the native population was on principle abolished 
by the French Revolution, and this principle was adhered 
to alike by the legislation and the social custom of ensuing 
decades. 

The nineteenth century was thus dominated by the tenet 
of the emancipation and assimilation of the Jews. It was 
considered best not even to mention the Jewish question and 
to act as if such a question did not exist. In the countries 
of Western Europe the Jews themselves were animated by 
an intense desire for assimilation. Conversions and mixed 
marriages were the principal means employed by the Jews 
for acquiring, in the words of Heinrich Heine, himself a Jew, 
an "admission ticket to European culture", and thereby 
acquiring a preponderating influence in political, cultural, 
and economic life. It should be added that a number of Jews 
were inspired by a sincere desire to throw-off their skin and 
obliterate as far as possible their hereditary tracks. 

This process of assimilation reached its culminating point 
in the first three decades of the twentieth century, during 
which Israel became King of the Western world. But it cannot 
be reasonably doubted that this epoch has come to an end. 
The most farsighted among the Jews had clearly perceived 
the inevitability of a reaction. Forty years ago a leading 
German Jew, Dr. Walther Rathenau, in a book entitled 
Hore, Israel! had criticised the policy of assimilation and 
uttered a warning for the benefit of those of his co-racists who 
occupied, or were about to occupy, prominent positions in 
Germany. "They apparently do not even dream." wrote Rathenau, 



"that only in an epoch in which all the forces of Nature 
are artificially enchained, can they be protected against that 
which their fathers endured." 

That modern Jewry did not heed the many warning voices 
in its own ranks affords another proof of the fact that the 
Children of Israel have not learnt, or wished to learn, the 
lessons taught by their own fate — that they are blind to 
the errors so often committed by themselves in their self- 
complacency. It is also typical of the Jewish mind that even 
Walther Rathenau himself failed to draw the logical conse¬ 
quences from his own perception of ultimate events. 


Some forty years ago a comparatively small number of 
Jews, headed by Dr. Theodore Herzl, founded what is known 
as the Zionist movement in the conscious recognition of the 
uselessness — nay, harmfulness — of the "assimilation 
policy," and of the consequences that were bound to follow. 
The Zionist movement represented an effort to avoid those 
consequences. 

Influenced by the anti-semitic movement that arose in 
France at the close of the nineteenth century in connection 
with the Dreyfus case, Herzl proclaimed to his co-racists the 
doctrine: "return to Palestine." Such a doctrine, although 
backed by an energy inspired by Herzl's lofty persuasive 
idealism, appeared nothing short of astounding at a time 
when the so-called "assimilation policy" had reached its 
zenith. Hence it was explicable that Herzl's exhortation found 
a resounding echo chiefly among the great mass of East 
European Jews, in Jewry's immense reservoire in Poland, 
Lithuania, and Rumania. These Jews had never had any 
share in the benefits of emancipation and "assimilation." 
Their economic and social position was as a general rule 
unsatisfactory, and their political situation was such as to 
render them particularly susceptible to an appeal to found 
their own national home in an independent Jewish State. 


9 



But despite their numerical superiority, these East European 
Jews were of minor importance from the point of view of 
the realisation of Herzl's ambitious plans, for they lacked 
both economic and political significance. Economically and 
politically, the influence of the West European and North 
American Jews was decisive, and for these the novel doctrine 
preached by Herzl was like unto the seed sown on rocky 
and hence unfruitful ground. Blinded by the alluring glitter 
of an artificial "golden age," the Western Jews had only an 
ironical smile for what they considered as the vagaries of 
Zionism, to which, moreover, they were profoundly hostile. 
And even after this much derided Zionism had assumed a 
more or less concrete shape in the following decades, the 
participation of Western Jews in the movement was almost 
exclusively confined to financial support. Practical Zionists 
among them were very few in number. 

On the other hand, Herzl's plan to establish a Jewish 
National Home soon awakened great interest among Western 
nations which had the questionable privilege of harbouring 
the descendants of Abraham. Already in 1903 Joseph 
Chamberlain — the father of the present Prime Minister — 
in his capacity as Colonial Secretary, submitted, on behalf 
of the British Government, a plan for establishing a Jewish 
settlement on a large scale in Uganda. The realisation of 
this practical plan, which was laid before the Zionist Congress 
in Bale, was frustrated by the doctrinaire attitude of the 
Zionists, who insisted on an exclusive settlement of the Jews 
in Palestine. 

It will thus be seen that the British Government recognised 
expressly the existence of a Jewish question, and the necessity 
of its solution, at a time when belief in the blessings of an 
"assimilation of the Jewish race" prevailed without conte¬ 
station in Germany. 

In 1917 Zionism won a decisive victory with the publi¬ 
cation of the Balfour Declaration, by the British Government 
which promised unreserved British support of the endeavour 


10 



to create a Jewish National Home in Palestine. The fulfilment 
of this promise began shortly after the Great War. But after 
the lapse of twenty years the failure of the effort is obvious. 
In the light of experience, Herzl's scheme has been proved 
impracticable. Herzl did not foresee the wave of anti-semitism 
which is now sweeping over Europe — or, at any rate, did 
not calculate its rapidity. 

It is not necessary to discuss here recent events in Palestine, 
which are not the first of their kind, since Palestine has been 
in a condition of chronic unrest from the first day when the 
Jews entered the country. Even if the existing difficulties in 
Palestine were to be surmounted, the objections which have 
invariably been raised against the Utopian theories of Zionism 
would continue to retain their validity, if only for the fol¬ 
lowing reasons, which are best enumerated seriatim: 

1. In the mandated territory of Palestine, Jewry would 
necessarily be dependent on the Mandatory State. It would 
depend on the favour of the Mandatory State, i. e. on the 
alternating currents of political evolution. 

2. Up to now, the Zionist movement has only succeeded in 
settling some 400,000 Jews in Palestine. On the other hand, 
Palestine counts over 900,000 Arab inhabitants, whose fore¬ 
fathers have lived in the country for more than one thousand 
years. The Arabs contest — and rightly contest — the Jewish 
claim to regard Palestine as a Jewish National Home. And 
behind the Palestinian Arabs are 32 000 000 Arabs in the Near 
East and Egypt. Whatever agreement may be reached 
regarding a delimitation of the respective rights, it is safe 
to say that under existing circumstances the creation of a 
Jewish State in Palestine of any dimensions worth men¬ 
tioning, or, indeed, of any viable Jewish State at all, is more 
than hypothetical. 

3. The exodus of the Jews from Palestine began 2000 years 
ago. Since then the Jews have had no contact whatsoever 
with the country in which they now seek to establish their 
domination. 


11 



4. The Jews who are now endeavouring to create a Jewish 
State in Palestine have long since ceased to have any common 
culture. In the course of its wanderings, the Jewish race has 
lost its cultural autonomy — if exception be made of the 
Jewish religion, which has also been abandoned by the 
hundreds of thousands of "assimilated Jews." On the other 
hand it has absorbed any amount of heterogeneous cultural 
elements. The Jews are not even united by the tie of a com¬ 
mon language, since only a small minority has a knowledge 
of Hebrew, whilst Yiddish is spoken almost exclusively by the 
East European Jews. 

5. The utopian character of the proposal to constitute a 
Jewish State in Palestine is, perhaps best proved by a study 
of the structure of Jewish communities in other lands, which 
shows that the Jews are solely adapted to certain conditions 
of urban life, and that they lack, in general, all capacity for 
agriculture or manual labour. 

Having regard to these circumstances, it cannot be seriously 
doubted that the plan of creating a Jewish State in Palestine 
is entirely utopian. Only a more or less insignificant fraction 
of the sixteen million odd orthodox Jews in the world could 
ever hope to find a home in Palestine. Theodore Herzl's plan 
for enabling the Jews to escape the threatening peril of anti¬ 
semitism has proved impracticable and has not succeeded in 
solving the Jewish problem. 

Thus what we may call the "assimilation era" has come 
to an end after about 150 years, without any possibility for 
the Jews to escape in time the inevitable consequences of an 
unavoidable reaction. 

There can be no doubt whatever that the counter-current 
of anti-semitism is rapidly increasing in strength the world 
over. Even a cursory glance at the papers of many lands 
suffices to show that the responsible leaders of states in all 
corners of the globe are compelled in varying degrees to take 
account of this phenomenon. Foreign critics who maintain 


12 



that anti-semitism is limited to Germany may be reminded 
of the well known words of the Zionist champion Dr. Chaim 
Weizmann that the world is divided into two groups: namely, 
those countries which desire to expel the Jews, and those 
which do not desire to receive them. 

The first of these groups includes not only Germany but also 
Italy. In the latter country comprehensive legislative measures 
have been directed alike to excluding Italian Jews from public 
life and to getting rid of foreign Jews. Mention may also be 
made of Poland with a Jewish population of over three 
millions, or over 10% of the entire population. Not only have 
various specified professions already been entirely closed to 
the Jews in Poland, but it has been officially stated in 
Warsaw that the problem of the Polish Jews can only be 
solved by emigration. In Hungary, a Bill, originally brought 
in by the Daranyi Cabinet and reintroduced by the Imredy 
Cabinet, aims at restricting Jewish participation in economic 
and cultural life. In Rumania, which has some 1,500,000 
Jews, the anti-semitic movement has by no means come to an 
end with the collapse of the Goga ministry, as is shown by 
the extensive measures since adopted and by aiming at the 
deprivation of their recently acquired Rumanian nationality 
of all Jews who have immigrated into Rumania since the 
Great War. There can be no doubt that anti-semitism is con¬ 
stantly progressing in Rumania and will sooner or later 
become the dominating factor in that country. 

The above mentioned countries are those whose Govern¬ 
ments have already adopted pronouncedly anti-semitic measu¬ 
res. It would lead too far were we to enumerate the coun¬ 
tries — such as Holland, France, and Great Britain — which 
have not adopted similar measures, but in which anti-semitic 
movements are none the less noticeable and the influence of 
anti-semitic organisations on public opinion is none the less 
increasing. 

The second group of countries — those who do not desire 
to receive the Jews — comprises the States into which Jewish 


13 



immigrants have poured as a result of the growing anti- 
semitic peril. They are mostly oversea countries, first and 
foremost among them being South American republics and 
the Union of South Africa. 

These countries had at first opened their doors wide to 
Jewish immigration and offered the immigrants a wide field 
for the exercise of their activities. But they have had mean¬ 
while every reason to regret their hospitality. The conse¬ 
quence is that they have been compelled to restrict ever more 
and more the extremely liberal regulations originally enacted 
by them concerning immigration, so that to-day there is 
practically no country in which Jewish immigrants can hope 
to find adequate means of subsistence. 

This was clearly shown at the international conference at 
Evian, convened in the summer of 1938 for the purpose of 
dealing with the problem of Jewish emigration, but which 
failed to achieve any concrete result for the reason that none 
of the numerous States represented at the conference was 
willing to declare its readiness to admit Jewish refugees. 

It has been proved beyond any possibility of a doubt that 
Jewish refugees, fleeing before the menace of anti-semitism 
in the lands in which they were formerly domiciled, bring 
with them the deadly anti-semitic bacillus into the promised 
land in which they had fondly hoped to found a new home. 
Thereby is once more proved the fact, solidly established by 
the experience of millenniums, that Jewry and Anti-semitism 
are interchangeable terms, that the Wandering Jew is him¬ 
self the carrier and transmitter of the anti-semitic germ. 
Hence it is explicable that in countries in which anti-semitism 
was formerly unknown, and to which Jewish emigrants have 
recently flocked, anti-semitic currents should have been 
created, sufficiently strong for no Government to be able to 
ignore them. 

Thus no one who is far removed from the overheated con¬ 
temporary political atmosphere, and who seriously and with 


14 



a due sense of responsibility studies the Jewish question, can 
conscientiously maintain that anti-semitism is exclusively 
confined to Germany. Such an objective study must also 
lead to a negation of the proposition occasionally formulated, 
that the spread of anti-semitism is exclusively attributable to 
the example set by Germany. As a matter of plain fact, can 
anyone really believe that such a doctrine could be artifi¬ 
cially fostered in a country fundamentally unreceptive to it? 
Or was it not really the case that the seed had already been 
sown on ground so fertile, that it only needed a certain chain 
of circumstances to cause it to bear fruit? 

Indeed, it is scarcely surprising that Germany's policy 
towards the Jews should have had such a resounding echo 
throughout the world. Germany is suffering the fate of all 
those, who, whether nations or individuals, have sufficient 
courage and sense of responsibility to practise and defend a 
conviction fundamentally opposed to the dominating prin¬ 
ciples of the times. No great human achievement has been 
accomplished, save at the cost of struggle and sacrifice. 
Everyone who revolts against the tyranny of antiquated 
dogmas brings upon himself the odium which inevitably falls 
on the revolutionary innovator. The protagonists of the 
French Revolution were confronted by the solidarity of the 
whole of the rest of Europe when they sought to substitute 
the great slogans of liberalism for the worn-out tenets of 
absolutism. 

Germany's attitude towards the Jewish question can be 
rightly understood only if we consider it from the standpoint 
of a philosophy of history based on the conception of the 
race as fundamental factor of social evolution — i. e. of the 
philosophy which from the outset has inspired the National 
Socialist effort to reconstruct and reorganise the entire life 
of the German nation. According to this philosophy, the 
differentiation and variety of the heterogeneous human races, 
as well as of the peoples who descend from them, constitute 
an essential element of the Divine creative purpose. Pro- 


15 



vidence has assigned to each people the task of freely and 
fully developing its own specific characteristic traits. Hence 
it is contrary to the Divine purpose if a people allows its 
destiny to be shaped by extraneous forces; and such a people 
will assuredly perish in the struggle for existence. The ques¬ 
tion of the intrinsic value of such forces is irrelevant. The 
sole thing that matters is that they are extraneous — that 
they have no part in or relation to the hereditary structure, 
biological and traditional, of the people among whom they 
operate. 

No clearer demonstration of this truth has been furnished 
in the history of the world than by the downfall of the 
Roman empire, which was doomed from the moment when 
the ancient Roman element that formed its nucleus began to 
be stifled by the inroad of foreign influences. The whole life 
— political, social, economic, military — of the Roman 
Empire was finally dominated by alien influences, the result 
being a racial and cultural syncretism which could not but 
prove fatal to the Empire in the long run. 

The family, as the cell of the social community, is naturally 
subject to the same law of heredity as the aggregate. Those 
peoples who are derived from the Germanic race, to cite 
only this particular example, have a strongly developed 
family instinct. They know, thanks to instinctive intuition 
fortified by hereditary experience, that the destiny of every 
family is determined throughout successive generations by 
the predominance of certain biological and traditional factors. 
Hence in all families where the consciousness of this truth 
has not been obliterated, the greatest possible care is invar¬ 
iably taken that there shall be no admixture of new blood 
susceptible of adulterating the racial composition or debasing 
the traditional standard of the family. A number of families 
illustrious in history have consistently maintained this 
standard by a rigorous adherence to the principle of con¬ 
sanguinity. 


16 



Germany, starting from a philosophy of history based on 
the principle of racial differentiation, is the first country to 
have consistently drawn the conclusions resulting from the 
lessons of the past two thousand years in regard to the 
Jewish question. Those lessons have taught us the reason 
why the attempt to solve that question by means of the 
abortive attempt to assimilate the Jews was pre-doomed to 
failure. Those lessons have proved to the hilt the utter im¬ 
possibility of assimilating the Jews, and have shown the 
inevitability of the periodical recurrence of anti-semitism in 
consequence. 

The lessons taught by the past two thousand years may be 
resumed as follows:— 

1) The Jewish question is not a religious, but exclusively 
a racial, question. The Jews, the overwhelming majority of 
whom are of Oriental, i. e. Near Eastern descent, have no 
racial affinity whatever with the peoples of Europe. It should 
be observed that the attitude of the German Government 
towards the Jewish question is dictated solely by the fact that 
the Jews are an alien race, without any consideration of the 
intrinsic value of the specific qualities of that race. 

Even in the era of emancipation, during which the Jews 
were on principle incorporated in the national communities 
of the Western world, and which was characterised by the 
"conversion" of millions of Jews to Christianity, it proved 
impossible to blot out the traces of their ineradicably alien 
nature. Sufficient evidence of this fact is forthcoming from 
Jewish sources. In his book Hore, Israel, the late Dr. Walther 
Rathenau wrote: "In the life of the German national the 
Jews are a clearly differentiated alien race ... In the 
Marches of Brandenburg they are like unto an Asiatic 
horde." The well known Jewish author Jakob Klatzkin ex¬ 
pressed himself with refreshing candour in his work Krisis und 
Entscheidung im Judentum (1921) as follows: "Everywhere 
we are strangers in the lands in which we live, and it is our 
inflexible resolve to maintain our racial idiosyncrasy." Both 


17 



testimonials were furnished at a time when the emancipation 
of the Jews in Germany hat reached its culminating point. 

2) For the past 2000 years the Jewish race has been per¬ 
petually on the move. The whole world is its home, con¬ 
formably with the motto ubi bene, ibi patria. True to their 
destiny, the Jews will never admit being bound by any national 
ties. The abnormal structure of the Jewish community, in 
which neither peasants nor handicraftsmen find a place, renders 
it impossible for the Jews to adapt themselves to the conditions 
of life in the countries which give them hospitality. 

3) Racial predisposition and historical destiny combine to 
incline the Jews to certain categories of activity, whose 
sphere of influence is, by their very nature, international. 
It is consequently explicable that, during the era of eman¬ 
cipation, the Jews should have successfully sought to obtain 
control of a) public opinion, b) the stock and share markets, 
c) wholesale and retail trade, d) certain influential cultural 
organisations, and — last, but not least — e) political life. 
At the close of the emancipation era in Germany, the Jews 
enjoyed a practical monopoly of all the professions exerting 
intellectual and political influence. This enabled them to 
stamp their entirely alien features on the whole public life 
of the country. 

4) One of the results achieved by the policy of "assimila¬ 
tion" during the era of emancipation was the release of the 
Jews in Eastern Europe from their ghettos, and their emigration 
to the more liberal-minded States of Western Europe and North 
America. Between 1890 and 1900, some 200,000 East 
European Jews found their way into Great Britain. The 
number of Jews who emigrated to the United States between 
1912 and 1935 is computed at upwards of 1,500,000. If the 
Jewish question has to-day attained such vital importance, 
this is to a large extent due to those migrations of Jews — 
migrations which, on the one hand, demonstrated the illusory 
nature of the theory of the Jews' capacity for assimilation, 
and, on the other, hastened the process of the domination of 


18 



West European and North American States by Jewish 
elements. 

The process in question had been practically completed in 
Germany before the advent of National Socialism to power. 
An alien race, without roots in German soil and without even 
the most remote affiliation with the German people, had taken 
possession of Germany. The poison of an alien spirit, of an 
alien manner of thinking, had been instilled, cunningly and 
systematically, into the German mind. Hence the whole 
German organism necessarily conveyed a totally misleading 
impression to an observer from outside. National Socialism 
was therefore faced by the urgent necessity of solving a 
problem which vitally affected the very existence of the 
German nation. 

Impartial foreign observers had long since recognised the 
inevitability of a radical solution of the Jewish question in 
Germany. Already in December, 1910, the Times, in a review 
of Houston Stewart Chamberlain's book "The Foundations of 
the Nineteenth Century," remarked that nearly everything in 
Germany had come under Jewish control — not only business 
life, but the Press, the theatre, the film, etc., in short, everything 
susceptible of influencing German spiritual life, and that it 
would be inconceivable that the Germans could tolerate such a 
state of affairs in the long run. A clash must sooner or later 
inevitably occur, in the view of the Times. 

Since a solution of the Jewish problem by means of the 
assimilation of the Jewish race, of its absorption in German 
national life, had proved wholly impossible, there remained 
to the National Socialists but the single alternative of solving 
the Jewish question by the elimination of that unassimilable 
race from Germany. 

Foreign critics take particular exception to this view. Even 
objective observers, fully aware of the consequences of 
Jewish ascendency and of the resulting inevitability of an 
anti-semitic reaction, condemn the methods adopted by 


19 



National Socialism for the solution of the Jewish question in 
Germany as inhuman and barbarous when pushed to their 
only logical conclusion. 

Whether considered from a purely psychological, or from 
a concrete political, point of view, this criticism of Germany's 
attitude is bound to exert great influence on Germany's relations 
with other countries. It is therefore necessary to carefully 
examine the grounds on which that criticism is based. 

It is incontestable — in fact no attempt has been made to 
deny or even to minimise the fact — that the policy of the 
German Government towards the Jews has entailed numerous 
hardships — amounting in certain individual cases to a posi¬ 
tive miscarriage of justice. It cannot be denied that a number 
of Jews affected by recent legislative measures directed 
against their race honestly felt themselves to be thorough¬ 
going Germans. Such Jews had done their best to render 
service to the State as functionaries, artists, men of letters, 
scientists, and — last but not least — as soldiers in the 
Great War. 

In order to understand why Germany has proceeded to 
such a radical solution of the Jewish problem by means of 
methods of such relentless severity, it is necessary to make 
abstraction of individual cases, however interesting they may 
be intrinsically, and to bear in mind that no legislative 
measure, nor indeed any far-reaching political action, can be 
conceived, which does not inevitably entail more or less 
numerous individual hardships. It is the same as with surgi¬ 
cal operations, when the surgeon, in order to extirpate the 
germs of disease, must resort to the excision of healthy tissue 
surrounding the infected parts. Only in this way can he hope 
to save the sick organism. 

But in order to understand the German attitude towards 
the Jewish question it is necessary to go still farther — to 
remember (as has already been indicated) that the unceasing 
encroachment of the Jews on the entire public life of Ger¬ 
many within the last few decades finally resulted in a terrible 


20 



national catastrophe. The disastrous end of the Great War 
for Germany, followed as it was by complete political and 
economic collapse, by cultural and moral deterioration, by 
unemployment on a colossal scale with its consequent im¬ 
poverishment of all social classes to a degree hitherto 
undreamt-of in modem times — this epoch of Germany's 
greatest and most cruel humiliation coincided with the final 
triumph of Jewish emancipation, with the culminating point 
of Jewish ascendency in Germany, just as the aforementioned 
writer in the Times had prophesied in 1910. 

Already more than a generation ago, one of the most sincere 
and farsighted minds in international Jewry, the late 
Zionist leader Theodore Herzl, described this interdependence 
of general distress and Jewish ascendency in a passage of 
his Zionistische Schriften (vol. 1, pp. 238/9), which is by no 
means applicable solely to Germany, but which has, on the 
contrary, universal validity. Therein Herzl characterised as 
follows the part played by the Jews:— 

"There are among them a few persons who hold in their 
hands the financial threads that envelop the world. A few 
persons who absolutely control the shaping of the most 
vitally important conditions of life of the nations. Every 
invention and innovation are for their sole benefit, whilst 
every misfortune increases their power. And to what use do 
they put this power? Have they ever placed it at the service 
of any moral ideal — nay, have they ever placed it at the 
disposal of their own people, who are in dire distress? . . . 
Without those persons no war can be waged and no peace be 
concluded. The credit of States and individual enterprises 
are alike at the mercy of their rapacious ambition. The in¬ 
ventor must humbly wait at their doors, and in their arro¬ 
gance they claim to sit in judgment on the requirements of 
their fellow beings." 

Nothing could be better calculated to clear Germany from 
the reproach of sinning against the laws of humanity, than 
a detailed enumeration of the facts which prove to what an 


21 



appalling degree Germany herself experienced the truth of 
Herzl's words — of the facts which incontestably show what 
immeasurably bitter experiences have forced Germany to 
seek a radical solution of the Jewish problem, as far as she 
is concerned, by the ruthless elimination of all Jewish in¬ 
fluence in German life. 

The following chapters endeavour to present a resume of 
the importance of the part played by the Jews at the peak of 
the era of emancipation — i.e. up to the advent to power of 
National Socialism. 


1. Population and the Social Structure 
of German Jews 

It is essential, in the first place, to get an accurate picture 
of the numerical significance of German Jews in those days, 
as well as their regional distribution within the Reich and 
their social structure. 

The result of the census in 1925 — the last to be held 
before national socialism took over power — showed that out 
of a total population of 62.5 millions there were 546,379 pro¬ 
fessing the Jewish faith. In other words, this was just less 
than 1% of the total population. 

It must be noted however that this statistic merely embraced 
those Jews professing Jewish faith and not those who were 
Jews by blood and race but who for some reason or another had 
accepted a Christian faith. No method whatsoever existed 
for compiling statistics in respect of this latter category. All 
that one could do was to set up a statistic for those who were 
orthodox Jews. Only in recent times the authorities in Germany 
have set themselves the task of ascertaining how far 
Jewish blood has penetrated into the German race. These 
investigations have not yet been concluded; they involve a vast 
amount of detail work. Hence all statistics that follow are 
necessarily still based on the figures for orthodox Jewry. 


22 



In spite of this we have at our disposal some very reliable 
research data by the Jews themselves. We refer in this 
connexion to the works of Heinrich Silbergleit Die Bevolke- 
rungsverhciltnisse der Juden im Deutschen Reich — The Jewish 
Population Problem in the German Reich— (Berlin 1931). By 
basing our statistics to a large extent on these research figures, 
we are placing ourselves beyond criticism as prejudiced anti- 
semitics. 

We have shown that the total percentage of German con¬ 
fessional Jews in 1925 was just below 1%, to be exact, 
0.90%. But this did not mean that the regional distri¬ 
bution within the Reich was on the same scale. Whereas the 
purely rural districts of Mecklenburg, Oldenburg, Thuringia 
or Anhalt possessed only a very sparse Jewish population 
(0.16 to 0.32%), the majority of Jews were heavily concen¬ 
trated in the large urban areas, particularly in Prussia, Ham¬ 
burg or Hessen (1.05 to 1.72%). In Prussia, the largest of 
the German federal states, the census showed that nearly 73% 
of the total number of Jews were concentrated in the large 
cities with a population of more than 100,000 — whereas the 
corresponding ratio for the non-Jewish population reached 
barely 3 0%. 

A comparison with the results of the various census since 
1871 shows that the status of Jews in the rural districts of 
Germany has consistently decreased, whereas all urban 
districts have shown a constant increase. 

This can be ascribed to a veritable and phenomenal 
domestic migration of German Jews within the last 50 years 
towards the large urban areas. The main reason for this 
migration is to be found in the rapidly increasing Jewish 
emancipation in those days consequent upon a German vic¬ 
tory in the Franco-Prussian war. 

One of the main objectives of this Jewish migration was 
Berlin, the capital of the Reich, where the number of Jews 
had become trebled between 1871 and 1910, (36,000—90,000). 
In this metropolis, the centre of national, political and cul- 


23 



tural activity, Jews had established their headquarters. Here 
they were able to develop unhampered their own peculiar 
racial characteristics. 

The 1925 census returns for Berlin showed that there were 
172,500 Jews or 4.25% out of a total population of approxi¬ 
mately 4 millions. This percentage is four times greater than 
the percentage of Jews in the whole German population. 
Berlin, the capital of Prussia, the largest of the federal states, 
therefore possessed 42% of the 400,000 Prussian Jews. 

Twenty-five percent of these 172,500 Berlin Jews were 
aliens. This fact alone illustrates clearly the total lack of 
Jewish affinity for national ties and national sentiment. Nearly 
one-quarter or 18.5% of the 400,000 Jews in Prussia possessed 
foreign nationality. 

To be able to appreciate the true significance of these 
figures, one must bear in mind that Jewry in the large cities 
was able to attain such numerical significance despite the 
fact that it was subject to a number of restrictive factors. 
These could only be made good by a constant immigration 
from the East, particularly during and after the Great War. 
It is this Eastern immigration of low-class, mean and morally 
unscrupulous Jews which has given the German Jewish 
problem its particular harsh note. 

Another aspect of Jewish life is the comparative infertility 
of Jewish marriages when compared with the rest of the 
population; further, the evident and constantly increasing 
tendency to contract marriage with Christians. 

Statistics in regard to cross-marriages in Germany reveal the 
fact that between 1923 and 1932, two male Jews out of every 
three married Jewesses, — the third marrying a Christian. 
The statistics in regard to Jewesses were hardly less. In 
1926 there were 64 cross-marriages for every hundred purely 
Jewish marriages, in other words, there were two cross¬ 
marriages for every three Jewish ones. At the same period 
in Germany as a whole, there were 50 cross-marriages against 


24 



100 purely Jewish ones that is, two Jewish marriages to one 
cross-marriage. 

It is self-evident that the complete one-sided distribution 
of German Jews and their systematic migration to, and con¬ 
centration in, the large urban areas was an unsound policy 
and disastrous not only for the Jews but also for the national 
life of Germany. 

But the structure of professional life also suffered from 
this morbid one-sidedness. Here statistics show that Jewry 
was a tree without roots, without any anchorage whatsoever 
in social life. This abnormal social composition was respon¬ 
sible for the fact that the Jews exclusively preferred the com¬ 
mercial professions and steered clear of all manual work. 

These facts can be checked by the results of the trades 
records established in the various German federal states 
in 1925. In Prussia, Wiirtlemberg and Hessen, these census 
gave the following results in regard to the percentage of Jews 
employed in the various groups: 


Group 

Prussia 

Wiirtlemberg 

Hessen 

Trade & Commerce... 

5 8.8% 

64.6% 

69% 

Industry. 

25.8% 

24.6% 

22% 

Agriculture. 

1.7% 

1.8% 

4% 


It is often asserted that external pressure, political and 
social considerations, as well as ghetto and boycott have 
squeezed the Jews out of handicraft trades and forced them 
into commercial spheres. Here however we must reply 
by stating that in rural districts, particularly in the former 
province of Posen and in Hessen-Nassau, the Jews had every 
opportunity of working as farmers or craftsmen. There were 
certainly no restrictions placed on them. But they preferred 
to deal in cattle, corn or fertilizers and especially in money 
which brought them rich reward. 


25 






Felix A. Theilhaber, the well-known Jewish economist, 
reporting his observations on the causes of Jewish disinte¬ 
gration in Der Untergang der deutschen Juden — The Decline 
and Fall of German Jewry— (Berlin 1921), confirms the fact 
that so-called primitive production is not in keeping with 
Jewish characteristics. He admits, primarily, that racial talents 
force the Jews into the so-called business professions as they 
are more easily able to guarantee commercial success and ma¬ 
terial security. Theilhaber finally arrives at the following con¬ 
clusion: 

"Agriculture has little material attraction for German 
Jews. . . Racial instincts, traditions and economic pre¬ 
conditions compel them to choose other professions . . . Hence 
it is natural that certain types dominate in German Jewry, 
for example, clothiers, agents, lawyers and doctors. Jewish 
characteristics and peculiarities are also evident in other 
branches (departmental stores, furs, tobacco and even the 
press). One peculiar Jewish feature is the craving for indi¬ 
vidualism,— the urge to become independent and wealthy." 

Among the intellectual professions named by this Jewish 
author, that of medicine and law were the two most 
attractive. They were the professions that offered most 
material gain. Jewish influence in these professions was 
therefore most marked and finally assumed a dominating 
character. 

In 1932 there were approximately 50,000 German medical 
practitioners of which 6,488, — 13% — were Jews. That is to 
say, a figure ten times greater than that to which they were 
entitled on the basis of population ratio. It is noteworthy to 
mention in this connexion that the majority of these Jewish 
doctors classed themselves as specialists in venereal diseases. 

In Berlin, the capital of the Reich, the percentage of Jewish 
doctors was still greater. The figure was 42% and 52% 
for the panel doctors. In the leading Berlin hospitals 45% 
of all the doctors were Jews. 


26 



An abnormal and disproportionate state of affairs also 
existed in the legal professions as compared with the popu¬ 
lation ratio. In 1933 there were 11,795 lawyers practising in 
Prussia of which 3,350 or nearly 30% were Jews; 2,051 or 
3 3 % of the total number of 6,236 public notaries were Jews. 
In Berlin itself the percentage was much higher, — bordering 
between 48% and 5 6%. 

Further consideration must be given to the fact that the 
administration of justice was chiefly in the hands of orthodox 
Jews. The position was similar in regard to the professor¬ 
ships at various leading German universities. The table below 
furnishes the statistics of three of these universities in 1931. 
Not only the law and medical faculties are quoted but the 
philosophical as well in order to show the abnormal Jewish 
penetration: 


Faculty 

Berlin 

Breslau 

Frankfurt a. M. 

Law .... 

44 teachers 

23 teachers 

Jewish 

teachers 


15 Jews = 34% 

6 Jews = 26% 

total 

33% 

Medicine . . 

265 teachers 

101 teachers 

Jewish 

teachers 


118 Jews = 43% 

43 Jews = 43% 

total 

2 8% 

Philosophy.. 

268 teachers 

107 teachers 

Jewish 

teachers 


85 Jews = 31% 

26 Jews = 25% 

total 

3 2% 


Two of the most important phases of public life viz. law 
and public health were thus in danger of coming under com¬ 
plete Jewish control. 


2. Jews in German Economic Life 

Jewish penetration into German economic life was still 
more pronounced. In strict accordance with the objectives 
referred to in the previous chapter, trade and commerce were 
the principle spheres in which Jews centred their attention. 
Their peak activity in this respect, be it noted, was reached 


27 




during the currency inflation from 1919 to 1923. In that 
particular period very little material benefit accrued to 
anyone engaged in productive and strenuous work. An in¬ 
stinct for speculation and commercial shrewdness was the 
ruling factor in those days. It is no wonder therefore that 
Jewish business concerns sprang up like mushrooms over¬ 
night in that period. We need only recall such well-known 
Jewish names as Jakob Michael, Richard Kahn and Jacob 
Shapiro or the corrupt business concerns associated with the 
Austrian Jewish speculators, Siegfried Bosel and Castiglioni, 
two names that became notorious far beyond Germany's 
frontiers. At huge cost to the national budget all these con¬ 
cerns finally collapsed when German currency was stabilized. 

In 1931, Dr. Alfred Marcus, the Jewish statistician pre¬ 
viously referred to, carefully examined Jewish participation 
in individual branches of German trade in his book Die wirt- 
schaftliche Krise des deutschen Juden, — The Economic Crisis 
of German Jews. — His investigations led to the following 
remarkable results: 

In 1930, 346 or 57.3% of the total of 603 firms in the 
metal trades were in Jewish hands; in scrap-metal there were 
514 firms of which 211 or 4 1 % were Jews; grain merchants 
totalled 6,809 of which 1,543 or 22.7% were Jews; textile 
wholesalers numbered 9,984 of which 3,938 or 39.4% were 
Jews; in the ladies dress branch there were 81 Jewish firms 
out of a total of 133, or 60.9%. In the art and booksellers 
trades, both of which possess an extremely cultural value, 
many of the most important firms were Jewish. We need 
only mention S. Fischer, Cassirer, Flechtheim, Ullstein and 
Springer. 

Still more important is the financial or banking business. 
Here well-nigh every leading business was in the hands of 
Jews. A few individual instances can be quoted. Both the 
governing directors of the Deutsche Bank und Discontogesell- 
schaft (1929) and four of its twelve board members were Jews. 
The chairman, two vice-chairmen and three of the five govern- 


28 



ing members of the board of the Darmstadter und Nationalbank 
were Jews. The chairman, vice-chairman and three of the 
seven members of the governing board of the Dresdner Bank 
(1928) were Jews. Finally, every one of the three owners of the 
Berliner Handelsgesellschaft were also Jews. 

The big private banks were also nearly all in Jewish hands. 
We need only recall such well-known firms as Arnhold, 
Behrens, Warburg, Bleichroder, Mendelsohn, Goldschmidt, 
Rothschild, Dreyfuss, Bondi and Maron, Aufhauser, Oppen- 
heim, Levy, Speyer-Ellissen, Heimann, Stem. 

By means of these key positions in the financial world 
Jewish influence penetrated by way of the boards of directors to 
every section of German industry. The Adress Bitch der Direk- 
toren und Aufsichtsrate — A Guide to Company Directors & 
Boards of Management — published in 1930, i.e. long before 
the national socialists assumed power — proves the alarming 
influence of Jewish capital or capital controlled by Jews on 
German economic life. 

Outstanding among Jewish financiers in this respect was 
Jacob Goldschmidt, a member of the boards of no less than 
115 companies. He was closely followed by Louis Hagen, 
a Jewish banker, with 62 appointments. Third on the list 
was a Christian lawyer, followed successively by four Jewish 
bankers who together held 166 positions on the boards of 
various companies. Further down this list Jews continued 
to play a very prominent role. 

This concentration of business-company authority in the 
hands of a small group of Jewish financiers was certainly 
not compatible with a conscientious fulfilment of the exacting 
duties of a company director. On the other hand no effort 
or work was necessary in producing extraordinary handsome 
returns. This was one of the most important factors that 
led to discrediting the political and economic systems of that 
period, and also formed one of the causes which led to a 
widespread growth of anti-semitism among the broad masses 
in Germany. 


29 



The domination of German industry by a system of Jewish 
boards of business directors certainly went hand in hand 
with direct Jewish penetration and subsequent control of 
industrial production. The complicated nature of this vast 
field and its complex structure makes it possible to give only 
a few illustrations which, however, by no means exhaust the 
real extent of Jewish expansion. 

In the electrical branch for example, mention must be 
made of the AEG, — the German General Electric Company. 
This company was established by the Jew Emil Rathenau 
and after the Great War, was controlled by two Jews. The 
whole of the metal market was controlled by the Jew Merton, 
head of the Frankfurt Metal Bank. The Osram Company, 
the leading electric globe concern, was controlled by Mein- 
hardt, a Jew. The Continental Rubber Company in Hanno¬ 
ver, Germany's largest productive plant, and the Calmon 
Rubber Company at Hamburg were established and controlled 
by Jews. Adler, Oppenheim, Salamander and Conrad Tack 
& Co., four Jewish firms, dominated the entire German 
leather industry. The iron market was controlled by the Jew 
Ottmar Strauss. Hugo Herzfeld, a Jew, exercised a decided 
influence in the potash industry. In the mining industry 
section, Paul Silverberg dominated the Rhenish lignite or 
brown coal industry whilst two co-religionists, the Petschek 
brothers had a similar function in the Central German lignite 
district. 

Jewish participation was also extraordinarily large in in¬ 
dustrial organisations and in official organs of German 
economic life. This influence was particularly pronounced 
in the Chambers of Commerce and Industry. To quote one 
example: The Berlin Chamber of Commerce and Industry, 
the largest of its kind in Germany, had 98 members in 1931 
of which no less than 50 were Jews or half-caste Jews. Four- 
hundred of the 1,300 members attached to the Chamber as 
advisory experts were Jews, whilst 131 of the 209 commercial 
judges appointed by the Chamber were also Jews. The 


30 



Chamber itself was presided over by a President and five 
vice-presidents. The president himself and three of his de¬ 
puties were Jews. 

The position was far worse on the exchanges. We need do 
no more than give the Berlin Exchange, the most important 
one in Germany, as an example. Twenty-five of the 36 
committee members of the Securities and Bonds Exchange 
were Jews. Twelve of the 16 committee members of the 
Produce Exchange were Jews and ten of the 12 committee 
members of the Metal Exchange were also Jews. The 
committee of the whole Exchange was composed of 70 
members of whom 45 were Jews. Attendance at the Exchange 
was also more or less a Jewish monopoly. In 1930 for example, 
the attendance at the Securities and Bonds Exchange totalled 
1,474 of which number approximately 1,200 were Jews. The 
Produce Exchange had an attendance of 578 of which 520 
were Jews, and at the Metal Exchange out of an attendance 
of 89 there were 80 Jews. 

It is obvious that the Reichsbank, the official bank for the 
issue of paper money, was in no position to resist perma¬ 
nently this well-nigh Jewish monopoly of capital and 
economic interests. The result was that in the period between 
1925 and 1929 four of the six members of the controlling board 
of Reichsbank directors were Jews or half-caste Jews. All 
three members of the Central Council of the Reichsbank and 
two of their deputies were Jews. 

It is necessary now to supplement the aforementioned 
quantitative analysis of Jewish participation in German 
economic life by a qualitative one in which the following 
facts must be borne in mind: 

When compiling the aforementioned statistics in regard to 
certain professions in the various German states since 1925, 
it was ascertained that in Prussia, the largest State, out of a 
total of approximately 3 million employed in the professions 
— either independently or in leading capacities — approxi¬ 
mately 92,000 were orthodox Jews. This means that 48% 


31 



of all Jews professionally employed held leading positions, 
whereas the corresponding ratio for the remainder of the 
population amounted to only 16%. 

If we compare this with the Jewish share in the non- 
independent manual work branch, then the whole abnormal 
social structure of Jewry stands revealed in its true light: 
Whereas Prussia in 1925 employed approximately 8.5 million 
ordinary workers (i. e. 46.9% of the sum total of all in employ¬ 
ment). Jews totalled only 16,000 i.e. (8.4% of all Jews in 
employment). The percentage of Jews (which in the leading 
positions was three times greater than that of the whole 
population) dropped therefore in the manual trades to one- 
sixth of the figure for the rest of the population, and for all 
practical purposes had reached zero. 

This supplementary qualitative assessment makes it per¬ 
fectly plain that prior to the national socialist regime the 
whole of German economic life had reached that alarming 
stage where it was under foreign domination by Jews and 
principally by Jews in leading key positions. 

It is not surprising that this powerful domination of German 
economic life should express itself in abnormally high 
incomes for members of the Jewish community. It is difficult 
of course to give accurate figures in this respect. We will, 
however, limit ourselves to the statistics furnished us by the 
Jewish statistician, Dr. Alfred Marcus, to whom reference 
has already been made. Marcus estimates the average Jewish 
income for 1930 as 3.2 times greater than the average income 
of the rest of the population. 

Summarizing the aforementioned particulars, it must be 
emphasized once more that the Jews concentrated themselves 
exclusively on commercial and financial undertakings and 
assumed therein absolute leading positions. Agriculture and 
other manual work were severely left alone. Abnormal con¬ 
centration of Jews in large cities, particularly in Berlin, must 
not be forgotten. 


32 



It does not require much intelligence to realize that such 
an abnormal social and regional structure must ultimately 
lead to a state of severe tension, if not to serious disturbances 
in public life. This would have taken place in any case even 
if the Jews had wisely adapted themselves to the requirements 
of the country which was giving them shelter. These tensions 
had to lead to an explosion one day if Jewry, blinded by the 
lustre of its fortunes continued to exercise no restraint in 
displaying its foreign racial characteristics. But nowhere have 
Jews been more downright unrestrained than during the era of 
economic and political corruption which Germany experienced 
after the Great War. 


3. Jews and Corruption 

It is no exaggeration to say that public life in those days 
was governed by an epidemic of corruption. This was by no 
means confined to Germany. Europe and the United States 
of America were similarly affected. Jews played a leading 
part in corruption scandals everywhere. In France it was 
Hanau, Oustric and Stavisky; in the United States of America 
it was Insull and in Austria, Bosel, Berliner and Castiglioni 
were the outstanding figures. 

Fundamentally it is not surprising that this plague of cor¬ 
ruption became most widespread and acute in the period 
which followed the disastrous World War. On the other 
hand, however, it is typical of the Jew and his character that 
he should be the bearer and the principal beneficiary of this 
process of disintegration. 

It is understandable that Germany, as the loser of the war, 
became infected to a particularly acute degree with the germ 
of corruption. During its most distressful period of trial and 
tribulation — the result of the Dictate of Versailles — 
Germany therefore became acquainted with Jewry as the 


33 



exploiters and beneficiaries of its national misfortunes. No 
other country can point to a similar experience. 

The list of Jewish profiteers in those years of national 
distress who veritably swamped the crumbling structure of 
German economic life and finally were responsible for its 
total collapse and ruin — ranges from the company promoter 
type and inflation profiteer to all the various types of soldiers 
of fortune and large-scale swindlers. In no other national 
economy has Jewish nature with its selfishness, its unscrupu¬ 
lousness and its urge for quick profits developed itself so 
unrestrictedly as in Germany throughout that particular tragic 
period. 

Even the war companies, which during the Great War 
attended to the supplies of raw materials, were allowed to 
come more and more under Jewish influence. The largest 
concern of its kind, the Zentral Einkaufsgesellschaft — the 
Central Buying Company—for example, was controlled by 
a Jew. The important Kriegs Metall Company — the War 
Metals Company — was in charge of 14 governing men of 
whom 12 were Jews. A public scandal as the result of the 
business methods of this company was avoided for the simple 
reason that the political and military developments of the war 
confronted Germany with other and more pressing tasks. 

Jewry's great and triumphant hour of corruption came with 
the end of the Great War. The liquidation of the armaments 
factories and the sale of military stores and equipment offered 
splendid opportunities for handsome profits and the Jews 
were not backward in exploiting this state of affairs. The 
Jew, Richard Kahn, to mention an example, made a contract 
with the Deutsche Werke — the largest state-owned armaments 
plant — whereby the whole of its valuable stock was sold to 
him at scrap-metal price. Kahn was not the only Jew who 
profiteered enormously as the result of Germany's downfall. 
Felix Pinner, a Jewish author, in his book entitled: Deutsche 
Wirtschaftsfuhrer — German Leaders of Economy— (Berlin 


34 



1924) has characterized the innumerable Jewish profiteers as 
follows: 

"Many of them . . . started business as army suppliers. In 
a number of cases it was difficult to say whether their chief 
motive was a desire to deal in military supplies or an excuse 
for shirking military duties. In many cases their big oppor¬ 
tunity came when military stores and equipment were finally 
sold. Others again firmly established themselves financially 
with the advent of the currency inflation period." 

Business in deflated currency in the years 1919 to 1923 
brought many outstanding triumphs to corruptive and spe¬ 
culative dealers. The Jews in particular were prominent in 
floating large companies as the result of shady transactions 
on the exchange. These concerns, which were none too secu¬ 
rely established, paid out large dividends in the early stages 
before finally crashing. The most well-known names in this 
respect are the Jews Jakob Michael, Richard Kahn and the 
Eastern Jew Ciprut and his brother. These two brothers are 
referred to by Pinner, the Jewish author, in his book from 
which we have already quoted. He states: "The Ciprut 
brothers are of the breed that comes from the south-eastern 
plains of Roumania or Persia; soldiers of fortune attracted by 
the decomposing stench of German currency." 

All these cases however were not the deciding factors that 
turned the Jewish question in Germany into a most burning 
problem for the whole nation. No. They took place at a time 
when all phases of economic and political law and order 
were extremely lax. To a certain extent they even passed 
unnoticed in the general chaotic state of affairs during the 
first post-war years. But nothing was more calculated to 
open the eyes of the general public in Germany and fan the 
flame of anti-semitism than the huge wave of Jewish cor¬ 
ruption which had assumed such a criminal character that 
one public scandal followed another in rapid succession. 

We refer in particular to the five Sklarz brothers, the three 
Barmat, the three Sklarek and the two Rotter brothers as 


35 



well as the scandals associated with Michael Holzmann and 
Ludwig Katzenellenbogen. All these Jewish past-masters in 
corruption were, with the exception of Katzenellenbogen, 
Easterners i. e. Galician or Polish Jews who had migrated to 
Germany either during or after the Great War. 

The first of the big corruption cases was the one in con¬ 
nexion with the five Sklarz brothers. With the help of 
influential connexions in the social-democrat party they suc¬ 
ceeded, shortly after the war, in obtaining a monopoly for 
supplies to those troops that had been commissioned with the 
task of restoring domestic law and order. These contracts led 
to enormous profits within a short space of time. These 
brothers increased their wealth considerably by further shady 
manipulations and by discreet bribes to leading government 
officials. All this helped these unscrupulous Jewish black¬ 
guards materially when they subsequently came up for trial. 
Very little light could be thrown on their shady conduct and 
after a well-nigh endless trial, only one of the five brothers 
was convicted in 1926. 

These five brothers were ably assisted by a Russian Jew, 
Parvus-Helphand, one of the most unscrupulous blackguards 
and swindlers produced by the war. He utilized the millions 
he made out of war supplies in order to establish good 
relations with the social-democrats in power at that time. 
As a principal wire-puller he remained in the background 
of many corruption scandals. No one dared to institute pro¬ 
ceedings against a man who had successfully bribed so many 
leading government officials. 

The three Barmat brothers were artists in corruption on 
a more imposing scale. Their home was at Kiev and during 
the war they were engaged in business in Holland as food 
merchants. With the help of Heilmann, the Jewish politician, 
the five Sklarz brothers and Parvus - Helphand these three 
Barmat brothers ultimately received permission to settle in 
Germany. By means of ruthless exploitation of human weak¬ 
nesses, small and large favours which culminated in direct 


36 



bribes, these brothers were able finally to win the confi¬ 
dence of influential friends and members of the government. 
In this way they soon became the owners of ten banks and 
a great number of industrial concerns. With the help of frau¬ 
dulent balance sheets they procured a loan of 38 million 
Marks, partly granted by the Prussian State bank and partly 
by the Reich Ministry of Posts and Telegraphs. When finally 
this inflated Barmat concern crashed, its debts were estimated 
at 70 million gold Marks, and half of this sum had to be 
covered by the savings of small investors. 

The subsequent court proceedings against these Barmat 
brothers ended in very small terms of imprisonment. Herr 
Bauer, the social-democrat Reich Chancellor at that time, 
who had become involved in the proceedings was forced 
to resign. 

After the crash, Julius Barmat went abroad again. In his 
new surroundings he applied with great success the methods 
which he had adopted in Germany. By bribing influential 
politicians he was able to obtain loans and finally defrauded 
the Belgian National Bank of 34 million gold francs. He 
evaded the law by committing suicide in 1937. 

The three Jews, Iwan Baruch, Alexander Kutisker and 
Michael Holzmann were less successful in their efforts than 
their predecessors. Nevertheless they are worthy of mention. 
They turned their attention to the Prussian State Bank which 
Barmat had previously defrauded. They also succeeded in 
defrauding this institution to the extent of 14 million gold 
Marks. 

By far the largest scandal however was brought about by 
the Sklarek brothers of whom there were three. The case is 
certainly unparalleled in the history of crime, politics, busi¬ 
ness and bribery. The principle sufferers were the city autho¬ 
rities in Berlin. 

By a clever and crafty system of favours, presents and 
bribes of every description these three Jews had literally pur¬ 
chased goodwill in various civic quarters in Berlin — where 


37 



social-democrats and communists were chiefly in power. In 
this way they secured an absolute monopoly for the supply 
of clothing either to the police force, traffic department, social 
aid depots or public works department. All municipal offi¬ 
cials were systematically bribed who might in any way prove 
useful to the Sklareks in obtaining and keeping their mono¬ 
poly. Even the Oberbiirgermeister, Berlin's Lord Mayor, was 
bribed. In this way, therefore, it was possible to obtain 
payment from the Stadtbank — the Berlin Municipal Bank 
— for all faked invoices in respect of goods never supplied. 
The sums paid on this account ran into enormous figures. 
When the firm of Sklarek finally suspended payments, the 
municipal bank had been defrauded of 12,5 million Marks. 
An enquiry to ascertain the whereabouts of a further 10 million 
Marks brought no results. 

The legal proceedings against these three Jews commenced 
in 1932 and lasted nine months. In accordance with public 
feeling the sentences were more severe than in previous cases. 
Two of the brothers (one had died in the meantime) were 
sentenced to long terms of imprisonment with hard labour. 

Mention must still be made of the Jewish Director-General 
Katzenellenbogen. He was head of the Schultheiss-Patzen- 
hofer concern, one of the largest industrial undertakings in 
Germany with a share capital of 75 million Marks and a pre¬ 
ferential capital of 15 million Marks. By means of disrepu¬ 
table speculation with a view to personal enrichment at the 
expense of the company, Katzenellenbogen brought this vast 
concern to the verge of bankruptcy. The shareholders were 
defrauded to the extent of thirty million Marks. Part of his 
dishonest profits Katzenellenbogen used for the purpose of 
financing Erwin Piscator, the bolshevik theatrical director. 
Katzenellenbogen was finally convicted for fraud and for 
issuing false balance sheets and sentenced to imprisonment. 

The final case in this long series of corruption scandals was 
the one dealing with the Rotter brothers. These two Jewish 
speculators had formed a combine embracing seven of the 


38 



largest Berlin theatres. The work of exploiting these theatres 
was considerably facilitated by the flotation of several com¬ 
panies whose affairs were placed in the hands of an ignorant 
though willing person acting as a mere figure head. In one 
single year, 1932, these two adventurers were able to squeeze 
no less than 300,000 Marks clear profit out of these under¬ 
takings after all expenses had been met. Their monthly 
salaries, which they themselves had fixed at 2,000 Marks each 
were not included in this figure. A further 400,000 Marks 
accrued to them as the result of a fraudulent contract respect¬ 
ing two cultural undertakings. While Christian actors in 
these theatres were badly underpaid, the Jewish "stars" on the 
other hand received fantastic salaries, as much as 1,000 
to 2,500 Marks per evening being no rare occurrence. The 
Rotter brothers lived a life of splendid luxury and the day 
came in 1932 when their concern also finally crashed with 
debts amounting to 3.5 million Marks. The two brothers 
declined all responsibility for the crash and decamped to 
Liechtenstein for which country they had taken care to obtain 
papers of naturalization. 

We have already stated that Austria also had its Jewish 
corruption scandals on a large scale. Apart from Castiglioni 
and Bosel mention must be made of Berliner, the large-scale 
Jewish swindler. As Director-General of the large Phonix 
Life Insurance Company, he utilized the funds of this com¬ 
pany for political purposes. Berliner maintained excellent 
relations with all political parties in Austria and paid out a 
total of three million schillings in bribes in respect of elections 
and the occupation of certain important positions. He 
influenced the press in his time by payments amounting to 
170 million schillings. The trade unions and the military 
Heimwehr organization were also supported by him from 
funds fraudulently appropriated from his company. In this 
way, the debts of the Phonix Company finally totalled the 
mammoth sum of 670 million schillings. 330,000 policy 
holders of the company, chiefly of the non-wealthy middle 


39 



class type, were the principal sufferers and had to foot the 
bill by means of increased premiums and reduced benefits. 

This list of Jewish corruption by no means lays claim to 
being complete. Attention has only been drawn to those cases 
which in Germany and elsewhere have focused particular 
public attention by reason of their magnitude. But the 
instances quoted suffice to deny the oft-repeated Jewish 
charge that Jews were in no way more involved in corruption 
than Christians. Here it can be said that during the period 
which has been referred to, only two great corruption scan¬ 
dals by Christians have taken place. These are the Raiffeisen 
Bank and the Lahusen cases. Jewish participation in cor¬ 
ruption is therefore not only greater on a percentage basis 
— that is when compared with the Jewish population ratio — 
but also totally dominant in every respect. 

A decisive factor in judging Jewish corruption is that legal 
punishment of this crime was either invariably a long-winded 
affair or no charge was subsequently preferred against the 
criminals. When a conviction did take place punishment was 
invariably mild. The reason for this was to be found in the 
very friendly and mutually profitable relations existing 
between these Jews and various influential personages in the 
government and other public bodies. And here again, Jews 
were always to be found in highly-placed and important key 
positions. 

This inter-connexion of interests has already been referred 
to above. Reference has already been made to Heilmann, the 
Jewish social-democrat Reichstag member who paved the way 
for the Barmats. The Jewish Secretary of State Abegg has 
also been mentioned as acting in a similar capacity. As 
further examples of Jewish corruption in the Prussian Civil 
Service, mention must be made of Dr. Weismann, Secretary 
of State and State Commissar for Public Law and Order in 
Prussia. Further, Dr. Weiss, Deputy Chief of Police in Berlin. 
Both were officially responsible for law and order; Dr. Weis- 


40 



mann himself was classified as the senior official in Prussia, 
the largest of the federal states. 

Dr. Weismann played a particularly shady part in the pro¬ 
ceedings against the Sklarz brothers. It is characteristic of 
him that he attempted to bribe Herr Gutjahr, the leading 
state prosecutor, with a sum of three million Marks with a 
view to having the charge modified. Gutjahr refused to be 
bribed and subsequently Weismann was responsible for this 
trusted official being officially reprimanded. 

Weismann and Dr. Weiss were both heavy gamblers in 
private life. The Jewish periodical Die Weltbuhne even 
criticized Weismann in 1920 as "one of the most notorious 
gamblers in Berlin." Dr. Weiss — the deputy chief of police — 
was frequently surprised in 1932 in various illicit gaming dens. 
Before the national socialists came into power the Court of 
Appeal in Berlin even confirmed that he had committed an 
offence against the law and that he "did not possess the moral 
qualities necessary for such a responsible position." 


4. The Jews in German Political Life 

In Imperial Germany the Jews did not play any important 
roles in the political life of the country, that is to say, not 
insofar as they were in possession of important key positions. 
But this state of affairs changed radically with the outbreak 
of the 1918 revolution and the introduction of a new con¬ 
stitution. There is no need here to examine the question of 
whether this new state structure was in line with the governing 
political ideas of Jewry. The facts, however, are that with 
the commencement of November 1918, a veritable rush was 
made by the Jews to capture the leading key positions in the 
Reich and in the federal states. 

Among the six so-called "Representatives of the People" 
who formed the first Reich Government after the collapse, 


41 



there were two Jews, Hugo Haase and Otto Landsberg. Kurt 
Eisner, a Jew, headed the list as Minister-President in Bavaria; 
in Prussia the Jew Paul Hirsch assumed a similar function. 
The first Reich government established in 1919 on a par¬ 
liamentary basis contained five Jews. Many of the most 
important departments in the Reich ministries were con¬ 
trolled by Jews. 

To thoroughly appreciate the significance of this fact, one 
must bear in mind, that Jewish usurpation of political leader¬ 
ship commenced with the beginning of an epoch of political 
weakness which, in foreign affairs led to complete surrender 
and shameful servility; in the domestic sphere to complete 
disunion and disruption. Even the loss of the Great War — 
which naturally had to lead to a profound change in Ger¬ 
many's position abroad and in her domestic affairs as well 
— is certainly no sufficient excuse or explanation. Opinion 
abroad, when dealing with that particular period, will agree 
that a more dignified attitude would have been helpful in 
improving the German position. On the other hand, the 
servile and defeatist policy of the German Jewish politicians 
commanded nothing but contempt and only served to accen¬ 
tuate German's national shame and misery. 

Those particular Jewish politicians were also in no way 
satisfied that a change from constitutional monarchy to a 
parliamentary-republican regime had taken place in German 
affairs. This is testified to by the Jewish author, Rudolf 
Schay, in his book Juden in der deutschen Politik (Jews in 
German Politics) published in 1929. He states: 

"Among the elements who carry on the revolution, and 
will not accept a free and bourgeois and a democratic- 
republican order — but who insist on the complete fulfillment 
of all social demands, — Jews have played a dominant role; 
viz: Rosa Luxemburg, Eisner and Landauer . . ." 

This complete fulfillment of all socialist demands was 
nothing else than a realization of the communist manifest 
inspired and dictated by the Jew Karl Marx. But that was 


42 



only possible by completely surrendering all national ideas 
and interests of the German nation. 

It is therefore not surprising that Jewish politicians were 
playing a leading role, even during the Great War, in all 
those movements which aimed at undermining the political 
and military strength of Germany. Which of the Allied 
countries would not have taken immediate steps to punish 
the author of a treacherous article such as that which appeared 
on October 20, 1918, in the social-democratic paper Vorwarts, 
written by its editor, the Jew Friedrich Stampfer. He stated: 

"Germany must — that is our inflexible will as socialists — 
strike her war flag for ever, without bearing it home in victory 
for the last time." 

That is the same brand of defeatism which already at the 
beginning of the Great War had permeated the many pacifist 
organisations, all of which were under Jewish control. 

Prominent among these organisation was the Neues Vater- 
land (The New Fatherland) subsequently known as "The 
German League for Human Rights." Its policy was principally 
dictated by the Jews Witting, Grelling, Bernstein, Magnus, 
Hirschfeld, Heymann, Gumbel, Wulfsohn etc. The pacifist 
Youth Organisation was also led by Jews: Max Hodann, Jakob 
Feldner, the Jewish communist Scholen and the half-caste 
Jewish sons of Karl Liebknecht. 

It is not our intention to criticize pacifism as such. Un¬ 
questionably pacifism is a political conviction of great moral 
significance and is certainly worthy of every effort to support it. 
But pacifism is only tolerable for the political direction of a 
country — particularly when all national forces of that 
country are concentrated to the full — as long as it remains 
within boundaries prescribed by the political interests of the 
country. 

But it is those particular pacifists mentioned above who 
primarily must be held responsible for the collapse of Ger¬ 
many's spirit of resistance, for the estrangement that took 


43 



place between the people and its political leaders and for the 
cleavage between the army at the front and the people at 
home. No one was more successful than the leading pacifist 
Jews in giving Germany's enemies suitable material for 
propaganda. 

Prominent in this work is the Jew already referred to, Dr. 
Richard Grelling — a name undoubtedly still well-remembered 
in the former Allied countries. Before the War he emigrated 
to Switzerland and there published his two books J'accuse and 
Das Verbrechen (The Crime) in which he attempted to prove 
Germany's alleged guilt for the outbreak of hostilities. This 
book was very widely circulated in the Allied and neu¬ 
tral countries as an "authoritative and convincing" personal 
document of Germany's war guilt and all the attendant 
horrors. In 1917, Karl Federn, Grelling's co-religionist and also 
an author, replied by denouncing Grelling's conduct as 
"dishonourable" and stating further that Grelling had built 
up his case "by lies and the use of false and forged docu¬ 
ments." Grelling never replied to these severe charges which 
were constantly repeated in later years. On the contrary, he 
was coward enough to attempt to deny authorship of these 
two books. 

Mention must also be made of the Jewish journalist Her¬ 
mann Fernau who conducted propaganda against Germany 
from Switzerland in 1917/1918. His newspaper articles 
furnished the Allies with excellent material for disruptive 
propaganda in German front line trenches. 

Geheimrat Willing, a highly placed German official, brother 
of the Jewish author Maximilian Harden, was responsible for 
the unlawful and widespread publication in pamphlet form of a 
private memorandum ("My London Mission"), the property of 
Count Lichnowsky, the former German Ambassador in London. 
This memorandum contained observations of a purely personal 
character but their unlawful publication was just as disastrous 
to Germany's political position as the works of Grelling. 


44 



Jews also took a prominent part in the work of planning 
the 1918 revolution in Germany which finally, led to the 
collapse of the entire western front. 

It was Dr. Oscar Cohn, the social-democratic deputy who 
early in November 1918 accepted the sum of four million 
gold roubles from M. Joffe, the Soviet-Russian ambassador 
to Berlin in those days, and also a Jew. This money was 
intended to finance the German revolution. Hugo Haase, a 
Jewish Reichstag deputy, was the master-mind behind the 
Sailors' revolt at Kiel, which was the signal for general 
revolution throughout Germany. At the national meeting 
of protest held on May 12, 1919, when it was unanimously 
decided to vote against signing the peace terms, it was the 
Jew Haase, as leader of the Independent Social Democrats, 
who alone insisted on accepting the terms. It must also be 
added that in the Prussian Diet of that period it was a Jew, 
Kurt Rosenfeld, who on May 7, 1919, on the occasion of a 
similar protest meeting demanded that these terms should 
be accepted. 

Closely allied to these destructive elements and traitors to 
national interests, a few further outstanding names can be 
mentioned: The Jews Georg Bernhard, editor of the 
Vossische Zeitung, Friedrich Stampfer and Erich Kuttner, both 
on the staff of the social-democratic Vorwarts, Rudolf Hilfer- 
ding, attached to the radical Freiheit press. Their united efforts 
were chiefly responsible for Germany being forced to bow 
down and submit to the yoke of the peace terms. Although poli¬ 
tical development proved later that these terms could never be 
fulfilled, yet to the military collapse there was added a total 
political and economic crash. 

It is not possible to conclude this chapter of Jewish 
defeatism without mentioning the following: It is true that 
there were also numbers of non-Jewish Germans who both 
during and after the war committed treason on strictly 
Jewish lines. But the Jewish percentage in this dastardly 
political work is not only relative but actually incomparably 


45 



higher. In fact, the percentage is so abnormally great, that 
the list of non-Jewish perpetrators is almost insignificant. 

Seeking for an explanation of this curious fact one finds 
that Jewry is outwardly as well as inwardly completely 
rootless; on the basis of its racial habits and its historical 
past it recognizes no ties which can in any way be connected 
with love for a homeland. 

At the same time, however, this political attitude of the 
Jews clearly shows up the glaring ingratitude which they 
have demonstrated in Germany. There is no country where 
the requirements of Jewish emancipation have been more 
justly fulfilled than in Germany; and there is not another 
country in which Jews were so accommodatingly allowed to 
fill positions in the public services. But in no other country 
in the world have Jews in times of severe national distress 
played such an inglorious, destructive and treacherous role 
as in Germany. 

Two particular and instructive instances of post-war date 
will illustrate the Jewish lack of national feeling and also 
demonstrate the objectionable way in which profound national 
susceptibilities were wounded by Jews. 

The first case is the scandal in connexion with Professor 
Theodor Lessing. During the election campaign for a Reich 
President in 1925, this Jew, who had been entrusted with the 
work of educating German youth, published an article in a 
foreign and anti-German paper — the Prague Tageblatt — 
opposing Field Marshal von Hindenburg as a candidate for 
the Presidency. This article abounded in slanderous and ill- 
natured attacks on the Field Marshal who was stigmatized 
as "inhuman", a "simpleton" and a "ferocious wolf'. Lessing 
added that the Field Marshal would prove to be a "Nero" 
in office. 

To fully grasp this dastardly attack, one must recall to 
mind that the Field Marshal, after a strenuous career, had 
again placed himself at the service of the country at the age 
of seventy-seven. This was at a time when a disrupted Ger- 


46 



many sorely needed a man who would collect all the forces 
for the work of national reconstruction. One must further 
remember that Hindenburg as Commander-in-Chief of the 
German Army during the War, had become a loved and 
venerable figure, the very embodiment of all the glorious 
achievements of the army at the front. This slanderous attack 
had the same effect on Germany as a similar attack on Kitchener 
or Nelson would have in England, or Marshal Foch in France 
or George Washington in America. 

A veritable storm of indignation arose in academic circles 
throughout the country. Prof. Lessing, however, was not 
reprimanded and was even permitted to continue his slan¬ 
derous attacks. But the result was a natural further streng¬ 
thening of the anti-semitic tendencies of the whole nation. 

The character of this Jew Lessing is further emphasized in 
his "War Memoirs" published in 1929 in the same Prague 
newspaper. He states clearly but equally cynically as well 
as incomprehensibly stupid: 

"I was fortunate in becoming a shirker. Throughout four 
years of war I was called up to the colours regularly once 
a month. Disqualification became more and more difficult. 
I kept on inventing excuses in order to keep away from the 
front." That was the man who dared to slander Hindenburg, 
the soldier, and make him appear ludicrous. 

The "Gumbel Case," broadly speaking, is similar to the 
Lessing scandal. Emil Gumbel, a Jew, was also a university 
teacher; he belonged to those pacifists, traitors and defeatists 
previously referred to. He also was closely connected with 
the Third International and with Moscow. In a series of 
pamphlets he made seditious statements which brought him 
into conflict with the law despite the fact that the sympathetic 
attitude of the government in those days was all in his favour. 
Gumbel also participated in the publication of a document 
entitled "Germany's Secret Armaments" in which he endea¬ 
voured to expose Germany's alleged breaches of the disarma¬ 
ment terms of the Versailles Treaty. This document was 


47 



handed to the French, English and Polish governments by the 
Jewish controlled pacifist "League for Human Rights." It is 
quite obvious that this document brought about a difficult 
foreign political situation for Germany. In speeches which 
Gumbel made in 1924 at various French universities, he even 
went so far as to admit the truth of the oft-repeated false 
statement about Germany's war guilt. 

Hence there is no cause for surprise that this man (who 

had never seen the front) was incapable of a spark of human 

feeling for the heroic deeds of German soldiers in the war. 

It was he who dared to declare at a public meeting in 1924 

that the dead German soldiers had "died on the field of 
dishonour." 

Despite these infamous statements and insults to the German 
people, which caused widespread indignation, Gumbel was 
able to maintain his position as teacher at the university until 
1933. Influential Jewish friends such as Georg Bernhard and 
Albert Einstein were his protectors. He was even able to 
continue his insults and at a later meeting at Heidelberg he 
declared: "The War Memorial to German soldiers is to me 
nothing but one big turnip." 

Would it be possible — one must ask the question in view 
of this blackguardism — for an English university teacher 
to insult the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in a similar 
manner? Would not a storm of national indignation sweep 
away Jewish blackguards of the Gumbel and Lessing type? 
National Socialism in Germany certainly accomplished that 
when it cleared out its Gumbels and Lessings, its Grellings 
and Bernhards and the whole clique of defeatists and traitors. 
By means of legislation, such disruptive work was made 
impossible for all time. 

In Gumbel's case one could already discern the connexion 
that existed between people of his character and Marxism. 
Opinions may vary in regard to Marxism and its parliamen¬ 
tary champions, but when one closely studies this subject one 
cannot deny the fact that Marxism and Jewry are closely allied. 


48 



It is a well-known fact that the Father of Marxism, Karl 
Marx, was a member of a rabbi family. Subsequent logical 
developments prove that this was no mere accident. Another 
Jew, Ferdinand Lassalle, stood next to Marx on the threshhold 
of this new socialist workers movement. Lassalle was the 
son of a Jewish silk merchant in Breslau. Both looked up 
to the Jew Moses Hess as their spiritual father, quoted as the 
"Father of Modern Socialism" and the "Communist Rabbi" 
by the "Jewish Lexicon" — the standard work of reference 
for all German Jews. All Jewish thought since those days has 
always felt itself drawn towards this marxist socialism, and 
the array of Jewish leaders in the marxist workers movement 
has been maintained up till now. 

Opinions may differ in other countries, but Germany's 
attitude towards this problem is guided by the profound 
relationship existing between Marxism and Jewry. The two 
are inseparable wherever they occur. The war and post-war 
periods in Germany have definitely proved the disastrous 
effects of Jewish marxism as a political factor. 

At the turn of the century, two Jews in succession were 
chairmen of the social-democratic party in Germany, Paul 
Singer and Hugo Haase. After that Jews gained more and 
more dominating influence in all sections of the marxist 
movement, its parliamentary, journalistic and literary work. 
The consolidation of the Marxist theory and science became 
well-nigh a Jewish monopoly. Outstanding Jewish theorists 
in this work were Eduard Bernstein, Rudolf Hilferding, Adolf 
Braun, Jacob Stern and Simon Katzenstein. The central 
intellectual organ of international marxism was the publi¬ 
cation called the Neue Zeit (The New Age), published in 
Berlin, which started its career in 1883 with one dozen Jewish 
contributors. In 1905 this figure had increased to forty and 
in 1914, no less than one hundred Jews from all parts of the 
world were contributing articles to this publication. The 
position was similar in other intellectual and literary publi¬ 
cations of German marxism. 


49 



The Marxist daily press was almost completely in the hands 
of the Jews. The Vorw-rts — the principal organ of the 
German Social-Democratic Party, was founded by Singer, a 
Jew. In 1929, according to a statement by its editor-in-chief, 
Friedrich Stampfer, the whole of his editorial staff, with one 
exception, was composed of Jews. When later on the commu¬ 
nist paper the Rote Fahne (Red Flag) was published the 
percentage of Jews on its staff was equally high. Its editors 
were the Jewess Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht who, 
although a Christian, had been twice married to Jewesses. 
Another publication preeminently controlled by Jews was 
the Freiheit (Liberty) — with an extreme marxist policy — 
controlled by Rudolf Hilferding and Paul Hertz, both Jews. 
The social-democratic press news services and foreign press 
offices were essentially dominated by Jewish journalists. 

The percentage of Jewish social-democratic Reichstag 
deputies totalled 22% in 1924 while the percentage of Jew- 
communist deputies was given as 15% in the same year. 
Here it is well to emphasize again that Jews totalled barely 
1% of the whole German population. 

The following is the list of Jews elected to the Reichstag in 
1924, as members of the Social-Democrat Party: 

Aufhauser, Dr. Adolf Braun, Bernstein, Eggerstedt, Frolich, 
Heimann, Dr. Hertz, Dr. Hilferding, Hoch, Jacobshagen, Kirsch- 
mann, Landsberg, Dr. Levi, Dr. Lowenstein, Ludwig, Stefan 
Meier, Dr. Moses, Dr. Rosenfeld, Frau Schiffgens, Frau Toni 
Sender, Stampfer, Frau Wurm. 

In the same year, the Communist Party returned the fol¬ 
lowing Jews as members. 

Frau Arendsee, Frau Gohlke (known as Ruth Fischer), 
Hoernle, Katz, Koenen, Miinzenberg, Rosenbaum, Dr. Rosen¬ 
berg, Scholem. 

In 1932, Jewry in the Marxist parties was represented in the 
Reichstag by the following Jewish members: 


50 



In the social-democratic section, — Aufhauser, Dr. Adolf 
Braun, Eggerstedt, Frolich, Heilmann, Heimann, Heinig, Dr. 
Hertz, Dr. Hilferding, Kirschmann, Landsberg, Dr. Lowen- 
stein, Dr. Marum, Stefan Meier, Reuter, Schneppenhorst, Frau 
Schreiber-Krieger, Frau Toni Sender, Friedrich Stampfer, Frau 
Wurm. 

In the communist section, — Graf, Hoernle, Frau Kessel, 
Kippenberger, Miinzenberg, Frau Sandtner. 

It was natural therefore that this influx of Jews in the 
Reichstag should have its effect on government in the Reich 
itself and in the federal states. Prussia particularly was their 
happy hunting ground and they were to be found in key 
position in practically every ministry. No important step could 
be taken anywhere without brushing up against a Jew in 
authority. 

When taking this all - powerful Jewish influence in all 
marxist organisations and parties into account, it is no longer 
surprising that the policy of the social democrats was shaped 
and influenced entirely by their Jewish leaders. Therefore 
we see once more the same spirit of defeatism and treachery 
to which we have already referred. 

A start was made, almost immediately on August 4th, 1914, 
when the Jew Hugo Haase led 14 social democrat deputies in 
the Reichstag in an attempt to stop government war loans. 
Two years later 18 social democrat deputies finally voted 
against the same governmental measure. Apart from this Jew 
Haase, their ranks had been swelled by five other Jews. The 
Jewess Rosa Luxemburg led the campaign of sapping Ger¬ 
many's power of resistance. The first success of this dastardly 
process of undermining became evident in August 1914, when 
a public statement opposing the government's policy of home 
defence was published by a Hamburg social democrat 
newspaper. That statement was signed by three leading Jews. 

After the November 1918 collapse, nearly all the Radical 
leaders with bolshevik tendencies were Jews. They took a 


51 



prominent and for Germany a disastrous part in the peace 
negotiations, to which reference has already been made. 

In communism, which is the extreme form of marxism, 
Jewish domination became particularly marked. Its leaders 
and propagandists were almost exclusively Jews. The "Spar- 
tacist League", founded in 1918 as a forerunner to the com¬ 
munist party, was in charge of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa 
Luxemburg. This league was modelled on true Soviet lines 
and called on the proletariat to arm in those days of terror 
which followed the collapse of the nation. The league's 
Moscow agent was the Jew, Leo Jogiches (formerly 
known as Tyschko). Mention has already been made of the 
fact that Oscar Cohn, the Jewish radical socialist, received 
the sum of 10 million gold roubles from Joffe, the Jewish 
Soviet Ambassador to Berlin in November 1918. 

After a systematic preparation by these German and Rus¬ 
sian Jews, chaos and indescribable horror was finally let loose 
by them on the German nation, culminating at Munich. Here 
again it was a Jew, Kurt Eisner, an author, who played the 
part of leader and organiser. In 1917, when Germany was 
still fighting for her existence, he had already agitated for 
strikes and revolution. Eisner founded a Workers' Council 
at Munich on strictly Bolshevik lines; his "Revolutionary Tri¬ 
bunal" contained nearly all Jews — five of them in number. 
Only those who have experienced that period of Jewish terror 
and slaughter, the murder of hostages, plunderings and acts 
of arson, are able to realize why Munich became the birth¬ 
place of national socialism, whence the movement spread to 
other parts of Germany, and finally put an end to Jewish 
domination. 

The closely allied interests of Jewry and communism were 
in no way affected when the first communist attempts at revo¬ 
lution were summarily suppressed. The so-called cultural bol¬ 
shevism of the extreme marxists, sponsored mainly by Jews, 
now joined with those forces which were tireless in their efforts 


52 



to overthrow law and order with the object of bolshevising 
Germany. 

It is necessary to quote only a few distinctive examples of 
the work that was being carried on in this extensive sphere 
of moral corruption and disruption. During negotiations in 
regard to a reform of the German Criminal Code, the Jewish 
radical socialist Kurt Rosenfeld intimated that he was opposed 
to punishment for the crime of high treason as well as for 
sodomy and homosexual offences. 

Jews were also dominant in questions relating to the edu¬ 
cation of children on bolshevik principles. Jewish pedagogues, 
Jewish principals of official school establishments founded 
and supported experimental schools and "Juvenile Republics" 
modelled on Soviet lines. Authority was entirely banished in 
these institutions, the sexes were educated in an unmoral 
manner and sexual problems formed the major part of the 
school curriculum. In this respect much publicity was given 
to Kurt Lowenstein as the Jewish principal of Berlin's schools, 
and his colleague, Fritz Karsen-Krakauer, another Jew. 

To complete the sordid picture of closely allied interests 
between Jewry and bolshevism which had brought Germany 
to the brink of communism only a short while before national 
socialism took power, it remains to be said that Jews were 
still in certain key positions up to the last minute. 

Hans Kippenberger is first on the list. He was head of the 
terror and espionage branches of the German communist 
party. Heinz Neumann, son of a wealthy Berlin merchant, 
was also prominent. He was a member of the Central Exe¬ 
cutive of the German communist party and one of the most 
dangerous agitators among the general public. He coined 
the infamous phrase: "Kill the fascists wherever you meet 
them” which in 1932 led to a series of foul murders of natio¬ 
nal socialist party members. Abroad, Neumann was equally 
busy. He was responsible for the communist rising in Canton 
in 1927 and for this act he was labelled in the world press 
as the "The wholesale butcher of Canton." 


53 



5. The Jews in the German Press 

Jews have always possessed a special aptitude for jour¬ 
nalism and the organisation of press work. Accordingly, they 
played a prominent part in the establishment of German 
newspapers. Hardly any other function has given them so 
much power as their influence on the press. They soon 
proved however that they had little or no interest in that 
sense of high moral obligation which is the duty of those 
who are responsible for influencing public opinion. On the 
contrary, their interests were primarily centred in the rich 
possibilities for material gain. 

If one examines the Jewish controlled German press of the 
last decades, one realizes that for purely material reasons 
it served a craving for sensation, for vanity and the lower 
instincts of the masses. Circulation was increased in pro¬ 
portion as newspapers undermined in the most grave manner 
all respect for morals, law and order. 

The two largest German newspaper concerns were, before 
1933, in Jewish hands: viz. Ullstein and Mosse. Both these 
firms were founded by Jews and their directorates and 
editorial staffs were comprised of nearly all Jews. 

Ullstein. Publishers & Printers 

The circulation of this largest newspaper concern averaged 
4 million daily. They published five large daily newspapers, 
several weekly papers and many periodicals and magazines 
of every description. The Ullstein News Agency influenced 
a great number of provincial papers. In addition to this, 
Ullstein possessed also an extensive book publishing branch. 

The whole of the shares in this vast concern were held 
by the five Jewish Ullstein brothers. The directorate con¬ 
sisted of these brothers, three other Jews and only two 
Christians. 

The largest newspaper issued by this concern was the 
Berliner Morgenpost which had a larger circulation than any 


54 



other German paper (more than 600,000 daily). Besides a 
Jewish editor this paper had in 1927 ten other Jews as members 
of the editorial staff. The editorial staff of the Vossische Zeitung 
— an extremely influential political organ — was in charge of 
the Jew Georg Bernhard and fourteen Jewish sub-editors. Bern- 
hard at that time was keen on making a name for himself in 
politics. The position in regard to the remaining Ullstein papers 
was practically the same. 

Mosse. Publishers & Printers 

This firm was, as far as size is concerned, not so im¬ 
portant as Ullstein. Its daily circulation was 350,000. 
Established and maintained as a family concern by the 
Eastern Jew, Rudolf Mosse (formerly Moses), its influence 
was none the less very great. Its chief publication was 
the Berliner Tageblatt established long before 1933. It was this 
paper which for many years was looked upon abroad as repre¬ 
sentative of German public opinion. 

The editor of this paper was the Jew Theodor Wolff, who 
also took a prominent part in politics. Apart from him the 
important positions on the editorial staff were filled by 
seventeen other Jews. In five important capitals outside the 
Reich the Berliner Tageblatt was represented by Jews. 

Another paper issued by this concern was the Acht-Uhr- 
Abendblatt, another politically influential publication in which 
Jews were dominant with a chief editor and eight co-religionists 
as sub-editors. 

It was only natural that the rest of the German press could 
play only a very insignificant part when compared with the 
activities of these two mammoth concerns. Neither the 
provincial press with its economic disunity nor the publishing 
house of August Scherl — the only large Christian under¬ 
taking in the capital — were able to exercise influence 
sufficient to seriously challenge the united power of these 
two big all-Jewish undertakings. 


55 



That the marxist party press was overwhelmingly directed and 
influenced by Jews has already been stated above. Moreover 
the official press departments of the government — parti¬ 
cularly in Prussia — were also in charge of Jews. The 
three most important press departments in Prussia, the largest 
of the German federal states were, in 1930 for example, in 
charge of four Jews. 

It was therefore only a matter of course that the pro¬ 
fessional and economic organisations of German journalists 
came entirely under Jewish influence. The largest of these 
organisations, the Reichsverband der deutschen Presse — the 
German Press Association — was directed for many years and 
until 1933 by the Jewish chief editor of the Vossische Zeitung, 
Georg Bernhard. In the Verein Berliner Presse — the Berlin 
Press Union — which was the leading social and benefit society 
for all journalists in the capital, the right to nominate and elect 
members had been vested from 1888 in the hands of a 
purely Jewish committee. Finally, the official organisation 
of "free lance" German writers, the Schutzverband deutscher 
Schriftsteller was controlled by a directorate which, in 1928 
and 1929, consisted of 9 0% Jews. Its president was at that 
time the Jewish publicist Arnold Zweig, author of the war 
novel, Streit um den Sergeanten Grischa, in which he foully 
besmirched the national honour of the German people. 

In this connexion it is necessary to examine the work and 
the significance of those Jews who for many years were 
regarded in Germany and abroad as the most authentic 
apostles of German publicism. We refer in particular to 
Georg Bernhard, Theodor Wolff and Maximilian Harden. 
All three were Jews. All three were journalists of surpassing 
technical skill, men who, through their masterly handling of 
the written word alone, were well able to make "converts" 
to the ideas they represented. But behind the winning 
exterior was hidden the same dangerous spirit of denial of 
all traditional values, of criticism for criticism's sake, the 
spirit of destruction, disintegration and instability which 


56 



we have been compelled to recognize as the main charac¬ 
teristics of Jewry in all spheres. 

It is exceptionally significant that Georg Bernhard's real 
profession was that of banker and stock exchange financier. 
He belonged until shortly before the Great War to social 
democracy, and his whole life displays a remarkable vacil¬ 
lation between two such contradictory things as stock exchange 
journalism and marxist activity. Then, in 1913, he was 
appointed chief editor of Ullstein's Vossische Zeitung. In 
this position, in two different hours of destiny in Germany's 
post-war history, he played a calamitous part: 

In the critical weeks before the signing of the Versailles 
Treaty, when the German people and its leaders well-nigh 
unanimously rejected the intolerable and harsh conditions of 
that dictated peace, he made common cause with those really 
comparatively few men of public influence who, through the 
medium of the spoken and printed word, ruthlessly suppressed 
every flickering of the spirit of national resistance, and thereby 
destroyed all hopes of securing more bearable conditions. One 
requires only to glance at the old issues of the Vossische 
Zeitung for those weeks and months to realize how syste¬ 
matically Bernhard went about this work. Even the most 
humiliating terms of this treaty — the "War-Guilt" clause, 
he attempted to represent as a mere bagatelle. Thus he 
wrote — to give only one example — on June 18th 1919: 

"The German reader of the Note will most easily be able 
to reconcile himself with those parts which deal with the 
historical origin of the war and with the question of guilt 
for it . . . if one regards the matter in this manner, one cannot 
take the scolding in the war-guilt paragraph tragically." 

With these words Bernhard attacked the German govern¬ 
ment from behind whilst the latter was waging a dramatic 
struggle regarding these points of honour, in particular the 
clause relating to war-guilt and the release of German officers. 
It will be understood outside Germany as well that we cannot 


57 



forget such a betrayal of national interests, such a lack of 
proper pride and feeling for honour as was displayed by the 
Jewish journalist Bernhard. 

In the second case, we already find Bernhard committing 
open criminal treason. During the occupation of the Rhine¬ 
land, there arose in the occupied zone a movement, supported 
and forwarded for political reasons by foreign money, which 
strove to prevent for ever the return of the occupied Rhineland 
to the Reich, and to establish its complete independence. Georg 
Bernhard with his Vossische Zeitung got into contact with 
these Rhenish separatists. The separatists received from him 
political advice and financial support. In the year 1930, one 
of the owners ofUllstein, the Jew Dr. Franz Ullstein, published 
this fact in the periodical Tagebuch. He declared that 
Georg Bernhard's agent in Paris, the Jew Dr. Leo Stahl, had 
paid a sum of money to Matthes, the leader of the separatists, 
and that Bernhard himself had corresponded and associated 
with Matthes. 

This political scandal forced Bernhard eventually to retire 
from political journalism. He became, and this is also 
characteristic, the head of a large departmental store 
association. Since 1933 he has been busy abroad publishing 
an anti-German emigre paper. 

Theodor Wolff, the editor of the Berliner Tageblatt 
behaved in a different but equally objectional manner. An 
apparently convinced monarchist during the war, there was, 
after the change of constitution in Germany, no one who 
reviled and slandered the deposed Hohenzollerns in so evil 
a manner as Wolff. 

Even if we could forgive him such opportunism, quite 
inexcusable is his behaviour at the time when the increasing 
spread of indecency and immorality in Germany forced the 
government in 1926 to take constitutional steps for the sup¬ 
pression of filthy and otherwise low-grade literature. The 
intention was, above all, to protect youth from coarsening and 


58 



indecent influences. Theodor Wolff openly opposed this effort. 
He condemned the new law and as a protest, resigned from 
the democratic party which he had helped to found because 
they had supported the new measure. 

In order to understand the whole frivolous irresponsibility 
of this Jewish publicist, one must know just how far the 
flooding of the German book and periodical markets with 
dirty, pornographic productions had gone. We shall have 
more to say about this later on. 

Still more influential than Georg Bernhard and Theodor 
Wolff, certainly the mightiest man of the pen which Germany 
had for a generation, was Maximilian Harden, a brother of 
Witting, the previously mentioned Jewish defeatist. 

With his periodical, Die Zukunft — The Future — he 
indulged in high politics for more than twenty years. Hardly 
any other man has shown so much fluctuation in character 
and principles as he. 

He began by setting himself up as judge of morality in 
Imperial Germany and dealt a death blow to the reputation 
of the monarchic system by his journalistic scandalmongering 
about the Hohenzollern court. During the Great War he was 
certainly the only real "annexationist" in Germany, demand¬ 
ing as the price of victory the whole of Belgium, the French 
coast opposite England and the Congo Basin, (Vide Zukunft 
of 17th October 1914). Then when the fortunes of war, in 
1916, began to turn away from Germany, Harden also retrea¬ 
ted. He attacked German war policy and became an ent¬ 
husiastic admirer of President Wilson. In 1919, he finally 
conducted a cowardly campaign against the national resistance 
to the tyrannical peace treaty terms, naming this resistance 
"artificially-forced hysteria and miserable falsehood." 

The driving forces of such characterless behaviour were 
vanity and petty selfish ambition. Harden is rightly descri¬ 
bed by the world-renowned historian, Friedrich Thimme, as 
"The Judas of the German people." 


59 



6. Jews in German Art and Literature 

Many years before the National Socialist regime, indeed, 
even before the War and prior to the period when Jewish 
emancipation had reached its climax, anxious observers 
pointed out that cultural life in Germany hardly deserved the 
epithet of "German" any more and that it had actually become 
a merely Jewish sphere of activity. The crisis in German 
cultural life has never been more aptly described and the 
Jewish problem has never been discussed in clearer terms 
than in the article by the Jewish essayist Moritz Goldstein, 
already published as early as 1912 in the Kunstwart (issue dated 
March 1912), a German Art magazine of very high standing. 

Goldstein depicts how the Jews, at the beginning of their 
emancipation, generally invaded all branches of German 
cultural life and, as alert scholars, soon commenced to 
supplant their masters. Goldstein gives the following synopsis 
of the consequences resulting from this development: 

"Jews suddenly filled all those positions which are not with¬ 
held from them by force, they have converted German aims 
and tasks into their own and they strive for them accordingly. 
It seems as if German cultural life were to be completely 
transferred into Jewish hands. This was neither anticipated 
nor desired by the Christians at the time they granted the 
pariah in their midst a share in European cultural life. They 
began to take defensive measures, they resumed their custom 
of calling us aliens, they commenced to regard us as a danger 
in the Temple of their Art. Consequently we are now faced 
by the following problem. We Jews guide and administrate 
the intellectual property of a nation which denies our quali¬ 
fication and competency to do so." 

Goldstein describes this Jewish administration and control 
of German art and culture as a "prodigious fact." A 
retrospective examination of German intellectual life as it 
was before 1933 will corroborate Goldstein's testimony. In 
all spheres, be it on the stage, in literature, music, painting 


60 



and the plastic arts, be it in the film or, more recently, in 
broadcasting, Jews always occupied the leading positions, 
compelling all to follow their intellectual guidance. 

To take the theatre, for instance, — the Berlin stages, 
which, as the most modern, are naturally always imitated 
by the theatres of all the provinces, were all under Jewish 
management. The choice of the programmes was made 
according to an entirely Jewish outlook and the result was 
that Jewish authors predominated. 

In the domain of literature, the best-sellers were invariably 
the output of Jewish authors or publishers. Readers abroad, 
who took an interest in German literature during those days, 
will still be able to recall such names as Emil Ludwig, Jakob 
Wassermann, Arnold Zweig, Lion Feuchtwanger and various 
others. The sale of their books outweighed that of all other 
German authors by far. Statistics have shown that practi¬ 
cally the half of all German belletristic literature circulating 
abroad during the last ten years was the product of Jewish 
authors. 

Music life was similarly dominated by Jewish influence. In 
the great majority of cases, the important conductors' positions 
in Berlin and in the provinces were occupied by Jews. The 
intellectual influence resulting from this trend was decisive 
for the choice of the works appearing on the programmes 
of opera and concert hall. The participation of Jewish com¬ 
posers grew to astonishing dimensions. — Gustav Mahler and 
Arnold Schonberg were substituted for Beethoven, Richard 
Wagner and Hans Pfitzner were supplanted by Franz 
Schreker. Music critiques written by Jews and the influence 
of the professional agencies, which were practically totally 
in Jewish hands, naturally did their part to support this 
development. 

This tendency was even more evident in the sphere of the 
lighter type of entertainment music such as the operetta, the 
film, in the gramophone industry and in broadcasting. An 
ever increasing Jewish influence upon conservatories, in the 


61 



publishing branch as a whole and in professional music 
literature could be observed so that, taken as a whole, the 
conclusion was justified that Jewish preponderance in music 
life was indeed alarming. 

The situation was no different with regard to the plastic 
arts and painting. Jewish art traffic and Jewish art literature 
paved the way to success for a whole generation of Jewish 
painters and sculptors, — a way which was barred to the 
majority of German artists. Film and broadcasting were 
practically exclusively reserved to Jewish activity, so that 
it is nearly impossible to speak of a German participation 
in these domains. 

To destroy any possible doubt as to the accuracy of these 
statements regarding the Jewish preponderance in German 
intellectual life, it is merely necessary to revert to the 
testimony of such a trustworthy Jew as Moritz Goldstein 
who, already in 1912, made the following observations in the 
essay quoted above: 

"Nobody actually questions the power the Jews exercise 
in the press. Criticism, in particular, at least as far as the 
larger towns and their influential newspapers are concerned, 
seems to be becoming a Jewish monopoly. Predominance 
of the Jewish element in the theatre is also generally 
recognized: nearly all the managers of Berlin stages are 
Jews; the same may be said of a large part, even perhaps 
of the majority of the actors, whilst the fact that the concert 
and theatre are dependent upon the Jewish public is 
continuously being proudly asserted and also deplored . . . 
Many an apostle of German art has been forced, much 
against his will, to convince himself of the enormous number 
of Jews amongst German poets." 

Since 1912 this development progressed very rapidly. The 
main cause was that Jews even invaded the official admini¬ 
stration of German intellectual life. They were granted 
governmental positions which had been closed to them before 
the War. 


62 



For many years the Jewish lawyer Seelig acted as the 
responsible head of the Department for Theatres in the 
Prussian Ministry for Culture, whilst the Department for 
Music was in the hands of the Jew Leo Kestenberg. As the 
policy of the German press was controlled by Jews, indeed, 
the supreme official administration was conducted by 
Secretary of State Weismann, it is easily possible to con¬ 
jecture to what an extent the Jewish usurpation of the 
entire German intellectual life was officially sponsored and 
propagated. 

This Jewish preponderance was by no means the result 
of an intellectual superiority, of greater talents or creative 
powers on the part of the Jewish race. On the contrary, it 
was mainly the Jewish economic ascendency described above 
which 1 e d to the establishment of their dominant position in 
German cultural life. This economic domination was the instru¬ 
ment to attain the practical application of their intellectual and 
cultural influence. 

In this connection it is even more important to bear in 
mind that the characteristic Jewish intellectual attitude, 
which manifested itself in all spheres of cultural life, 
decisively favoured the realization of their craving for 
predominance. Their lack of national sentiment, their 
egoism, their absolute rationalism, their absence of scruples 
and their characteristic habit of speculating upon the basest 
instincts, — traits which have already been mentioned in the 
chapter devoted to Jewish journalism, — were the foundation 
for their economic success, upon which their intellectual 
domination was based. The consequence was the dis¬ 
integration and decay of German cultural life. As a matter 
of fact, it was not so much the dimensions of Jewish power, 
nor the extent of the alien usurpation which aroused 
opposition and protest on the part of the German nation, 
finally leading to the most acute anti-semitism, but it was 
rather the characteristic Jewish moral standpoint, their innate 


63 



spirit and the methods applied by the Jewish race to use and 
abuse this intellectual power. 

To clearly demonstrate this it is necessary to undertake a 
closer examination of the various spheres of German intellec¬ 
tual life as they existed before 1933. 

Literature 

We have already recalled the names of those Jewish authors 
whose works, at least as far as their sales are concerned, 
ranked foremost amongst all German novels. The most 
successful of these writers was no doubt Emil Ludwig, whose 
real name is Cohn. At that time his books were presumably 
the most widely circulated works of literature published in 
the German language. The total number of impressions 
attained by his works exceeded two millions in 1930 and 
his novels have been translated into twenty-five languages. 
Abroad, Ludwig was, for many years, regarded as the 
representative of German contemporary literature. 

This reputation and the enormous sale of his historical 
biographies cannot, however, be explained by the veritable 
quality or ethical value of his literary work. Ludwig is one 
of the best examples demonstrating what enormous success 
may be achieved by well calculated advertising undertaken on 
a generous scale. All his books, dedicated to great per¬ 
sonalities of history, are merely based upon a certain 
agreeable, flowing style and an ingratiatingly light manner 
of narration, whilst the contents itself is of the most deplor¬ 
able banality, clothed in a mantle of superficial philosophical 
common-places. On the other hand, he totally lacks real 
understanding for true historical greatness and for 
fundamental historical motives, whilst he focuses his 
attention predominantly upon the personal and intimate 
traits of the subjects he portrays, upon that sphere of human 
nature where even the greatest are but ordinary mortals. All 
his books, which he cast upon the market at incredibly short 
intervals — whether they deal with such great topics as 


64 



Napoleon I., Lincoln, Goethe or even Jesus Christ — are 
characterized by the same absence of individual profundity 
and earnest engrossment, and they all bear the same features 
of a schematical and, as it were, wholesale production. 

The following are but a few examples to illustrate Ludwig's 
literary methods: In his study of Goethe (Genie und Charakter, 
Berlin, 1924), his description of the relations between Goethe 
and Schiller completely ignores the intellectual aspect, — the 
two opposite poles these two men incorporated who, through 
the metaphysical contrast between their natures, simultaneously 
attracted and repulsed each other. Ludwig merely regards the 
relations between these two eminent men in the light of 
professional envy and competition, where one grudges the other 
fame and material success. 

In his work about Jesus Christ Ludwig even develops a 
frankly blasphemous tone. The title itself: "The Son of 
Man" (Der Menschensohn, Berlin, 1928) is a deliberate anti¬ 
thesis to the Christian conception of Christ as the Son of God. 
Ludwig's portrait consequently deprives the figure of Christ 
of all its religious attributes, — what remains is a benevolent 
rather sentimental type of person, hypnotized by a mission 
which has been foisted upon him by exterior influences. 
According to Ludwig, Christ's ideas and teachings are not 
at all new but represent old Jewish religious doctrines already 
extoled by Philo and others. In his narrative of Christ's 
Sermon on the Mount, Ludwig says about Jesus' teachings: 
"His audience is not aware that Hillel, Head of the Synhed- 
rion, taught the same ideas couched in practically the same 
words fifty years before." 

Should this passage not suffice to demonstrate Emil Lud¬ 
wig's style, the following examples will no doubt convince; 
they clearly show the methods Ludwig chose to create a 
blasphemous caricature of the Saviour: 

"Also wealthy citizens often invite him because he is learned 
in the Holy Scriptures and because of his reserved conduct. 


65 



At such occasions he whiles in their company and partakes 
of their wine, — it is strong wine from the vineyards on the 
hills. He avoids neither festivities nor women and he jests 
with the convives. . . . He is also of cheerful disposition and 
does not scorn the pleasures of the table. . . . When the 
women oint him or languorously listen to his words, his 
heart's yearning and dream of love are realized and he, the 
Prophet, lavishly distributes to many what the good man 
reserves for one alone." 

However, Ludwig goes still further and openly ridicules 
every Christian sentiment. According to his opinion, it was 
solely Judas the Traitor who gave Jesus the necessary 
opportunity of fulfilling His mission of redemption. "Judas 
wanted to force Jesus and his enemies to a decision . . . 
Only he who brought suffering upon the Master could open 
the Gates of Eternal Splendour for him. ... If God wrought 
a miracle and granted that His Son should finally be 
victorious, then the apparently faithless disciple (Judas) would 
be doubly justified." 

These words are the very quintessence of all impiety to¬ 
wards divine and human ideas and shamelessly betray the most 
blatant cynicism, an eternal character trait of the Jewish race. 

Alfred Kerr is the second important personage amongst the 
Jewish literary pseudo-prophets. In his capacity as critic to 
the Jewish "Berliner Tageblatt" he despotically swayed his 
sceptre over all the theatres of the capital. His word was 
decisive for the success or failure of actors and personnel. His 
activity was, however not merely restrained to criticism, but he 
also devoted his time to writing books. His friend and bio¬ 
grapher, the Jew Joseph Chapiro, relates the following exceed¬ 
ingly characteristic confession made by Kerr: 

"My friends — what is character? Very often just the 
opposite of the general conception, for our display of character 
is restricted to minutes." 


66 



Kerr also discussed the figure of Christ in his book Die Welt 
im Licht (1913). Whilst Ludwig at least tries to keep up the 
appearance of a certain literary seriousness, Kerr casts away 
every vestige of decency and goes over to open derision. No 
profanation is too tasteless and he even asserts: "I can well 
imagine hearing Christ jabbering Jewish jargon. Oscar Wilde 
let him pompously talk Greek — rubbish — he spoke Jewish 
jargon." Considering this complete lack of every kind of 
delicate feeling, it is not surprising that the lyrical poems of 
this guardian of German culture (Caprichos, 1921) are nothing 
but a collection of obscene and repulsive sexuality. 

Georg Hermann represented a somewhat different, but by 
no means superior, type of Jew occupying a conspicuous 
position in the German literary world. In his political diary 
entitled Randbemerkungen — Marginal Notes — (Berlin 1919) 
he reveals the credo of a weak, utterly decadent man of 
literary ambitions, devoid of moral backbone and support: "As 
a Jew, 1 belong to a race much too old to be duped by mass 
suggestion. Such words as Nation, War and State are endowed 
with neither sound nor colour for me." 

The cosmopolitan, international mentality of Ahasuerus's sons 
is clearly reflected in the following confession: "I feel at 
home in any country of the world whose language I speak, 
where there are beautiful women, flowers and art, a good 
library, a chess board, pleasant and cultivated society and 
where the climate is healthy and agreeable and the landscape 
attractive." Nevertheless, Hermann is honest enough to admit 
that the Jewish race is responsible for the dissemination of 
the negative attitude towards State and patriotism. He declares: 
"The Jew's rejection of all nationalistic ideology is the prin¬ 
cipal source of his evolutionary quality and intrinsic value." 

Hermann's standpoint which, as a matter of fact, is a 
purely anarchistic one, even goes so far as to frankly betray 
personal cowardice: "Five minutes of cowardice are prefer¬ 
able to being dead for the rest of one's days." — 


67 



The versatility and inconsistency attributed to the chame¬ 
leon and the Israelite alike were developed to an almost unat¬ 
tained perfection by the Jewish author Kurt Tucholsky. This 
exceptionally productive feuilleton writer, endowed with a 
brilliant style and great talents, made use of not less than four 
different pen-names, with which he operated as the occasion 
demanded. Apart from his own name he signed with the 
pseudonyms Peter Panter, Kaspar Hauser and Theobald Tiger. 
Many important daily papers and magazines published his 
articles. His numerous books, which all attained a wide cir¬ 
culation, ranked him amongst the most read German authors 
of those days. 

Unfortunately, he merely employed his admirable intellec¬ 
tual gifts for destructive criticism. Nothing was sacred to him 
and he scoffed at the ideals of the German nation; he flung 
his biting sarcasm and venomous mockery at every religious 
and national sentiment. After the general collapse of the 
German Empire in 1918, Tucholsky, who never took part in 
the War himself, derided and gibed at the German Army in 
endless tirades in which he particularly gave vent to his con¬ 
tempt of the German officer. Similarly to his Jewish colleague 
Lessing, he insulted the venerable and revered Field Marshal 
von Hindenburg and publicly described him as a "National 
hero as they are painted on beer glasses." Devoid of all 
sentiment of patriotism, the stigma of actual High Treason 
could not abash him. In his book Deutschland, Deutschland 
iiber alles (Berlin 1929) which is solely dedicated to the 
calumniation of his native country, he cynically vaunts: "What 
these judges term High Treason is no concern of ours and can 
be estimated as an honourable action in our eyes." 

The analysis of his mentality may be completed by his own 
words with which he advocates an absolute liberation from 
all moral discipline: "Man has two legs and two convictions, 
one during the times of his prosperity, the other during the 
times of want." 


68 



Finally, Tucholsky was addicted to the most pernicious type 
of pornography and he, together with the Jew Theodor Wolff, 
was one of the violent opponents of the Law for the pro¬ 
tection of Juveniles against the detrimental influences of 
worthless and immoral literature. 

Theatre 

To depict the rapid increase in the alien usurpation of the 
entire German theatre by Jews it would suffice to refer the 
reader to the book published by the formerly very popular 
Jewish author Arnold Zweig: "Jews on the German Stage" 
(Juden auf der Deutschen Biihne) (Berlin 1928). With 
unparalleled frankness Zweig describes how the functions 
of the financier, the theatre director, the agent, the stage 
manager, the actor, critic, poet and playwright were con¬ 
quered and held by the Jews. — Zweig relates: "They come 
from God knows where with money in their pockets . . ." 
meaning that type of Jew who, like the corrupt briber Katzen- 
ellenbogen, the Russian Jew Kahn and the two Rotter 
brothers, — the latter also emigrated to Germany from Eastern 
Europe, — tried their luck in the theatrical branch, degrad¬ 
ing the stage, the institution originally dedicated to art and 
culture, to a mere source of pecuniary profit. Zweig desig¬ 
nates the Jewish agents as "slave-holders" who had, in the 
course of time, developed an unrestricted monopoly, by the 
means of which they controlled the entire theatrical domain 
and upon whose intermediary all actors were dependent for 
their engagements. He says: "The international relations and 
collaboration between the various agencies corresponds to and 
is a direct result of the international interrelationship of the 
modern East European Jewish Movements. — There is no 
actor who does not remember the countless humiliations and 
insults to which he has had to submit at this slave market. 
In the case of some of these agencies the path to public 
recognition and fame traverses the path of the extortioner . . ." 


69 



The fact has already been mentioned that the management 
of the influential theatres of the whole country, particularly 
that of the Berlin stages and even of the State Theatres, had 
been acquired by Jews. The two Rotter brothers alone were 
managers of seven theatres in Berlin. Even the Jewish author 
Arnold Zweig was compelled to admit in their case that 
"under the management of these upstarts the literary theatre 
was degraded to a mere financial enterprise devoted entirely 
to the realization of pecuniary profit." The Jew Leopold 
Jessner, stage manager of the Berlin State Theatre, was the 
one who turned Shakespeare's and Schiller's classical dramas 
into the eccentric popular hits which aroused justified 
indignation even outside of Germany. Although of Jewish 
race himself, the critic Fritz Engel was forced to express his 
disapproval of the performance of Jessner's staging of 
"Hamlet" in December 1926: "He converts it into a society 
play, sometimes into a comedy and almost into a revue." 

In view of this Jewish predominance in the theatrical sphere, 
it is hardly surprising that the plays figuring in the reper¬ 
toires of the theatres exactly reflected the mentality of their 
Jewish proprietors. The fundamental tendency upon which 
all these plays were based aimed at the destruction of gene¬ 
rally accepted ideals of Society and State, Nation, Government 
and Legislation, religious and moral principles. Anyone taking 
the trouble to study the theatre programmes of those days 
will continually observe that Jewish names predominate by far. 

After the War, the communist Jewish author Ernst Toller 
was the first to write for the stage. He was a member of 
the Communist Workers Council under Eisner's leadership 
in Munich in 1919. His drama Feuer aus den Kesseln (Draw 
the Fires) is a deliberate glorification of the Sailors' Mutiny of 
1918 and Hinkemann (Maimed) is a unparalleled derision of 
the German Army. 

Friedrich Wolf, a Jewish author whose plays were included 
in the repertoire of practically all theatres, also devoted 


70 



himself at first to the creation of dramas dealing with 
mutinies, but then he deviated to topics based on absolute 
moral and intellectual disintegration and the liberation from 
all principles of ethic conduct. In his play Cyankali he loudly 
propagates the abolition of the paragraph of German Law 
which protects the life of the unborn child. 

Walter Mehring is one of the most unsympathetic per¬ 
sonalities of the Jewish literary world and he displayed 
considerably more malice and venomous animosity than all 
his predecessors and colleagues. He commenced his career 
with the production of licentious songs, whose flagrant 
libertinism met with the complete approval of and were 
formally gloated upon by the predominantly Jewish public 
frequenting the cabarets and places of amusement at the 
Kurfurstendamm in Berlin. His Drama Der Kaufmann 
von Berlin (The Merchant of Berlin), which was first 
produced by the communist stage manager Piscator, may be 
regarded as the culminating point of Jewish debauchery on 
the German stage. With pitiless cynicism Mehring cari¬ 
catures the poverty and misery of the German Nation during 
the years following the War, which attracted countless 
swarms of vampire-like Eastern Jews from Galicia, Armenia, 
Poland and Russia. The hero, a poverty stricken, miserable 
emigrant and typical Eastern Jew, appears in those streets 
of Berlin which are principally populated by Jews. In a 
short time, he is successful in subjugating the whole town 
which fulfills his every whim. The shameless way in which 
Mehring depicts this development, which he seems to regard 
as a matter of course, can only be compared to the brutality 
with which he ridicules all ethical values holy to the German 
Nation; as a crowning effect of the drama, street cleaners 
sweep away, together with a heap of refuse, revered national 
symbols, soldiers' steel helmets and even the corpse of a dead 
warrior. To accompany this procedure the chorus sings: 
"Away with the Rubbish into the Gutter . . 


71 



It would not be difficult to continue this list of dramatists 
by the addition of innumerable names and examples. — 
Apart from Arnold Zweig and Walter Hasenclever, Ferdinand 
Bruckner, for instance, should be mentioned, whose dramas 
were regarded as great revelations by an audience composed 
of perverse seekers of sexual sensations. These plays — 
Verbrecher (Criminals), Krankheit der Jugend (Malady of 
Youth) — enjoyed their particular preference as they nearly 
exclusively dealt with criminal and sexual abnormalities which 
were treated as if they embodied the very purpose and joy 
of life. 

However, this enumeration will suffice to imperatively 
force the observer to ask himself which other self-respecting 
country valuing the integrity of its religious conceptions and 
its moral principles, would have tolerated the activity and 
intellectual influence of such a depraved group of literary 
corrupters. It is indeed a regrettable symptom that Germany, 
saturated with Jewish mentality, endured their presence and 
influence for so long, in fact until the National Socialist 
regime brought about a complete revolution in this respect. 

Cinema 

To an even greater degree than in the sphere of the theatre, 
the Jews had swooped upon the whole film industry during 
the years before 1933. This fact is easy to explain, in as 
much as financial and artistic factors are more intricately 
related in this branch of art than in any other. The profits 
derived in the film industry considerably exceed those of 
any other artistic enterprises. The possibility of realizing 
tremendous earnings naturally induced the Jews to invade the 
German film industry which had begun to flourish during 
the years following the War. The enormous Jewish parti¬ 
cipation in the film branch is demonstrated by the following 
figures: 

In 1931 41 firms of the 67 German film producers were 
in Jewish hands, — that is to say 61 per cent. Of 28 distri- 


72 



butors 24 were Jewish, that is 86 per cent. During the same 
period 119 of the 144 film manuscripts were written by 
Jews (82 per cent). In 77 cases the staging was carried out 
by Jews (53 per cent). If one examines the names of the 
producers, directors and film stars which participated in 
those films which were enthusiastically praised by the press 
and which developed into box office successes, one will 
invariably discover that the great majority were Jewish. 
Amongst the producers and distributors we find: Pressburger 
and Rabinowitsch (Cine-Allianz), Heymann, Fallner and 
Somlo, Levy or Cohn. The directors were: Oswald-Ornstein, 
Zelnik, Meinert, Neufeld or Schonfelder. The actors: Pallen- 
berg, Siegried Arno, Fritz Walburg, Felix Bressart, Kurt Ger- 
ron, Grete Mosheim, Gitta Alpar, Rosa Valetti, etc. etc. 

The mentality typical of the entire Jewish film industry 
is displayed in its crudest form by the so-called "social and 
hygienic instruction films," a type of film with which 
the German cinemas were veritably flooded during the 
years after the War. Officially they were intended to 
acquaint the masses with the dangers of abnormal sexual 
intercourse and debauch. They were based on a pseudo¬ 
scientific foundation and under this mask Jewish capital 
speculated upon the primitive erotic desires and the lowest 
instincts of the public. Criminals, prostitutes and the patho¬ 
logically abnormal were the heroes of this category of film. 
A choice of titles taken at random from the legion of such 
so-called "instructive" films will give the best idea of their 
type and value: — "Morals and erotic" — "The Book of 
Sin" — "What price for Love?" — "Culpable Mothers" — 
"Prostitution" — "When Women go astray." — The contents 
harmonized with these seductive titles which gave rise to 
considerable expectations on the part of the public, which 
were by no means deceived. These films veritably wallowed 
in mire and filth and, with the most cynical openness, 
reproduced scenes actually showing the most repulsive 
debauchery and perversion. The Government of those days, 


73 



which certainly could hardly be called prudish or narrow¬ 
minded, was compelled to put a stop to the greatest excesses 
in this direction in 1920 by passing a Film Law, without, 
however, having been successful in radically eliminating 
this evil. 

In subsequent years the greatest profits in the film industry 
were derived from "Military farces" — a category of film 
dedicated to the ridicule of the German Army and the indi¬ 
vidual German soldier. These films were also generally the 
product of Jewish activity, be it that Jews participated in 
the capacity of producers, authors, directors or actors. Finally, 
it is important to remember that communist propaganda films 
such as "Potemkin" and "Storm over Asia" were introduced 
into Germany by Jewish distributors and cinema theatre 
concerns. 


Revue 

The disintegration and decay of German intellectual life 
under Jewish supremacy are most apparent and assume their 
crudest aspects in the sphere of light entertainment art. In the 
operetta, and especially the revue, frivolity and licentiousness 
had developed to such an unbelievable extent that Berlin was 
regarded as the most immoral town in the world in those days; 
under the circumstances this was not at all astonishing. 

None others than the Jews introduced the new form of 
public amusement, the revue, a branch of art utterly unknown 
in the Germany of pre-War days. Not content with the intro¬ 
duction of this novelty, they abused it and converted the revue 
into that species of entertainment which was to blame for 
quite a large part of the depravity and laxity which had 
attacked German moral life. 

It is extremely characteristic that every one of the Berlin 
Revue proprietors — in the provinces there were very few 
enterprises of this nature — were Jews without a single 
exception. Many a former visitor to Berlin will still associate 


74 



such names as James Klein, Hermann Haller, Rudolf Nelson, 
the two Rotter brothers and Eric Charell with most unpleasant 
recollections. The complementary staff of authors, composers, 
directors and stars were also generally chosen amongst the 
members of the Jewish race. 

These revues were veritable orgies of sexuality and licen¬ 
tiousness. All realities of life were regarded from the one and 
only aspect of erotic desire and its satisfaction. Modesty and 
decency were scoffed at as being old fashioned and ridiculous. 

The loud and vulgar titles given to these revues, for which 
enormous propaganda was made, speak for themselves. The 
following translations give an impression of what was pre¬ 
sented to the public: 

"Undress yourselves" — "A thousand Naked Women" — 
"The Sins of the World" — "Houses of Lust" — "Strictly 
Prohibited" — "O Gee, A thousand Pretty Girls" — "Sweet 
and Sinful." 

The advertisements for James Klein's Revue "Undress your¬ 
selves" were deliberately designed to awaken the lowest 
instincts of the public by enticing it with the following 
enumeration: "An evening without morals and principles — 
Sixty nude models, winners of beauty prizes — The adven¬ 
tures of beautiful women — Experiences with a girl of 
fifteen —." 

The posters advertising the revue "A Thousand Naked 
Women" announced: "The grand revue of Free Love — Forty 
Pictures of Morality and Immorality." 

The performances themselves absolutely fulfilled the expecta¬ 
tions. The scenes on the stage revealed all what the most 
daring phantasy can imagine, in short, a display of absolute 
libertinism and a complete surrender to sensual passions. 


75 



7. The Jewish Share in Immorality 

Even a strictly impartial and sober observer without any 
pronounced anti-semitic views cannot any longer remain 
unimpressed by such examples of laxity and frivolity which 
all point to typical Jewish indecent and immoral charac¬ 
teristics. At the same time such characteristics are contrary 
to the spirit which animates all cultured nations. For all 
that, the reproach that the Jews are an inferior race, which 
these facts reveal, is so grave that it seems necessary to make 
a few further observations in this respect. It will be seen 
however as far as Germany is concerned, that everywhere 
where existing moral standards have been deliberately 
relaxed — where immorality was made into a business — Jews 
were prominent, if not dominant in this work. Even the so- 
called "Sexual Science" — one of the unsavoury products 
of the last century — was a purely Jewish invention and 
exploited by them into a most flourishing and lucrative branch 
of trade. 

The authentic "Jewish Encyclopedia" was even compelled 
to admit a marked racial sexuality in its co-religionists. 
Cautiously it stated: "The Bible itself contains many 
references to the fact that the sensual element in sexual 
intercourse was often very pronounced . . . The words of 
the Prophets resound with complaints and threats in regard 
to adultery of which one hears so much." (Vol. V, p. 384.) 
With the advent of emancipation this Jewish urge, restrained 
by the ghettos of the middle ages, poured forth into the 
public life of the state. A clear field however was only given 
to it when, as the result of the revolution in Germany in 
1918, all barriers of law, order and censorship were broken 
down. A veritable storm flood of Jewish immoral literature, 
obscene films and plays then broke over Germany. Cinemas 
and theatres have already been exhaustively dealt with. It 
remains to be said that in literature all authors of obscene 
works were Jews in every case. 


76 



Among the hundreds of thousands of books confiscated 
by the national socialists in 1933 very familiar names 
repeatedly cropped up. Together with publishing firms such 
as Benjamin Harz, Richard Jacobsthal, Leon Hirsch, M. Jacob- 
sohn or Jacobsthal & Co. mention must be made of the 
publishers of Kulturforschung — Cultural Research — a 
Vienna firm whose production was sufficient to fill many 
libraries. The titles speak for themselves. Sittengeschichte des 
Lasters (The Moral Story of Depravity), Sittengeschichte der 
Schamlosigkeit (The Moral Story of Profligacy), Bilderlexikon 
der Erotik (Illustrated Lexicon of Sexual Love), Sittengeschichte 
des Geheimen und Verbotenen (The Moral Story of Secret and 
Forbidden Things), etc. etc. 

Among the publishers, the following must be recalled to 
mind: Dr. Ludwig Levy-Lenz, Leo Schidrowitz, Dr. Iwan 
Bloch, Franz Rabinowitsch, Georg Cohen, Dr. Albert Eulen- 
burg, Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld. 

Iwan Bloch and Magnus Hirschfeld were in reality the 
real exponents of this so-called scientific sexual research. 
In reality it was nothing else than a downright treatise on 
obscene subjects and a degradation of all marriage and 
family ties. 

Their assistants were Felix Abraham and Levy-Lenz. No 
amount of search will ever reveal a Christian collaborator 
in this "sexual science." The publications issued by these 
obscene pseudo-scientists tell their own particular story of 
what took place in Magnus Hirschfeld's "Institution for 
Sexual Science" and in similar concerns: "Sexual Cata¬ 
strophes," "Sexual Pathology,” "Love Chains,” "How to avoid 
Pregnancy” (by Magnus Hirschfeld), "The Perverters," 
"Prostitution," "Sexual Life in our Age" (by Iwan Bloch), — 
these were the popular subjects. 

It was due to their unrestricted and infamous efforts that 
the general public became acquainted with all the noisy talk 


77 



of free love, a call for unlimited right to allow all passions 
and instincts to run riot, as well as the demand to make 
homo-sexuality and abortion non-punishable offences. A 
heated campaign was waged on the question of unrestricted 
and non-punishable acts of abortion championed by Jews: 
Dr. Max Hodann, Dr. Lothar Wolf, Dr. Levy-Lenz, Martha 
Ruben-Wolf, Felix Halle and Alfons Goldschmidt. This 
circle of Jews issued at the same time numerous publi¬ 
cations advocating greater birth restriction and the avoidance 
of pregnancy. 

Finally we must not overlook Dr. Max Hodann, Berlin's 
Medical Officer of Health. With his "Workers' Sexual Maga¬ 
zine" he contrived to inject the poison of moral disintegration 
into the broad masses. He also earned for himself a 
particularly unsavoury reputation for his outspoken propa¬ 
ganda for sexual self-abuse. 

Hr. Scavenius, the Danish Charge d'Affaires at the Hague, 
was undoubtedly right when he declared three years ago in 
a wireless lecture that "Germany at that time was the porno¬ 
graphic centre of the world." 


8. The Jewish Share in Crime 

It is difficult indeed to ascertain the real extent of the 
German Jewish share in crime throughout the Reich for the 
following reasons: The criminal records kept in Germany 
since 1882 recognized only orthodox Jews. Those innumerable 
Jews who had accepted a Christian faith or who were not 
associated with any established religion, were never embraced 
in these records. Therefore a great number of criminals, 
Jewish by race, has been absorbed in other statistical catego¬ 
ries. To this must be added the fact that commencing with 
the year 1918, criminal records ceased to show any sub¬ 
division into confessions. This step was in all probability the 
result of Jewish intervention. The following statistics there- 


78 



fore cannot in any way be regarded as complete. Never¬ 
theless they are food for thought in throwing light on Jewish 
characteristics. 


When taking all this into account, the official "Statistics of 
the German Reich" (New Edition, Vol. 146) reveal the fact 
that a number of certain crimes were committed more fre¬ 
quently by Jews than by Christians. Taking an average 
valuation for the period 1892 to 1901, we obtain the following 
table: 


Crime. 


Jewish percentage compared with 
Christian criminals. 


Usury. 

... 13 

*5 

55 

Copyright infringement 

... 11 

51 

,» 

Fraudulent bankruptcy 

... 9 

55 

55 

Fraudulent insolvency 

... 6 

55 


Receiving stolen property . 

... 5 

55 



It will be seen from this that Jews have a strong liking for 
commercial crime. That this fact has in no way been suffi¬ 
ciently explained by the large percentage of Jews in business 
is revealed by the investigations conducted by the Jew Ruppin. 
In his book, Die Juden der Gegenwart — Contemporary Jews 
— (Berlin 1904), with the aid of comparative statistics Ruppin 
arrives at considerably greater figures for commercial crime 
than Jewish participation in commerce would seem to indicate. 
The Jew Wassermann arrives at the same conclusion in his 
book Beruf Konfession und Verbrechen, — Profession, Con¬ 
fession and Crime —, (Munich 1907). He proves that Jewish 
criminality in bankruptcy in 1900 was seven times greater than 
among non-Jewish criminals and six times greater in cases of 
fraudulent insolvency. Wassermann obtained these statistics 
by being guided expressly by the percentage participation in 
commercial professions. 


The official "Statistics of the German Reich" for the period 
1910 to 1914 furthermore prove that at a later stage very 


79 










little alteration had taken place. The following table exem¬ 
plifies this: 

Jewish percentage compared with 
Crime. Christian criminals. 

Professional receivers 


of stolen property ..... 

5 times greater. 

Commercial fraud 

. . 3 

Fraud ... 

■ . 2 „ 

Copyright infringement 

. . 8 „ 

Usury.. 

. . 12 .. 

Fraudulent bankruptcy . 

• . 13 „ 


Quite apart from these commercial crimes Jews have taken 
a still greater share in other branches of crime far more 
reprehensible. We refer to the drug traffic and prostitution, 
illicit gambling and pickpocketing. 

The "Central Organisation for Combatting Drug Crime" 
has established that in 1931, out of 272 international drug 
traffickers no less than 69 (25%) were Jews. In 1932 the 
figures were 294 and 73 (again 25%). In 1933, the Jewish 
percentage had increased to 3 0%. The Central Organisation 
for Combatting Unlawful Gambling and Games of Chance 
registered 57 Jews out of a total of 94 cases which came to 
its notice in 1933. In 411 cases of pickpocketing in 1932 
193 Jews were involved. In the same year it was found that 
among the international pickpocketing gangs, out of a total 
of 163 criminals 134 were Jews or 82%. 

The high percentage of Jews in immoral crime — already 
referred to in the chapter on Jewish immorality — is frankly 
admitted by the Jewish scientist Ruppin, to whom we have 
already referred. He writes: 

"That Jews live principally in the large towns and cities 
is responsible for the fact that certain crimes usually limited 
to city life are associated with them; for example, procuration, 
cooperation in immorality." 

* 


80 









In view of the limited space at our disposal, we could 
necessarily only give aresumeof the part played by 
the Jews in Germany before 1933. It would be easy to write 
a substantial volume on the subject'). But even such a work 
could only reach the same conclusions at practically every 
page. Our r e s u m ewill suffice to convince unprejudiced 
and objectively minded readers of that which it was our object 
to prove-namely, that the preponderating influence of the 
Jews developed into a national calamity of the worst sort for 
Germany, and that the previously cited words of Theodore 
Herzl, "every misfortune increases their power," have proved 
in the result to be only too true. 

The interdependence of national distress and Jewish ascen¬ 
dency has scarcely ever been manifested with such luminous 
clearness as in Germany. Under these circumstances, it surely 
behoves us to seek to understand the fundamental reasons 
underlying the Jewish problem in this country as it has pre¬ 
sented itself during the past decades. 

Animated by a desire to solve this ancient problem 
if possible, by the emancipation and assimilation of Jewish 
elements, Germany had shown herself more accessible to the 
absorption of Jews than many other countries had done. All 
barriers had been taken down, all restrictions abolished, all 
spheres of activity opened unreservedly to the Jews — nay, 
leading positions were assigned to them even in those do¬ 
mains which were of the most vital importance for national 
life. The Jews, who numbered less than 1% of the total 
population of Germany, occupied the key posts in German 
industry. Political leadership was to a large extent in their 
hands. The Press and cultural life in general were predomi¬ 
nantly under their influence. Their aggregate income ex¬ 
ceeded that of the 99% remaining inhabitants by over 

') Those who desire further information are recommended to rend 
the book "Die Juden in Deutschland" (Munich, 7th ed., 1938), which 
treats the subject with scientific thoroughness and objectivity, and which 
has supplied us with much valuable material. 


81 



one-third. Truly, the Jews had every conceivable opportunity 
for merging their distinctive existence in the collective life of 
the German community — a distinctiveness, moreover, fre¬ 
quently deplored by some of the best Jewish elements. 

But the Jews consistently ignored the rules of fair play as 
far as their credulous German partner was concerned. The 
overwhelming majority of them never desired to be merged 
in the German nation, because they were aware of the fact 
that their racial dissimilarity constituted an insuperable 
obstacle to assimilation. During the years of great tribulation 
they never hesitated to betray Germany, and to shamelessly 
misuse the opportunities afforded them in such abundance for 
their own egoistical purposes and interests. Defeatism and 
treason, political degradation and economic corruption, moral 
depravity, the debasement of all national and religious values 
— these were the outstanding features of a Germany 
dominated by the alien Jewish race. 

Germany had to pay dearly for the illusion that it is 
possible to solve the Jewish question by means of a generous 
effort to assimilate the Jews. She had reckoned without a 
factor of decisive importance: namely, the congenital, in¬ 
grained, boundless ingratitude of the Jewish race. Not the least 
of the reasons for the uncompromising attitude of German 
anti-semitism — an attitude that has often been misunderstood 
abroad — is the glaring contrast, irrefutably evidenced by the 
events of the past decades, between the incontestable good 
faith of the Germans and the cynical ingratitude of the Jews. 

That this contrast constitutes, so to speak, the nucleus of 
the whole Jewish problem, has been publicly admitted by 
two leading Jews. The Chief Rabbi of Hamburg, Dr. Joseph 
Karlebach, wrote in the Jewish review Der Morgen (vol. 
II, p. 129, 1930): "to be a Jew, is to be opposed to the natural 
attitude of human beings." 

The French Jew Bernard Lazare, who was well known at 
the close of the last century, was even more candid in his 


82 



book I'Antisemitisme, in which he puts the question: "By 
what qualities or defects has the Jew drawn upon himself 
such universal reprobation? Why has he alternately and in 
equal measure been maltreated and hated by Egyptians and 
Romans, by Persians and Arabs, by Turks and Christian 
nations? It is because the Jew is everywhere, and right down 
to the present day has remained, an asocial being." 

These admissions by candid Jewish writers, whose 
authority is undisputed, explain better than any words of 
ours why National Socialism was compelled to give a 
definite and final solution to the Jewish question, so far as 
Germany is concerned. Anti-semitic feeling in this country has 
not been roused to such a degree by the mere fact of the pre¬ 
ponderance of an utterly alien influence, but by the spirit 
underlying that influence and inseparable from it — a spirit 
of an essentially asocial nature, which requited evil for good 
and invariably prompted those inspired by it to repay hospi¬ 
tality and benevolence with treachery and unrelenting, de¬ 
structive hatred. 

When the National Socialists came into power in 1933, they 
endeavoured to solve the Jewish question by methods cal¬ 
culated to peacefully reduce the excessive influence of the 
Jews on public life to proportions compatible, firstly, with the 
position of the Jews as an alien race, and, secondly, with their 
number — which, as has already been said, was less than 
1% of the total German population. When the amount of 
misfortune brought on Germany by the Jews prior to 1933 is 
recalled, the methods adopted to diminish their influence on 
German public life must be accounted remarkably moderate, 
and as evidencing extraordinary restraint and discipline 
among the leaders of the new Germany. The fact is too 
easily overlooked, that the advent to power of National 
Socialism constituted a revolution in the truest sense of the 
word, and it may without exaggeration be asserted that 
scarcely a revolution in history has been accomplished with 
such exemplary discipline. 


83 



The Nuremberg Laws of 1935 formed the basis of a peaceful 
and orderly settlement of the Jewish question in Germany. 
But the Jews themselves were not prepared to reckon with 
the incontestable fact that their era of emancipation in Germany 
was definitely at an end. They were not willing to abandon 
their usurped supremacy without a struggle, and since this 
was no longer possible in Germany itself, they deliberately 
stirred up an agitation abroad, hardly less dangerous than an 
openly proclaimed war. By means of a consistently carried 
out poisoning of the sources of public opinion, they have 
succeeded in creating a caricature of National Socialist Ger¬ 
many and inflaming international opinion against the latter. 
By organising a boycott of German goods, they have endea¬ 
voured to throttle Germany economically. They have even 
gone so far as to reply to the measures of the National 
Socialist Government by the assassination of Wilhelm Gustloff 
and Ernst vom Rath. 

The world-embracing associations and interests of Jewry 
as an international power, as well as the asocial spirit animat¬ 
ing it, could not be evidenced in more convincing manner 
than by its success in putting the whole world instantaneously, 
so to speak, into movement against National Socialist Ger¬ 
many. For the world has taken very much less notice of pro¬ 
cesses of elimination carried out elsewhere on a far greater 
scale. Who has championed the cause of those millions of 
Russians driven from their land by the Bolshevist revolution, 
or who, unable to escape in time, were tortured and mas¬ 
sacred? Who ever spent a thought on the Germans in the 
Baltic States, 80% of whom were forced to emigrate after the 
Great War, and who to a large extent are condemned to a 
life of perpetual hardship in foreign countries? 

On the other hand, wherever the interests of even a single 
Jew are affected, international Jewry howls for redress and 
assistance until international peace is seriously menaced by 
its bellowings. 


84 



Germany knows full well where the source of the ever¬ 
lasting disquiet is to be found, which perpetually enervates 
the world and effectively prevents the realisation of all efforts 
to reach international understanding and peace. The German 
Government, conscious of its responsibilities, has drawn the 
logical conclusion, and surely and definitely eliminated all 
Jewish influence, of whatever nature it may be, at home. It 
has thus contributed, for its part, to getting rid of an element 
which, in the words of the illustrious historian Theodor 
Mommsen, is "an operative ferment of national disintegration." 

* 

At the close of our study of the Jewish problem in Germany, 
the problem arises of what is to be done with the Jews. For it 
is evident that the effects of the policy of the German Govern¬ 
ment towards the Jews cannot remain confined solely to Ger¬ 
many, but must be far-reaching. Anti-semitism has been 
awakened in all countries where belief in the blessings of 
"assimilation" has been rudely shaken by the course of events, 
and by the spiritual and political renascence which charac¬ 
terises the present era. The multitude of Jewish emigrants 
carry with them the Jewish question, with all its inevitable 
consequences, into such new "homes" as may be opened to 
them. 

Hence it is clear that the Jewish problem is susceptible of 
solution only on an international basis. The Jews themselves 
have unambiguously recognised the necessities arising out of 
the existing situation. The Jiidisches Nachrichtenblatt of 
December 30, 1938, wrote: "For all who wish to see, it is 
evident that territories will ere long be required for the settle¬ 
ment, not only of Jews from Germany, but of Jews from 
other European countries also. Whoever is able to interpret 
current events cannot fail to observe the rapidity with which 
the Jewish question is becoming increasingly urgent in a 


85 



number of European States and the consequent necessity of a 
correspondingly rapid solution of it." 

It has already been said that the projected creation of a 
National Home for Jews in Palestine will not afford a solution 
of the Jewish problem. What is needed, is to find territories, 
the ownership of which is not, as is the case in Palestine, 
claimed by others — territories which by virtue of a general 
agreement shall be allotted exclusively to the Jews. This need 
is reflected in the fact that even in England, the Mandatory 
Power, herself, the possibility of settling Jews in overseas 
territories is envisaged. 

Germany, having no colonies, is not in a position to make 
any effective contribution to these international discussions. 

Racial characteristics and historical destiny combine to 
render it somewhat more than problematical that the attempt 
to solve the Jewish question by means of the creation of a 
Jewish State can ever hope to be successful. We have exposed 
this point of view in detail when dealing with the problem of 
Palestine. In the long run it must depend on the Jews them¬ 
selves, and on their immense financial power, whether the 
united efforts of the Western countries to find a solution will 
be fruitful or not — whether, after two thousand years of 
incessant wanderings, Ahasuerus will eventually find rest. 


86