

Currently released so far... 12478 / 251,287
Browse latest releases
2010/12/01
2010/12/02
2010/12/03
2010/12/04
2010/12/05
2010/12/06
2010/12/07
2010/12/08
2010/12/09
2010/12/10
2010/12/11
2010/12/12
2010/12/13
2010/12/14
2010/12/15
2010/12/16
2010/12/17
2010/12/18
2010/12/19
2010/12/20
2010/12/21
2010/12/22
2010/12/23
2010/12/24
2010/12/25
2010/12/26
2010/12/27
2010/12/28
2010/12/29
2010/12/30
2011/01/01
2011/01/02
2011/01/04
2011/01/05
2011/01/07
2011/01/09
2011/01/10
2011/01/11
2011/01/12
2011/01/13
2011/01/14
2011/01/15
2011/01/16
2011/01/17
2011/01/18
2011/01/19
2011/01/20
2011/01/21
2011/01/22
2011/01/23
2011/01/24
2011/01/25
2011/01/26
2011/01/27
2011/01/28
2011/01/29
2011/01/30
2011/01/31
2011/02/01
2011/02/02
2011/02/03
2011/02/04
2011/02/05
2011/02/06
2011/02/07
2011/02/08
2011/02/09
2011/02/10
2011/02/11
2011/02/12
2011/02/13
2011/02/14
2011/02/15
2011/02/16
2011/02/17
2011/02/18
2011/02/19
2011/02/20
2011/02/21
2011/02/22
2011/02/23
2011/02/24
2011/02/25
2011/02/26
2011/02/27
2011/02/28
2011/03/01
2011/03/02
2011/03/03
2011/03/04
2011/03/05
2011/03/06
2011/03/07
2011/03/08
2011/03/09
2011/03/10
2011/03/11
2011/03/13
2011/03/14
2011/03/15
2011/03/16
2011/03/17
2011/03/18
2011/03/19
2011/03/20
2011/03/21
2011/03/22
2011/03/23
2011/03/24
2011/03/25
2011/03/26
2011/03/27
2011/03/28
2011/03/29
2011/03/30
2011/03/31
2011/04/01
2011/04/02
2011/04/03
2011/04/04
2011/04/05
2011/04/06
2011/04/07
2011/04/08
2011/04/09
2011/04/10
2011/04/11
2011/04/12
2011/04/13
2011/04/14
2011/04/15
2011/04/16
2011/04/17
2011/04/18
2011/04/19
2011/04/20
2011/04/21
2011/04/22
2011/04/23
2011/04/24
2011/04/25
2011/04/26
2011/04/27
2011/04/28
2011/04/29
2011/04/30
Browse by creation date
Browse by origin
Embassy Athens
Embassy Asuncion
Embassy Astana
Embassy Asmara
Embassy Ashgabat
Embassy Apia
Embassy Ankara
Embassy Amman
Embassy Algiers
Embassy Addis Ababa
Embassy Accra
Embassy Abuja
Embassy Abu Dhabi
Embassy Abidjan
Consulate Auckland
Consulate Amsterdam
Consulate Adana
American Institute Taiwan, Taipei
Embassy Bujumbura
Embassy Buenos Aires
Embassy Budapest
Embassy Bucharest
Embassy Brussels
Embassy Bridgetown
Embassy Bratislava
Embassy Brasilia
Embassy Bogota
Embassy Bishkek
Embassy Bern
Embassy Berlin
Embassy Belmopan
Embassy Belgrade
Embassy Beirut
Embassy Beijing
Embassy Banjul
Embassy Bangkok
Embassy Bandar Seri Begawan
Embassy Bamako
Embassy Baku
Embassy Baghdad
Consulate Barcelona
Embassy Copenhagen
Embassy Conakry
Embassy Colombo
Embassy Chisinau
Embassy Caracas
Embassy Canberra
Embassy Cairo
Consulate Curacao
Consulate Ciudad Juarez
Consulate Chennai
Consulate Casablanca
Consulate Cape Town
Consulate Calgary
Embassy Dushanbe
Embassy Dublin
Embassy Doha
Embassy Djibouti
Embassy Dili
Embassy Dhaka
Embassy Dar Es Salaam
Embassy Damascus
Embassy Dakar
Consulate Dubai
Embassy Helsinki
Embassy Harare
Embassy Hanoi
Consulate Ho Chi Minh City
Consulate Hermosillo
Consulate Hamilton
Consulate Hamburg
Consulate Halifax
Embassy Kyiv
Embassy Kuwait
Embassy Kuala Lumpur
Embassy Kinshasa
Embassy Kingston
Embassy Kigali
Embassy Khartoum
Embassy Kathmandu
Embassy Kampala
Embassy Kabul
Consulate Kolkata
Embassy Luxembourg
Embassy Luanda
Embassy London
Embassy Ljubljana
Embassy Lisbon
Embassy Lima
Embassy Lilongwe
Embassy La Paz
Consulate Lahore
Consulate Lagos
Mission USOSCE
Mission USNATO
Mission UNESCO
Embassy Muscat
Embassy Moscow
Embassy Montevideo
Embassy Monrovia
Embassy Minsk
Embassy Mexico
Embassy Mbabane
Embassy Maputo
Embassy Manila
Embassy Manama
Embassy Managua
Embassy Malabo
Embassy Madrid
Consulate Munich
Consulate Mumbai
Consulate Montreal
Consulate Monterrey
Consulate Milan
Consulate Melbourne
Embassy Nicosia
Embassy Niamey
Embassy New Delhi
Embassy Ndjamena
Embassy Nassau
Embassy Nairobi
Consulate Naples
Consulate Naha
Embassy Pristina
Embassy Pretoria
Embassy Prague
Embassy Port Of Spain
Embassy Port Louis
Embassy Port Au Prince
Embassy Phnom Penh
Embassy Paris
Embassy Paramaribo
Embassy Panama
Consulate Peshawar
REO Basrah
Embassy Rome
Embassy Riyadh
Embassy Riga
Embassy Reykjavik
Embassy Rangoon
Embassy Rabat
Consulate Rio De Janeiro
Consulate Recife
Secretary of State
Embassy Suva
Embassy Stockholm
Embassy Sofia
Embassy Skopje
Embassy Singapore
Embassy Seoul
Embassy Sarajevo
Embassy Santo Domingo
Embassy Santiago
Embassy Sanaa
Embassy San Salvador
Embassy San Jose
Consulate Strasbourg
Consulate St Petersburg
Consulate Shenyang
Consulate Shanghai
Consulate Sapporo
Consulate Sao Paulo
Embassy Tunis
Embassy Tripoli
Embassy Tokyo
Embassy The Hague
Embassy Tel Aviv
Embassy Tehran
Embassy Tegucigalpa
Embassy Tbilisi
Embassy Tashkent
Embassy Tallinn
Consulate Toronto
Consulate Tijuana
USUN New York
USEU Brussels
US Office Almaty
US Mission Geneva
US Interests Section Havana
US Delegation, Secretary
UNVIE
Embassy Ulaanbaatar
Embassy Vilnius
Embassy Vienna
Embassy Vatican
Embassy Valletta
Consulate Vladivostok
Consulate Vancouver
Browse by tag
AU
ASEC
AE
AF
AORC
AEMR
AMGT
ABUD
AFFAIRS
APER
AS
AMED
AY
AG
AR
AJ
AL
AID
AM
AODE
ABLD
AMG
AFIN
ATRN
AGAO
AFU
AN
AA
ALOW
APECO
ADM
ARF
ASEAN
APEC
AMBASSADOR
AO
ASUP
AZ
AADP
ACOA
ANET
AMCHAMS
ACABQ
ASECKFRDCVISKIRFPHUMSMIGEG
APCS
AGMT
AINF
AIT
AORL
ACS
AFSI
AFSN
ACBAQ
AFGHANISTAN
ADANA
ADPM
AX
ADCO
AECL
AMEX
ACAO
ASCH
AORG
AGR
AROC
ASIG
AND
ARM
AQ
ATFN
AC
AUC
ASEX
AER
AVERY
AGRICULTURE
BL
BR
BO
BA
BD
BM
BK
BG
BU
BB
BH
BTIO
BY
BEXP
BP
BE
BRUSSELS
BF
BIDEN
BT
BX
BC
BILAT
BN
BBSR
BTIU
BWC
BMGT
CA
CASC
CVIS
CM
CH
CO
CU
CD
CWC
CI
CS
CY
CMGT
CF
CG
CR
CB
CV
CW
CE
CBW
CT
CPAS
COUNTERTERRORISM
CJAN
CODEL
CIDA
CDG
CDC
CIA
CTR
CNARC
CSW
CN
CONS
CLINTON
COE
CROS
CARICOM
CONDOLEEZZA
COUNTER
CL
COM
CICTE
CIS
CFED
COUNTRY
CJUS
CBSA
CEUDA
CLMT
CAC
COPUOS
CIC
CBE
CHR
CTM
CVR
CITEL
CLEARANCE
CACS
CAN
CITT
CARSON
CACM
CDB
CAPC
CKGR
CBC
EC
EG
EPET
ECON
ETRD
EFIN
EIND
EMIN
ENRG
EAID
EAGR
EUN
ETTC
EAIR
ENIV
ES
EU
EINV
ELAB
ECIN
EFIS
ELTN
EWWT
ECPS
ECONOMIC
ENGR
EN
EINT
EPA
ELN
ESA
EZ
ER
ET
EFTA
EINVECONSENVCSJA
EUMEM
ETRA
EXTERNAL
EI
EUR
EK
ERNG
ENGY
ETRDEINVECINPGOVCS
ENERG
EINVEFIN
ENVR
ECA
ELECTIONS
ETC
EUREM
ENNP
EFINECONCS
EURN
ECINECONCS
EEPET
EXIM
ERD
ENVI
ETRC
ETRDEINVTINTCS
ETRO
EDU
ETRN
EAIG
ECONCS
ECONOMICS
EAP
ECONOMY
EINN
EIAR
EXBS
ECUN
EINDETRD
EREL
EUC
ESENV
ECONEFIN
ECIP
EFIM
EAIDS
ETRDECONWTOCS
EUNCH
EINVETC
IZ
IT
IR
IS
IN
IC
IAEA
IO
ICAO
IWC
ID
IV
ISRAEL
IAHRC
IQ
ICTR
IMF
IRS
IDP
IGAD
ICRC
ICTY
IMO
IL
INRA
INRO
ICJ
ITU
IBRD
INMARSAT
IIP
ITALY
IEFIN
IACI
ILO
INTELSAT
ILC
ITRA
IDA
INRB
IRC
INTERPOL
IA
IPR
IRAQI
ISRAELI
INTERNAL
ISLAMISTS
INDO
ITPHUM
ITPGOV
ITALIAN
IBET
INR
IEA
IZPREL
IRAJ
ITF
IF
KDEM
KU
KPAL
KNNP
KCRM
KZ
KN
KS
KJUS
KTFN
KSCA
KV
KISL
KPAO
KPKO
KIRF
KTIA
KIPR
KFLO
KFRD
KTIP
KAWC
KSUM
KCOM
KAID
KE
KTDB
KMDR
KOMC
KWBG
KDRG
KVPR
KTEX
KGIC
KWMN
KSCI
KCOR
KACT
KDDG
KHLS
KSAF
KFLU
KSEO
KMRS
KSPR
KOLY
KSEP
KVIR
KGHG
KIRC
KUNR
KIFR
KCIP
KMCA
KMPI
KBCT
KHSA
KICC
KIDE
KCRS
KMFO
KRVC
KRGY
KR
KAWK
KG
KFIN
KHIV
KBIO
KOCI
KBTR
KNEI
KPOA
KCFE
KPLS
KSTC
KHDP
KPRP
KCRCM
KLIG
KCFC
KTER
KREC
KTBT
KPRV
KSTH
KRIM
KRAD
KWAC
KWMM
KFRDCVISCMGTCASCKOCIASECPHUMSMIGEG
KOMS
KX
KMIG
KRCM
KVRP
KBTS
KPAONZ
KNUC
KNAR
KPWR
KNPP
KDEMAF
KNUP
KNNPMNUC
KERG
KGIT
KPAI
KTLA
KFSC
KCSY
KSAC
KTRD
KID
KOM
KMOC
KJUST
KGCC
KREL
KFRDKIRFCVISCMGTKOCIASECPHUMSMIGEG
KFTFN
KO
KNSD
KHUM
KSEC
KCMR
KCHG
KICA
KPIN
KESS
KDEV
KCGC
KWWMN
KPAK
KWNM
KWMNCS
KRFD
MOPS
MCAP
MPOS
MARR
MO
MNUC
MX
MASS
MG
MY
MU
ML
MR
MILITARY
MTCRE
MT
MEPP
MA
MDC
MP
MAR
MASSMNUC
MARAD
MAPP
MZ
MD
MI
MEETINGS
MK
MCC
MEPN
MRCRE
MAS
MIL
MASC
MC
MV
MTCR
MIK
MUCN
MEDIA
MERCOSUR
MW
MOPPS
MTS
MLS
MILI
MTRE
MEPI
MQADHAFI
MAPS
NO
NATO
NL
NP
NZ
NSF
NI
NH
NG
NAFTA
NU
NASA
NR
NATOPREL
NSSP
NSG
NA
NT
NW
NK
NPT
NPA
NATIONAL
NPG
NSFO
NS
NSC
NE
NGO
NDP
NIPP
NRR
NEW
NZUS
NC
NAR
NV
NORAD
OTRA
OPCW
OVIP
OAS
OREP
OPIC
OIIP
OPRC
ODIP
OEXC
OPDC
OSCE
OIC
OSCI
OECD
OFDP
OFDA
OMIG
OPAD
OFFICIALS
OVP
OIE
OHUM
OCS
OBSP
OTR
OSAC
ON
OCII
OES
PGOV
PREL
PHUM
PTER
PINS
PINR
PREF
PK
PROP
PA
PARM
PBTS
PMAR
PM
PGIV
PE
PRAM
PHUH
PHSA
PL
PNAT
PO
PLN
PAO
PSA
PHUMPGOV
PF
PEL
PBIO
POLITICS
PHUMBA
PAS
POL
PREO
PAHO
PMIL
POGOV
POV
PAK
PNR
PRL
PG
PREFA
PSI
PINL
PU
PARMS
PRGOV
PALESTINIAN
PAIGH
POLITICAL
PARTIES
POSTS
PROG
PORG
PTBS
PUNE
POLICY
PDOV
PCI
PGOVSMIGKCRMKWMNPHUMCVISKFRDCA
PBT
PP
PS
PY
PTERE
PGOF
PKFK
PSOE
PEPR
PPA
PINT
PRELP
PSEPC
PGOVE
PINF
PNG
PGOC
PFOR
PCUL
POLINT
PGGV
PHALANAGE
PARTY
PGOVLO
PHUS
PDEM
PECON
PROV
PHUMPREL
RS
RU
RELATIONS
RW
RO
RM
RP
ROOD
RICE
RUPREL
RSO
RCMP
REACTION
REPORT
REGION
RIGHTS
RF
RFE
RSP
RIGHTSPOLMIL
ROBERT
SU
SCUL
SNAR
SOCI
SF
SA
SHUM
SENV
SP
SR
SY
SANC
SC
SMIG
SZ
SARS
SW
SEVN
SO
SEN
SL
SNARCS
SNARN
SI
SG
SN
SH
SYR
SAARC
SPCE
SHI
SCRS
SENVKGHG
SYRIA
SWE
STEINBERG
SIPRS
ST
SNARIZ
SSA
SK
SPCVIS
SOFA
SIPDIS
SAN
TC
TI
TBIO
TH
TSPL
TRGY
TSPA
TPHY
TU
TW
TS
TAGS
TK
TX
TNGD
TZ
TF
TL
TV
TN
TD
TIP
TR
TP
TO
TT
TFIN
THPY
TERRORISM
TINT
TRSY
TURKEY
TBID
US
UK
UNGA
UP
UZ
UNMIK
USTR
UNO
UNSC
UN
UNESCO
UNAUS
UNHRC
UY
UG
UNHCR
UNCND
USOAS
USEU
UNICEF
UNEP
UV
UNPUOS
UNCSD
USUN
UNCHR
UNDC
USNC
UE
UNDP
UNC
USPS
USAID
UNVIE
UAE
UNFICYP
UNODC
UNCHS
UNIDROIT
UNDESCO
UNCHC
Browse by classification
Community resources
courage is contagious
Viewing cable 09KABUL1892, KARZAI DIALOGUE ON U.S.-AFGHAN RELATIONS CONTINUES
If you are new to these pages, please read an introduction on the structure of a cable as well as how to discuss them with others. See also the FAQs
Understanding cables
Every cable message consists of three parts:
- The top box shows each cables unique reference number, when and by whom it originally was sent, and what its initial classification was.
- The middle box contains the header information that is associated with the cable. It includes information about the receiver(s) as well as a general subject.
- The bottom box presents the body of the cable. The opening can contain a more specific subject, references to other cables (browse by origin to find them) or additional comment. This is followed by the main contents of the cable: a summary, a collection of specific topics and a comment section.
Discussing cables
If you find meaningful or important information in a cable, please link directly to its unique reference number. Linking to a specific paragraph in the body of a cable is also possible by copying the appropriate link (to be found at theparagraph symbol). Please mark messages for social networking services like Twitter with the hash tags #cablegate and a hash containing the reference ID e.g. #09KABUL1892.
Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
09KABUL1892 | 2009-07-16 03:45 | 2010-12-02 21:30 | SECRET//NOFORN | Embassy Kabul |
VZCZCXRO8567
PP RUEHDBU RUEHPW RUEHSL
DE RUEHBUL #1892/01 1970345
ZNY SSSSS ZZH
P 160345Z JUL 09
FM AMEMBASSY KABUL
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 0190
INFO RUCNAFG/AFGHANISTAN COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 KABUL 001892
NOFORN
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/13/2019
TAGS: PGOV PREL AF
SUBJECT: KARZAI DIALOGUE ON U.S.-AFGHAN RELATIONS CONTINUES
REF: KABUL 1767
Classified By: Ambassador Karl W. Eikenberry for Reasons 1:4 b,d
¶1. (S/NF) SUMMARY. President Karzai and I continued our
dialogue on the future of U.S.-Afghan relations (reftel) in
our weekly meeting, July 7. We were joined by National
Security Advisor Rassoul. Karzai discussed his priorities
for the next five years as outlined in his draft election
manifesto. The President's manner was significantly more
relaxed and warm than in meetings the previous week when he
was often agitated, accusing the U.S. of working against him
(reftel). As a result, our discussion was more constructive
and forward-looking. When Karzai drifted towards a
reiteration of his anti-U.S. conspiracy theories on several
occasions, I was able to refocus the conversation on how the
U.S. and Afghanistan governments can work together in the
near and medium term to achieve combined success.
REVIEWING KARZAI'S ELECTION MANIFESTO FOR NEXT FIVE YEARS
--------------------------------------------- ------------
¶2. (S/NF) As we discussed the long-term goals outlined in
Karzai's draft election manifesto, I reiterated the U.S.
commitment to continuing our close partnership with
Afghanistan, regardless of whom the Afghan people elect in
August. I then outlined what the U.S. was seeking from the
relationship over the next five years and commented on some
points in Karzai's proposed agenda. Under President Obama's
strategy for Afghanistan, I noted, we would continue to
pursue a more coherent regional approach, while assisting the
Afghan government build a more secure and economically
sustainable country that would never again permit sanctuary
for international terrorism. I emphasized the importance of
achieving meaningful progress in the near term to prove to
the U.S. and the international community that our ongoing
investment of lives and resources in Afghanistan was
producing tangible, lasting results for the Afghan people.
¶3. (S/NF) I took issue with the foreign policy section of
Karzai's draft manifesto which stressed Afghanistan's
relations with the Islamic world and with Palestine, followed
by a rather weak comment on relations with the U.S. I
pointed out this did not accurately reflect our robust
partnership and raises questions regarding Karzai's
perspective on the bilateral relationship.
¶4. (S/NF) I also noted the document's lack of a strong
emphasis on strengthening Afghan National Security Forces
(ANSF) and judicial system. Five years down the road, I
said, success would be defined by whether the ANSF's
increased capacity allowed it to take the lead in planning
and conducting effective military operations, as well as
apprehending and detaining insurgents under Afghan legal
authority. (NOTE: We are seeking a translation of the draft
of Karzai's manifesto passed to us earlier this month and
will transmit septel once translation is complete.)
¶5. (S/NF) Karzai then mentioned that after the election he
planned to call a national jirga to make a recommitment to
the Afghanistan-U.S. relationship and our partnership in the
war against terror. This would, he claimed, clarify the
military assistance aspect of the relationship and counter
what many Afghan's perceive to be the "unfocused presence" of
international forces, reducing public concerns about those
forces. (Note: We have since learned that a later draft of
Karzai's manifesto may include this call for a traditional
loya jirga to address the presence of U.S. forces in
Afghanistan. If true that Karzai intends to convene a
traditional loya jirga instead of a constitutional loya
jirga, it would reflect a disappointing continuation of
Karzai's tendency to govern through reliance on personalities
of the past, rather than on democratic institutions.)
AMBASSADOR: FOCUS SHOULD BE ON AFGHAN GOVT WINNING HEARTS AND
MINDS
--------------------------------------------- --------------
¶6. (S/NF) Karzai then returned to a familiar theme, his wish
for Afghan-U.S. relations to recover the spirit of 2002-04 -
a period Karzai sees as a "golden age" in the relationship.
He would like for U.S. forces to again be able to drive their
humvees through villages, greeted warmly by villagers who
would shout, "Good morning, Sergeant Thompson." Karzai
claimed, as he has many times, that his concern over the
erosion of public trust in the U.S. was a driving factor in
his increasingly strident criticism regarding civilian
casualties, night raids and detentions.
¶7. (S/NF) I reminded Karzai that we had agreed our discussion
would be forward-looking, rather than dwell on past
grievances. I also reminded him the U.S. and ISAF had made a
KABUL 00001892 002 OF 003
tremendous effort over the past year to avoid civilian
casualties, noting that in a recent engagement in Helmand
where one U.S. marine had been killed and 25 wounded, we had
not employed close air support or artillery. Karzai agreed
there had been a dramatic reduction in civilian casualty
incidents, saying he intended to make a public statement
noting his gratitude for U.S. efforts. I welcomed such a
statement, observing that the U.S. continues to bear a heavy
cost for our assistance to Afghanistan in the American lives
lost as we work to ensure a more secure future here.
¶8. (S/NF) I also took issue with Karzai's "golden age"
perspective, reminding him that I had been in Afghanistan
during this period. It was clear, even at that time, that
trouble was brewing as the focus on security and
reconstruction drifted and declined due to lack of resources
and a comprehensive strategy. I urged Karzai to recognize
that President Obama is providing the U.S.-Afghan partnership
with the tools necessary to build a lasting foundation for
Afghanistan's success, based on sustainable security,
accountable government, and a working economy. I stressed to
Karzai that our primary goal in Afghanistan is not to win
public support for the U.S., but rather to help the Afghan
government win its own people's hearts and minds by enabling
it to provide basic security and effective governance to the
people. In five years, we expect to still have forces in
Afghanistan, but with the majority as advisors and trainers
in support of ANSF in areas such as logistics, air support,
intelligence, etc. Returning to Karzai's hopes for the
future, I told him Americans do not long for a day in which
their soldiers are hailed throughout Afghanistan; they are
instead growing impatient for the day a respected Afghan Army
and national police force are fully capable of providing
security to the Afghan populace. Time is not unlimited.
KARZAI'S ANTI-U.S. RHETORIC UNDERMINES ADVOCACY FOR CONTINUED
SUPPORT
--------------------------------------------- ------
¶9. (N/SF) I then raised with Karzai his regular claim to
senior U.S. visitors that the U.S. has "failed in
Afghanistan." I noted that such rhetoric could potentially
undermine continued bipartisan support for our current
strategy of expanding U.S. assistance to Afghanistan. I said
some criticism was fair, but in these meetings with senior
U.S. officials, Karzai regularly failed to acknowledge any
meaningful progress resulting from U.S. contributions. By
condemning U.S. efforts while failing to take any
responsibility for Afghanistan's problems, Karzai was not
presenting the Afghan government (or himself) as a
responsible partner in this relationship, a partner cognizant
of and sensitive to mutual obligations. Leaving meetings
with Karzai, officials could easily conclude that the U.S.
has accomplished little or nothing here and question why we
continue to devote American lives and resources to the
effort. Karzai indicated that he understood the need to
present a more balanced perspective. (Note. It remains to
be seen whether Karzai can or will refrain from this "blame
America" tactic he uses to deflect criticism of his
administration. Indeed, his inability to grasp the most
rudimentary principles of state-building and his deep seated
insecurity as a leader combine to make any admission of fault
unlikely, in turn confounding our best efforts to find in
Karzai a responsible partner.)
ELECTIONS: KARZAI (STILL) SUSPICIOUS OF U.S. INTENTIONS
--------------------------------------------- ---------
¶10. (S/NF) Revisiting a favorite grievance, Karzai asserted
that early in the year some officials in the Obama
Administration had encouraged potential opposition candidates
to run. Karzai indicated he felt Secretary Clinton had been
very supportive and noted relations with VP Biden were much
improved. He still felt some senior officials were actively
working to undermine him. Those officials, he said, were
openly discussing election runoff scenarios that would give
the opposition an opening to unite against him. Karzai
claimed that in a fair and free election he would win on the
first round. If there were "irregularities" and the election
went to a second round, Karzai believed opposition candidates
would play the "ethnic card" to marshal support, undermining
national unity.
¶11. (S/NF) I challenged his assertion that Administration
officials had promoted opposition candidates. I emphasized
that, in fact, our Mission has gone to great pains to remain
balanced in engagement with presidential candidates and to
promote a level-playing field, I reminded Karzai that I had
decided not to visit Mazar-e-Sharif because of Governor
Atta's overt campaigning for Abdullah and his reported
refusal to comply with MOI Atmar's dismissal of two policemen
in the province for corruption. Karzai replied, with humor,
KABUL 00001892 003 OF 003
that he conceded in this instance that the U.S. had been
even-handed in demonstrating its commitment to fair
elections.
COMMENT
-------
¶12. (S/NF) Although more relaxed than in recent meetings,
Karzai remains deeply suspicious of U.S. intentions and
actions regarding key opposition candidates, frequently
citing U.S.-based support groups for Abdullah Abdullah and
Ashraf Ghani. Karzai is currently most concerned about a
potential Abdullah coalition. (He dismissed Ghani, saying
that he will know Ghani has admitted defeat when he asks for
a position in Karzai's new government.) Karzai clearly
expected (or hoped) to receive the same U.S. support for his
candidacy that he received in the 2004 election, and
interprets our neutral stance in this election as evidence
that the U.S. is "against" him. I will continue to use my
weekly dialogues with Karzai to clarify our position on this
and other issues, while focusing him on the way forward in
U.S.-Afghan relations with an emphasis on our shared desire
that progress needs to continue, regardless of who wins the
election. In future discussions, I will continue to stress
the importance of Afghanistan assuming a more meaningful
partnership role, and focus on key issue areas such as ANSF
growth and assumption of lead responsibility for security,
reconciliation, government accountability, and sustainable
development. Through this engagement, we will also seek to
avoid the gap between the U.S. and Karzai widening to the
point that we will lose precious time closing the distance
should he be re-elected.
EIKENBERRY