

Currently released so far... 12478 / 251,287
Browse latest releases
2010/12/01
2010/12/02
2010/12/03
2010/12/04
2010/12/05
2010/12/06
2010/12/07
2010/12/08
2010/12/09
2010/12/10
2010/12/11
2010/12/12
2010/12/13
2010/12/14
2010/12/15
2010/12/16
2010/12/17
2010/12/18
2010/12/19
2010/12/20
2010/12/21
2010/12/22
2010/12/23
2010/12/24
2010/12/25
2010/12/26
2010/12/27
2010/12/28
2010/12/29
2010/12/30
2011/01/01
2011/01/02
2011/01/04
2011/01/05
2011/01/07
2011/01/09
2011/01/10
2011/01/11
2011/01/12
2011/01/13
2011/01/14
2011/01/15
2011/01/16
2011/01/17
2011/01/18
2011/01/19
2011/01/20
2011/01/21
2011/01/22
2011/01/23
2011/01/24
2011/01/25
2011/01/26
2011/01/27
2011/01/28
2011/01/29
2011/01/30
2011/01/31
2011/02/01
2011/02/02
2011/02/03
2011/02/04
2011/02/05
2011/02/06
2011/02/07
2011/02/08
2011/02/09
2011/02/10
2011/02/11
2011/02/12
2011/02/13
2011/02/14
2011/02/15
2011/02/16
2011/02/17
2011/02/18
2011/02/19
2011/02/20
2011/02/21
2011/02/22
2011/02/23
2011/02/24
2011/02/25
2011/02/26
2011/02/27
2011/02/28
2011/03/01
2011/03/02
2011/03/03
2011/03/04
2011/03/05
2011/03/06
2011/03/07
2011/03/08
2011/03/09
2011/03/10
2011/03/11
2011/03/13
2011/03/14
2011/03/15
2011/03/16
2011/03/17
2011/03/18
2011/03/19
2011/03/20
2011/03/21
2011/03/22
2011/03/23
2011/03/24
2011/03/25
2011/03/26
2011/03/27
2011/03/28
2011/03/29
2011/03/30
2011/03/31
2011/04/01
2011/04/02
2011/04/03
2011/04/04
2011/04/05
2011/04/06
2011/04/07
2011/04/08
2011/04/09
2011/04/10
2011/04/11
2011/04/12
2011/04/13
2011/04/14
2011/04/15
2011/04/16
2011/04/17
2011/04/18
2011/04/19
2011/04/20
2011/04/21
2011/04/22
2011/04/23
2011/04/24
2011/04/25
2011/04/26
2011/04/27
2011/04/28
2011/04/29
2011/04/30
Browse by creation date
Browse by origin
Embassy Athens
Embassy Asuncion
Embassy Astana
Embassy Asmara
Embassy Ashgabat
Embassy Apia
Embassy Ankara
Embassy Amman
Embassy Algiers
Embassy Addis Ababa
Embassy Accra
Embassy Abuja
Embassy Abu Dhabi
Embassy Abidjan
Consulate Auckland
Consulate Amsterdam
Consulate Adana
American Institute Taiwan, Taipei
Embassy Bujumbura
Embassy Buenos Aires
Embassy Budapest
Embassy Bucharest
Embassy Brussels
Embassy Bridgetown
Embassy Bratislava
Embassy Brasilia
Embassy Bogota
Embassy Bishkek
Embassy Bern
Embassy Berlin
Embassy Belmopan
Embassy Belgrade
Embassy Beirut
Embassy Beijing
Embassy Banjul
Embassy Bangkok
Embassy Bandar Seri Begawan
Embassy Bamako
Embassy Baku
Embassy Baghdad
Consulate Barcelona
Embassy Copenhagen
Embassy Conakry
Embassy Colombo
Embassy Chisinau
Embassy Caracas
Embassy Canberra
Embassy Cairo
Consulate Curacao
Consulate Ciudad Juarez
Consulate Chennai
Consulate Casablanca
Consulate Cape Town
Consulate Calgary
Embassy Dushanbe
Embassy Dublin
Embassy Doha
Embassy Djibouti
Embassy Dili
Embassy Dhaka
Embassy Dar Es Salaam
Embassy Damascus
Embassy Dakar
Consulate Dubai
Embassy Helsinki
Embassy Harare
Embassy Hanoi
Consulate Ho Chi Minh City
Consulate Hermosillo
Consulate Hamilton
Consulate Hamburg
Consulate Halifax
Embassy Kyiv
Embassy Kuwait
Embassy Kuala Lumpur
Embassy Kinshasa
Embassy Kingston
Embassy Kigali
Embassy Khartoum
Embassy Kathmandu
Embassy Kampala
Embassy Kabul
Consulate Kolkata
Embassy Luxembourg
Embassy Luanda
Embassy London
Embassy Ljubljana
Embassy Lisbon
Embassy Lima
Embassy Lilongwe
Embassy La Paz
Consulate Lahore
Consulate Lagos
Mission USOSCE
Mission USNATO
Mission UNESCO
Embassy Muscat
Embassy Moscow
Embassy Montevideo
Embassy Monrovia
Embassy Minsk
Embassy Mexico
Embassy Mbabane
Embassy Maputo
Embassy Manila
Embassy Manama
Embassy Managua
Embassy Malabo
Embassy Madrid
Consulate Munich
Consulate Mumbai
Consulate Montreal
Consulate Monterrey
Consulate Milan
Consulate Melbourne
Embassy Nicosia
Embassy Niamey
Embassy New Delhi
Embassy Ndjamena
Embassy Nassau
Embassy Nairobi
Consulate Naples
Consulate Naha
Embassy Pristina
Embassy Pretoria
Embassy Prague
Embassy Port Of Spain
Embassy Port Louis
Embassy Port Au Prince
Embassy Phnom Penh
Embassy Paris
Embassy Paramaribo
Embassy Panama
Consulate Peshawar
REO Basrah
Embassy Rome
Embassy Riyadh
Embassy Riga
Embassy Reykjavik
Embassy Rangoon
Embassy Rabat
Consulate Rio De Janeiro
Consulate Recife
Secretary of State
Embassy Suva
Embassy Stockholm
Embassy Sofia
Embassy Skopje
Embassy Singapore
Embassy Seoul
Embassy Sarajevo
Embassy Santo Domingo
Embassy Santiago
Embassy Sanaa
Embassy San Salvador
Embassy San Jose
Consulate Strasbourg
Consulate St Petersburg
Consulate Shenyang
Consulate Shanghai
Consulate Sapporo
Consulate Sao Paulo
Embassy Tunis
Embassy Tripoli
Embassy Tokyo
Embassy The Hague
Embassy Tel Aviv
Embassy Tehran
Embassy Tegucigalpa
Embassy Tbilisi
Embassy Tashkent
Embassy Tallinn
Consulate Toronto
Consulate Tijuana
USUN New York
USEU Brussels
US Office Almaty
US Mission Geneva
US Interests Section Havana
US Delegation, Secretary
UNVIE
Embassy Ulaanbaatar
Embassy Vilnius
Embassy Vienna
Embassy Vatican
Embassy Valletta
Consulate Vladivostok
Consulate Vancouver
Browse by tag
AU
ASEC
AE
AF
AORC
AEMR
AMGT
ABUD
AFFAIRS
APER
AS
AMED
AY
AG
AR
AJ
AL
AID
AM
AODE
ABLD
AMG
AFIN
ATRN
AGAO
AFU
AN
AA
ALOW
APECO
ADM
ARF
ASEAN
APEC
AMBASSADOR
AO
ASUP
AZ
AADP
ACOA
ANET
AMCHAMS
ACABQ
ASECKFRDCVISKIRFPHUMSMIGEG
APCS
AGMT
AINF
AIT
AORL
ACS
AFSI
AFSN
ACBAQ
AFGHANISTAN
ADANA
ADPM
AX
ADCO
AECL
AMEX
ACAO
ASCH
AORG
AGR
AROC
ASIG
AND
ARM
AQ
ATFN
AC
AUC
ASEX
AER
AVERY
AGRICULTURE
BL
BR
BO
BA
BD
BM
BK
BG
BU
BB
BH
BTIO
BY
BEXP
BP
BE
BRUSSELS
BF
BIDEN
BT
BX
BC
BILAT
BN
BBSR
BTIU
BWC
BMGT
CA
CASC
CVIS
CM
CH
CO
CU
CD
CWC
CI
CS
CY
CMGT
CF
CG
CR
CB
CV
CW
CE
CBW
CT
CPAS
COUNTERTERRORISM
CJAN
CODEL
CIDA
CDG
CDC
CIA
CTR
CNARC
CSW
CN
CONS
CLINTON
COE
CROS
CARICOM
CONDOLEEZZA
COUNTER
CL
COM
CICTE
CIS
CFED
COUNTRY
CJUS
CBSA
CEUDA
CLMT
CAC
COPUOS
CIC
CBE
CHR
CTM
CVR
CITEL
CLEARANCE
CACS
CAN
CITT
CARSON
CACM
CDB
CAPC
CKGR
CBC
EC
EG
EPET
ECON
ETRD
EFIN
EIND
EMIN
ENRG
EAID
EAGR
EUN
ETTC
EAIR
ENIV
ES
EU
EINV
ELAB
ECIN
EFIS
ELTN
EWWT
ECPS
ECONOMIC
ENGR
EN
EINT
EPA
ELN
ESA
EZ
ER
ET
EFTA
EINVECONSENVCSJA
EUMEM
ETRA
EXTERNAL
EI
EUR
EK
ERNG
ENGY
ETRDEINVECINPGOVCS
ENERG
EINVEFIN
ENVR
ECA
ELECTIONS
ETC
EUREM
ENNP
EFINECONCS
EURN
ECINECONCS
EEPET
EXIM
ERD
ENVI
ETRC
ETRDEINVTINTCS
ETRO
EDU
ETRN
EAIG
ECONCS
ECONOMICS
EAP
ECONOMY
EINN
EIAR
EXBS
ECUN
EINDETRD
EREL
EUC
ESENV
ECONEFIN
ECIP
EFIM
EAIDS
ETRDECONWTOCS
EUNCH
EINVETC
IZ
IT
IR
IS
IN
IC
IAEA
IO
ICAO
IWC
ID
IV
ISRAEL
IAHRC
IQ
ICTR
IMF
IRS
IDP
IGAD
ICRC
ICTY
IMO
IL
INRA
INRO
ICJ
ITU
IBRD
INMARSAT
IIP
ITALY
IEFIN
IACI
ILO
INTELSAT
ILC
ITRA
IDA
INRB
IRC
INTERPOL
IA
IPR
IRAQI
ISRAELI
INTERNAL
ISLAMISTS
INDO
ITPHUM
ITPGOV
ITALIAN
IBET
INR
IEA
IZPREL
IRAJ
ITF
IF
KDEM
KU
KPAL
KNNP
KCRM
KZ
KN
KS
KJUS
KTFN
KSCA
KV
KISL
KPAO
KPKO
KIRF
KTIA
KIPR
KFLO
KFRD
KTIP
KAWC
KSUM
KCOM
KAID
KE
KTDB
KMDR
KOMC
KWBG
KDRG
KVPR
KTEX
KGIC
KWMN
KSCI
KCOR
KACT
KDDG
KHLS
KSAF
KFLU
KSEO
KMRS
KSPR
KOLY
KSEP
KVIR
KGHG
KIRC
KUNR
KIFR
KCIP
KMCA
KMPI
KBCT
KHSA
KICC
KIDE
KCRS
KMFO
KRVC
KRGY
KR
KAWK
KG
KFIN
KHIV
KBIO
KOCI
KBTR
KNEI
KPOA
KCFE
KPLS
KSTC
KHDP
KPRP
KCRCM
KLIG
KCFC
KTER
KREC
KTBT
KPRV
KSTH
KRIM
KRAD
KWAC
KWMM
KFRDCVISCMGTCASCKOCIASECPHUMSMIGEG
KOMS
KX
KMIG
KRCM
KVRP
KBTS
KPAONZ
KNUC
KNAR
KPWR
KNPP
KDEMAF
KNUP
KNNPMNUC
KERG
KGIT
KPAI
KTLA
KFSC
KCSY
KSAC
KTRD
KID
KOM
KMOC
KJUST
KGCC
KREL
KFRDKIRFCVISCMGTKOCIASECPHUMSMIGEG
KFTFN
KO
KNSD
KHUM
KSEC
KCMR
KCHG
KICA
KPIN
KESS
KDEV
KCGC
KWWMN
KPAK
KWNM
KWMNCS
KRFD
MOPS
MCAP
MPOS
MARR
MO
MNUC
MX
MASS
MG
MY
MU
ML
MR
MILITARY
MTCRE
MT
MEPP
MA
MDC
MP
MAR
MASSMNUC
MARAD
MAPP
MZ
MD
MI
MEETINGS
MK
MCC
MEPN
MRCRE
MAS
MIL
MASC
MC
MV
MTCR
MIK
MUCN
MEDIA
MERCOSUR
MW
MOPPS
MTS
MLS
MILI
MTRE
MEPI
MQADHAFI
MAPS
NO
NATO
NL
NP
NZ
NSF
NI
NH
NG
NAFTA
NU
NASA
NR
NATOPREL
NSSP
NSG
NA
NT
NW
NK
NPT
NPA
NATIONAL
NPG
NSFO
NS
NSC
NE
NGO
NDP
NIPP
NRR
NEW
NZUS
NC
NAR
NV
NORAD
OTRA
OPCW
OVIP
OAS
OREP
OPIC
OIIP
OPRC
ODIP
OEXC
OPDC
OSCE
OIC
OSCI
OECD
OFDP
OFDA
OMIG
OPAD
OFFICIALS
OVP
OIE
OHUM
OCS
OBSP
OTR
OSAC
ON
OCII
OES
PGOV
PREL
PHUM
PTER
PINS
PINR
PREF
PK
PROP
PA
PARM
PBTS
PMAR
PM
PGIV
PE
PRAM
PHUH
PHSA
PL
PNAT
PO
PLN
PAO
PSA
PHUMPGOV
PF
PEL
PBIO
POLITICS
PHUMBA
PAS
POL
PREO
PAHO
PMIL
POGOV
POV
PAK
PNR
PRL
PG
PREFA
PSI
PINL
PU
PARMS
PRGOV
PALESTINIAN
PAIGH
POLITICAL
PARTIES
POSTS
PROG
PORG
PTBS
PUNE
POLICY
PDOV
PCI
PGOVSMIGKCRMKWMNPHUMCVISKFRDCA
PBT
PP
PS
PY
PTERE
PGOF
PKFK
PSOE
PEPR
PPA
PINT
PRELP
PSEPC
PGOVE
PINF
PNG
PGOC
PFOR
PCUL
POLINT
PGGV
PHALANAGE
PARTY
PGOVLO
PHUS
PDEM
PECON
PROV
PHUMPREL
RS
RU
RELATIONS
RW
RO
RM
RP
ROOD
RICE
RUPREL
RSO
RCMP
REACTION
REPORT
REGION
RIGHTS
RF
RFE
RSP
RIGHTSPOLMIL
ROBERT
SU
SCUL
SNAR
SOCI
SF
SA
SHUM
SENV
SP
SR
SY
SANC
SC
SMIG
SZ
SARS
SW
SEVN
SO
SEN
SL
SNARCS
SNARN
SI
SG
SN
SH
SYR
SAARC
SPCE
SHI
SCRS
SENVKGHG
SYRIA
SWE
STEINBERG
SIPRS
ST
SNARIZ
SSA
SK
SPCVIS
SOFA
SIPDIS
SAN
TC
TI
TBIO
TH
TSPL
TRGY
TSPA
TPHY
TU
TW
TS
TAGS
TK
TX
TNGD
TZ
TF
TL
TV
TN
TD
TIP
TR
TP
TO
TT
TFIN
THPY
TERRORISM
TINT
TRSY
TURKEY
TBID
US
UK
UNGA
UP
UZ
UNMIK
USTR
UNO
UNSC
UN
UNESCO
UNAUS
UNHRC
UY
UG
UNHCR
UNCND
USOAS
USEU
UNICEF
UNEP
UV
UNPUOS
UNCSD
USUN
UNCHR
UNDC
USNC
UE
UNDP
UNC
USPS
USAID
UNVIE
UAE
UNFICYP
UNODC
UNCHS
UNIDROIT
UNDESCO
UNCHC
Browse by classification
Community resources
courage is contagious
Viewing cable 06MOSCOW3335,
If you are new to these pages, please read an introduction on the structure of a cable as well as how to discuss them with others. See also the FAQs
Understanding cables
Every cable message consists of three parts:
- The top box shows each cables unique reference number, when and by whom it originally was sent, and what its initial classification was.
- The middle box contains the header information that is associated with the cable. It includes information about the receiver(s) as well as a general subject.
- The bottom box presents the body of the cable. The opening can contain a more specific subject, references to other cables (browse by origin to find them) or additional comment. This is followed by the main contents of the cable: a summary, a collection of specific topics and a comment section.
Discussing cables
If you find meaningful or important information in a cable, please link directly to its unique reference number. Linking to a specific paragraph in the body of a cable is also possible by copying the appropriate link (to be found at theparagraph symbol). Please mark messages for social networking services like Twitter with the hash tags #cablegate and a hash containing the reference ID e.g. #06MOSCOW3335.
Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
06MOSCOW3335 | 2006-03-31 09:06 | 2011-02-03 00:00 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Moscow |
Appears in these articles: http://www.novgaz.ru/data/2011/001/16.html |
VZCZCXRO8344
RR RUEHDBU
DE RUEHMO #3335/01 0900906
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
R 310906Z MAR 06
FM AMEMBASSY MOSCOW
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 3312
INFO RUCNCIS/CIS COLLECTIVE
RUEHXD/MOSCOW POLITICAL COLLECTIVE
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 MOSCOW 003335
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/30/2016 TAGS: PGOV ECON PINR RS
REF: A. 05 MOSCOW 14734 B. MOSCOW 1082 C. MOSCOW 1434 D. 05 MOSCOW 15735 E. MOSCOW 3218 Classified By: Ambassador William J. Burns. Reasons: 1.4 (B/D).
¶1. (C) SUMMARY. In the months since President Putin's November 14 personnel reshuffle that moved Dmitriy Medvedev and Sergey Ivanov into succession spotlight, political discussion has centered on how that move is playing out. Most observers continue to accept Putin's word that he will step down at the end of his term. They are divided over whether Medvedev will ultimately benefit from having been assigned to oversee Putin's national priority projects. While Sergey Ivanov has taken some serious hits (on, e.g., military "hazing" excesses), he is fighting back, and most observers do not rule him out as a potential successor. Discussion also includes other possible contenders, with Dmitriy Kozak and Sergey Sobyanin appearing more frequently than previously. The general view is that all those considered even potential contenders face enough serious pitfalls to preclude confident predictions about who will ultimately grab the brass ring. Meanwhile, the Kremlin is working in overkill mode to neutralize any threats to its succession scenario, notably from Dmitriy Rogozin and Mikhail Kasyanov. The preoccupation with succession politics, and an attendant increase in infighting over politics and assets, leaves less Kremlin time and energy for policymaking. END SUMMARY.
¶2. (C) On November 14 Putin shook up the political scene with a major personnel reshuffle in the Presidential Administration (PA) and government (ref A). Over the past four months, that reshuffle has been the primary point of reference in discussions of the succession, as that issue increasingly dominates the domestic political scene. .
PUTIN, MEDVEDEV AND SERGEY IVANOV ---------------------------------
¶3. (C) Most observers continue to see the November reshuffle as confirming Putin's commitment to step down at the end of his current term. In a meeting with the Ambassador, Norilsk Nickel owner Vladimir Potanin said Putin remains determined to leave office in 2008. Ekho Moskvy radio station head Aleksey Venediktov shared that view, telling us Putin is increasingly tired of the presidency. Venediktov believes Putin's heavy focus on energy issues reflects a plan to transition to a lucrative position in the energy sector once he departs the Kremlin, leaving himself the option of running for president again in 2012. (Note. The Constitution bans more than two successive terms as President, but would not ban a non-consecutive third term. End Note) Other scenarios -- all equally speculative -- continue to circulate about Putin's post-presidency plans. No one is entirely sure Putin will step down, however, with Moscow Carnegie Center's Aleksey Arbatov, for instance, casting doubt on the reports that Putin is tired of his position and predicting that Putin will find a way to stay on.
¶4. (C) Dmitriy Medvedev was initially seen as the big winner in the November reshuffle. By moving him from PA chief to First Deputy Prime Minister and above all by placing him in charge of the national priority projects, Putin appeared motivated by a desire to give Medvedev a higher public profile and to increase his popularity as a way to lay the groundwork for presidential anointment. Over the last few months, Medvedev has sought to take advantage of the opportunity, seemingly trying to cast himself as a president-in-waiting. When PM Mikhail Fradkov has been away from Moscow, Medvedev has made a point of running the Cabinet and ensuring that the media covers his activities. A Center for Political Technologies (CPT) study noted that Medvedev has tried to adopt Putin's leadership style, brusquely giving orders to Cabinet members to demonstrate that he is in charge, although he has not always done so persuasively. With the trappings of office, including an honor guard, Medvedev attempted to "look presidential" when he recently welcomed visiting Energy Secretary Bodman to the Kremlin. (Olga Kryshtanovskaya, a sociologist specializing in elite politics, has recently written that Medvedev's televison appearances have left the impression of weakness and indecisiveness, while Sergey Ivanov has more successfully captured the "presidential" style that reminds viewers of Putin.) In meetings with the Ambassador, Medvedev has been very down-to-earth and focused on tangible progress on the national priority projects.
¶5. (C) Heading the national projects initiative offers MOSCOW 00003335 002 OF 004 Medvedev an opportunity to gain popularity, but it comes with pitfalls, as many observers are underscoring. Mastering the new bureaucracy emerging around the national projects, as well as dealing with the old one that is still addressing the four project areas, is a significant bureaucratic challenge,Qnd Medvedev has already publicly complained about unjustifiable delays. Potanin told the Ambassador that of the priority projects, only housing offers any real chance of demonstrating significant progress. Some think Medvedev was put in charge of the national projects to limit corruption. Particularly for that reason, a corruption scandal involving the projects would be a serious failure, even if Medvedev himself were not accused of wrongdoing. The National Strategy Council's Iosif Dyskin, an advisor to presidential contender Vladimir Yakunin, predicted to us that such scandals would emerge over the next few months, sullying Medvedev's reputation even though he would not be directly implicated in corruption.
¶6. (C) Meanwhile, Medvedev must deal with political infighting with potential rivals. Venediktov told us how ill feelings arose in the Kremlin when Medvedev decided that, by virtue of being First DPM, he should have almost as large a staff as Fradkov. Seeking to spite Medvedev and deny him slots for some trusted staffers, Fradkov pared down his own apparat, forcing Medvedev to lessen his demands, Venediktov related. Fradkov has also sought to hinder Medvedev by assigning him extraneous tasks that distract from his work on the national projects, such as insisting that Medvedev be put in charge of the campaign against avian flu, which offers little political gain if the disease doesn't spread -- but much room for blame in the event of a serious outbreak.
¶7. (C) In another example of infighting, reports surfaced that Boris Kovalchuk, the 28-year-old son of Putin insider Yuriy Kovalchuk, would be appointed to head the newly formed department in charge of the national projects. Federation Council member Vladimir Slutsker echoed to us the view of many observers that the decision to install a young and inexperienced person to head a key department was meant to undercut Medvedev. The older Kovalchuk was not necessarily opposed to Medvedev but simply wanted to have his son installed in an important -- and lucrative -- position, according to Slutsker, who said others encouraged the idea to damage Medvedev. Venediktov, by contrast, told us that though the appointment might not encourage efficiency, Medvedev consciously accepted it to court Putin insiders such as the older Kovalchuk.
¶8. (C) In sum, observers agree that Medvedev faces a tough road ahead, despite being given an early chance to succeed. Potanin told the Ambassador he thinks Medvedev will likely become PM, possibly even this year, but the presidential succession would not necessarily follow. Venediktov believes Medvedev remains the front runner, and that if he does well, Putin may call early Duma elections to test Medvedev's political skills.
¶9. (C) Although many thought he was advanced only into a "fall-back" position, Sergey Ivanov also gained from the November reshuffle, which made him a Deputy Prime Minister while he retained his position as Defense Minister. He has had some troubles since then, taking a public relations beating over a brutal hazing incident in Chelyabinsk (ref B) and sparring with the Military Prosecutor's Office. Venediktov told us that the extensive airing of the hazing story in the Russian media was clearly orchestrated by Ivanov's opponents. Observers believe Ivanov has fought back vigorously and effectively, and Putin recently broaden his control of the military-industrial complex, putting him in charge of the government commission that oversees that sector. Potanin told the Ambassador that Ivanov is smart and remains in contention. Our sense is that most other observers similarly do not rule him out. .
OTHER CONTENDERS ----------------
¶10. (C) Given broad agreement that Medvedev and Sergey Ivanov could well falter, observers are also watching other potential contenders. Of late we have heard renewed discussion about Southern Federal District Presidential Representative (PolPred) Dmitriy Kozak. That may have been precipitated by press rumors, which could have been planted by Kozak's supporters, that Putin is considering installing him as Justice Minister in the near future. Potanin told the Ambassador that Putin will bring Kozak back to Moscow before 2008, and he should not be counted out for the succession. Aleksandr Machevskiy, the well-connected assistant to Presidential Envoy to the EU Sergey Yastrzhembskiy, noted to us recently that the Kremlin saw Kozak as having done a good MOSCOW 00003335 003 OF 004 job in the North Caucasus under extremely difficult conditions, and he hinted that Kozak's succession prospects had improved as a result.
¶11. (C) We also have noted more talk recently about Sergey Sobyanin, the former Tyumen governor who was appointed to head the Presidential Administration (PA) in the November reshuffle, as a possible albeit still dark-horse contender. Although Venediktov downplayed Sobyanin's abilities in a conversation with the Ambassador last month (ref C), others have told us he is performing well and will soon begin to assert himself in the PA. Some of our reformist economic contacts express pleasant surprise with Sobyanin's willingness to consider tough structural reforms and support the national priority projects. Potanin told the Ambassador that Sobyanin, despite his low profile, was proving effective and warranted attention. Andrey Ryabov of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations told us Sobyanin was gaining strength in the PA and would soon begin to bring in officials from Siberia to take over mid-level PA slots currently dominated by St. Petersburgers.
¶12. (C) Sobyanin's impact on the byzantine politics and power balance inside the PA, and any resulting impact on the succession, remain unclear. According to Ryabov, Sobyanin's growing influence will soon pose a threat to PA deputy head Vladislav Surkov. Putin chose Sobyanin to bolster the influence of regional leaders, Ryabov continued, and thus to counter Surkov's Moscow-dominated approach. Slutsker also told us that Surkov's star is on the wane, with Putin increasingly disappointed in him. Indeed, by some accounts, the publication of Surkov's February speech to the United Russia party (ref E) was aimed at least in part to shore up his position.
¶13. (C) Russian Railroads CEO Vladimir Yakunin, a close friend of Putin, has kept an extremely low profile but continues to be seen by many observers as in the running. Dyskin, a close Yakunin advisor, told us Yakunin was keeping a low profile at present to avoid being attacked by opponents. At the same time, Yakunin was using his post at the railroads to build wide regional support and demonstrate managerial expertise. Dyskin suggested that Yakunin's camp was discreetly helping undercut potential rivals, including by helping to develop plans to set off a corruption scandal involving the national projects that would harm Medvedev.
¶14. (C) The candiates mentioned above do not necessarily exhaust the range of possibilities. Kryshtanovskya continues to predict that still other names (e.g., head of the government apparat Sergey Naryshkin) will be surfaced as the process moves forward. .
NEUTRALIZING THE OUTSIDE OPPOSITION -----------------------------------
¶15. (SBU) Even as the maneuvering among political insiders picks up steam, the Kremlin has made significant progress in recent months in neutralizing outsiders perceived as at least potential threats to secure Kremlin management of the succession process. Most recently, at a Rodina party congress on March 25, Dmitriy Rogozin stepped down as the party's top leader, being replaced by Aleksandr Babakov. Rogozin explained his move as a result of Kremlin-driven intrigues, a claim that virtually no observers doubt. By most accounts, Rogozin -- although a "Kremlin project" in 2003 to drain votes away from the Communist Party in Duma elections -- had become too popular and was trying to become independent of his original Kremlin sponsors. That precipitated the Rodina's removal from the ballot in the Moscow city elections and in seven of eight regional legislative elections on March 12, seen as a clear signal that the Kremlin would paralyze Rodina unless Rogozin stepped down. According to a CPT analysis, the Kremlin finds Babakov a more manageable figure, and will allow the party to continue functioning now that it no longer represents a serious political threat.
¶16. (C) At the same time, the Kremlin has been working on various fronts to counter the efforts of former PM Mikhail Kasyanov to mount a presidential bid. Most recently, it was by all accounts the Kremlin that engineered Kasyanov's failure to take over the Democratic Party of Russia (DPR), helping forestall the already remote chance that the democratic camp as a whole would fall in behind the former PM (ref D). Indeed, the democrats continue to show meager prospects of uniting behind anyone. That wound appears to be largely self-inflicted, with Yabloko and the Union of Right Forces (SPS) far from showing signs of unifying despite cooperation in the most recent round of regional elections. The Kremlin, or at least elements therein, may also be MOSCOW 00003335 004 OF 004 contributing to the continued disunity, with Ryabov speculating to us, for instance, that new DPR leader Andrey Bogdanov had been instructed by the Kremlin to promote a unification within the democratic camp but without any big names. .
COMMENT -------
¶17. (C) The succession process is now fully underway, albeit in an early stage. The current focus remains on the two figures seen to have gained from the November reshuffle, but the prospects of both remain highly uncertain. For that reason, other political figures are being discussed, and the list of perceived candidates is likely to change with some frequency. Although reforms and policy initiatives considered or proposed in the period ahead may have substance in their own right, all will be viewed primarily through the prism of the succession, and many decisions will be taken primarily with an eye to their anticipated impact (positive or negative) on contenders for succession. Security Council head Igor Ivanov may have captured the situation best in a side conversation with the Ambassador when he said the Kremlin's preoccupation with 2007-08 distracts it from pursuing policies on their own terms. While focusing on the impact of their actions on potential contenders in the succession, many of the players will also look to feather their own nests while they know they are in a position to do so. And, Ivanov stressed, the process is only beginning and will not get better in the period ahead. BURNS 2006-03-31