Home      Previous
Story      Next
Story     View
Comments      Post
a Comment      Send
This Page

Selma to Montgomery, 30 Years Later

AR Articles on Liberal
Myths

What Really
Happened? (Jan. 2003) (On Japanese relocation camps.)

How Legends are
Created (Apr. 1994) (On George Washington
Carver.)

The Truth
About Tuskegee (Feb. 3, 2004)

More
news stories on Liberal
Myths

Marian Evans, American Renaissance, May 1995

March, 1995 marked the 30th anniversary of the Selma-to-Montgomery
voting-rights march. The surviving leaders of the demonstration recently met to
commemorate what was one of the most effective efforts of the civil rights era.
The atmosphere was one of amity and self-congratulation, in which it was taken
for granted that the marchers and their purposes were noble and their opponents
were despicable racists. In an act of contrition, Joe Smitherman, who was mayor
of Selma 30 years ago, presented the keys to the city to a group of aging civil
rights leaders.

Rituals like this firmly establish the today’s view of who was right and who
was wrong. [N]And yet, does Mr. Smitherman, who saw the now-sanctified event as
it really unfolded, not harbor even fleeting reservations about the new America
that the civil rights movement created? Perhaps not. George Wallace, former
governor of Alabama, recently gave a framed photograph of himself to Rosa Parks,
who started the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955. He inscribed it “To a great
lady.”

The 1965 demonstrations in Selma and Montgomery were part of a massive
campaign to secure voting rights for blacks. In the states of the former
Confederacy, it had been only during Reconstruction that blacks had had more or
less uncontested voting rights. In Alabama, blacks were first given the vote
under a state constitution written in 1867 by Northerners and forced upon the
state by the U.S. Congress.

A new constitution, written in 1901, eliminated most blacks from politics, by
limiting suffrage to people who could read and understand the U.S. Constitution,
and who had been employed during the previous year or who had paid property
taxes. The new constitution also required separate schools for black and white
children. Since that time, as in most of the South, the vigor with which
suffrage restrictions were applied to blacks varied from region to region.

Many journalists
were disgusted by what they saw and complained that candid accounts
were edited.

In 1965, black civil rights
leaders seemed to be winning every battle they fought. The Supreme Court
outlawed school segregation in 1954, and the “sit-in” movement, begun in 1960,
successfully integrated many Southern lunch counters, restaurants, hotels and
churches. President Eisenhower used federal troops forcibly to integrate public
schools in Little Rock, Arkansas, and in 1962 President Johnson used them to
overwhelm resistance to integration at the University of Mississippi. The
movement’s greatest success, however, had been the passage of the Civil Rights
Act of 1964, which prohibited discrimination in employment and public
accommodation.

The national press was warmly sympathetic to black demonstrators and their
white supporters. The movement basked in an aura of great moral superiority, and
the obvious next step for what seemed to be an unstoppable juggernaut was to
secure unrestricted voting rights for Southern blacks.

Martin Luther King, who led this stage of the movement, was by then world
famous. Having come to prominence only ten years earlier during the Montgomery
bus boycott, he was now a winner of the Nobel Peace Prize and a frequent guest
at the White House. He chose Dallas County, Alabama as the target for
demonstrations because it had been particularly inhospitable to black voters.
Although there were more blacks than whites of voting age in the county, 28
white voters were registered for every black. Selma, 50 miles from Montgomery,
was the county seat.

A Board of Registrars examined prospective voters, black and white. It had a
small office in the Selma courthouse and could handle no more than 50 applicants
a day. On January 18th, 1965, King and his close assistant, Ralph Abernathy, led
six or seven hundred people to the courthouse and demanded that they be
registered. There was already a line of ordinary applicants, and the group was
turned away. The demonstrators marched back to their headquarters at Brown’s
Chapel Church, and held a press conference, claiming – correctly – that blacks
had been denied registration. Overlooked were the facts that blacks had been
among those waiting to be tested and that in the days before the demonstration a
number of blacks had been duly registered.

Similar nationally-reported exercises took place throughout the months of
January and February. King was constantly in and out of town, flying around the
country raising money and giving press conferences. He returned to give speeches
and lead marches. Meanwhile, more and more northern whites trickled into town.

At the time, Selma had a population of 29,000 people, of whom 15,000 were
black. It took only a small crowd to paralyze the town, and at the height of the
demonstrations approximately 11,000 outsiders were swarming the streets. Selma’s
mayor, Joe Smitherman, complained that for three months he spent three quarters
of his time dealing with out-of-town demonstrators. Selma police were swamped
with complaints of thievery, and townspeople were soon heartily sick of the
visitors, many of whom were drunk and left garbage wherever they went.

Some Northerners came just to have a good time. Many were “beatniks,” who
drifted across the country from one demonstration to another. They had no money for hotels which were, in any case,
commandeered by the hundreds of journalists covering the demonstrations. Many
whites of both sexes found accommodation in black churches and in the George
Washington Carver Homes, the black housing project.

Intimate mixing of the races in this fashion was unheard of in the rural
South, but even more shocking to the people of Selma was the public sexual
behavior of the demonstrators. If the accounts of what can only be described as
public debauchery were not given in sworn affidavits by citizens, state
troopers, and national guardsmen, they would be difficult to believe (see
following story). Residents of Selma could be forgiven for beginning to wonder
whether the demonstrations were as much about public interracial copulation as
they were about voting rights. Many of the journalists were disgusted by what
they saw, and complained that candid accounts of the demonstrators’ behavior
were edited out of the stories they filed.

Language as well as behavior was edited. On one occasion, James Forman,
secretary of the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), spoke at the
Beulah Baptist Church in Montgomery. Addressing a mixed-race group that included
many ministers, nuns, and church women, he said: “If the Negro isn’t given his
place at the table of democracy … it’s time for us to knock the f***ing legs off
the table.” Some of the ministers expressed surprise at this language, but
Forman offered no apology.

A few minutes later, Ralph Abernathy tried to smooth things over by saying,
“I’m sure that God will forgive him, that the television crews will delete it
from their films, and newspapermen will not print it.” A beatnik came to
Forman’s defense: “What’s wrong with ‘f**k’,” he asked; “It’s a good old
American word, and expressive.”

There were demonstrations in Montgomery during this period as well. On March
10, at about 8:00 p.m., approximately 100 people were being harangued on a
well-lit street a short distance from the state capitol. One of the black
leaders of the group then said in a loud voice, “Everyone stand and relieve
yourselves.” Practically the entire crowd, male and female, young and old, black
and white, did as they were told, as rivulets ran almost to the next block. Two
blacks were arrested for, according to a bystander, “particularly lewd and
offensive exposure of their private parts.”

Adding to public revulsion for the demonstrators was the sight of men and
women in religious garb drunk in public and fondling each other. The civil
rights movement had always draped itself in religion, and King made a point of
giving ministers and priests very visible roles. The presence of clerics was so
useful that some of the demonstrators dressed as priests or nuns appear to have
been impostors.

This may have been the case during a small demonstration in Montgomery on
March 16th. A group of 34 men, most dressed as priests, arrived at the capitol
late in the evening and insisted on praying on the capitol steps. Finally, at
3:00 a.m. the police let them say the Lord’s Prayer on the bottom step. As they
broke up to leave, two photographers came running across the street. One of the
men dressed as a priest said to one, “You stupid son-of-a-bitch, after all this
time here, you didn’t get a picture of us saying a prayer on the bottom step.”
An Alabama state policeman said that many of the “priests” swore like sailors
and that he doubted more than half were authentic.

It may have been the disgraceful behavior of false clerics that prompted one
of the three killings associated with the Selma demonstrations. On March 8th, a
white Unitarian minister from Boston, James Reeb, was brutally clubbed to the
ground as he left a restaurant, and died two days later. The night before Reeb
died, the demonstration leaders held an all-night, out-door vigil to pray for
his recovery. Disgusted journalists noted that a number of young couples at the
rear of the crowd fornicated during the services.

About this time, Jimmie Lee Jackson, a black civil rights
leader, was shot and wounded in an altercation with police. Activists swept him
away, medical treatment was delayed, and the man died. The Chief Deputy Sheriff
of Dallas County thought the delay was deliberate. “I believe they wanted him to
die,” he said; “They wanted to make a martyr out of him … .”

The day after Rev. Reeb was clubbed, Selma demonstrators defied a court order
and set out to march the 50 miles to Montgomery. As they crossed the Edmund
Pettus bridge leading out of town, they were met by a line of state troopers
standing shoulder to shoulder. “This march will not continue … .” boomed the
public address system, but there was deadlock for 15 to 20 minutes, while King
and his associates knelt to pray, and police pleaded with the demonstrators to
go home. When officers finally moved forward with night sticks held horizontally
and tried to push the demonstrators back, the resulting mayhem ended in clouds
of tear gas. Eighteen officers were injured by flying rocks and bottles.

According to press accounts, the police had “whipped and clubbed” unoffending
demonstrators, and television pictures showed crowds of fleeing blacks choking
on tear gas. Reeb died the day after the confrontation at the bridge. These two
events were a tremendous propaganda advantage for King, and they brought
thousands more demonstrators to Selma from the North.

A few days later, President Lyndon Johnson went before Congress and evoked
Reeb’s name in a strong call for legislation to ensure voting rights for blacks.
He also ordered mobilization of the Alabama national guard to protect a second
attempt at a Selma-to-Montgomery march, this one newly sanctioned by a federal
judge.

Thus began, on March 21, 1965, the now-famous march. King, Abernathy, and
U.N. Undersecretary Ralph Bunche – also a Nobel Peace Prize winner – took the
lead down Selma’s Sylvan Street. On the way to the Pettus Bridge, the crowd
marched past a record store, where an outside speaker alternately blared “Dixie”
and “Bye, Bye, Blackbird.” At the head of the procession a mixed group of young
men carried the U.S. flag upside down – the sign of distress. Many demonstrators
wore “GROW” buttons, which stood for “Get rid of Wallace.” Nearly two thousand
Alabama National Guardsmen, 100 FBI agents, 75 federal marshals, and dozens of
state and county police officers guarded the marchers.

Just outside Selma, the Citizens Council of America, an anti-integration
group, had set up posters showing King sitting next to known Communist leaders
at the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee. The caption read, “Martin Luther
King at Communist Training School.”

History books call this a “massive” demonstration and, indeed, some 11,000
people set off on the first leg of the journey. However, the highway to
Montgomery narrowed to two lanes shortly after leaving Selma, and permission was
granted for only 300 marchers on all but a few miles of roadway. Most of the
crowd therefore streamed back to Selma.

Although it is impossible to know even their approximate numbers, some of the
demonstrators were shills. A few openly boasted that they were in Selma because
they had been offered food, money, and sex. Dora Brown’s unusual financial
arrangements came to light when the checks stopped coming. In a sworn affidavit
she testified as follows:

“I was at Brown’s Chapel Church with the movement along with a
blind man and a one-legged man who were both white people. I am one-armed and
we were told at the time that we were the ones they needed worst, since we
were handicapped it would help the movement. We were told that if we would
make the march from Selma to Montgomery we would be paid $100.00 per month
plus food and clothes… . James Gildersleeve would pay us.”

“I have received three checks from Gildersleeve for $100.00 each but now he
has quit paying me.”

According to
press accounts, the police had “whipped and clubbed” unoffending
demonstrators.

Gildersleeve was not to blame.
Rev. Frederick Reese, president of the Dallas County Voters League, was arrested
after other blacks accused him of stealing thousands of dollars in movement
funds.

Miss Brown’s unhappy testimony continues: “Gildersleeve told me that he
couldn’t pay me since Frederick Reese had gotten all the money. Gildersleeve
gave me one pound of lard, some greens, a watermelon and $1.00 in money. He said
that is all he could give.”

It is not recorded whether Miss Brown or the one-legged white man were among
the select 300 who spent four nights on the road to Montgomery. It is known that
the evenings were characterized by the now-usual drunkenness and fornication. On
at least one occasion, police officers prevented newspapermen from photographing
the revelry. And even among this inner circle, there were frequent complaints
about stolen clothes and missing bed rolls.

Most of the marchers slept in the open except for King, who set up
housekeeping in a trailer that was moved from camp to camp. There are no reports
on how he spent his evenings, but his inclinations are now well known. His
companion, Ralph Abernathy, was not a model cleric, either. In 1958, a Mr. Davis
was arrested for threatening Abernathy with a hatchet because Abernathy kept
trying to have sex with Mrs. Davis. She testified in her husband’s defense that
Abernathy had first seduced her when she was a 15-year-old member of his
congregation.

As the march went on, the press continued its adulatory, front-page coverage.
All around the country, supporters held sympathy marches and worship services.

The night before the last leg of the trek, more than 30,000 people gathered
in a field a few miles outside of Montgomery for a free concert. Harry
Belafonte, Nina Simone, Sammy Davis, Jr., Billy Eckstein, Mahalia Jackson, the
Chad Mitchell Trio, and Frankie Laine serenaded the crowd until nearly one in
the morning.

On March 25, the 30,000 were joined by another 5,000 as King and Abernathy
led the march into Montgomery, up to the steps of the state capitol. The city
was festooned with Confederate flags, one of which fluttered along with the
state flag over the capitol building. It was widely – and falsely – reported
that not a single United States flag flew in Montgomery that day. The Stars and
Stripes waved, as it always did, from a tall flag pole on the capitol grounds.

The leaders of the march asked to see Governor George Wallace, so they could
present him with a list of grievances. He refused to meet them. The rest of the
day was filled with speeches by Hosea Williams, Roy Wilkins, James Forman, Ralph
Bunche and other black leaders. Joan Baez and Peter Paul and Mary were among
those who entertained the crowd, which finally broke up around four p.m. The
march was over. It took until midnight for sanitation crews to clean up the
mountains of trash demonstrators had left behind.

Late that evening, a third killing took place when a white civil rights
worker name Viola Liuzzo was shot to death as she was driving between Selma and
Montgomery. Both the press and President Johnson were outraged, although
accounts of the killing were often incomplete (see story, page 7).

Given the sanitized view of the demonstrations that had been broadcast to the
world, Alabama congressman William L. Dickinson undoubtedly met much skepticism
on March 30 when he tried to convey a different picture to his colleagues on the
floor of Congress:

“Drunkenness and sex orgies were the order of the day in Selma, on
the road to Montgomery. There were many – not just a few – instances of sexual
intercourse in public between Negro and white. News reporters saw this – law
enforcement officials saw this … .

“Has anyone stopped to ask what sort of people can leave home, family and
job – if they have one – and live indefinitely in a foreign place
demonstrating? This is no religious group of sympathizers trying to help the
Negro out of a sense of right and morality – this is a bunch of godless
riffraff out for kicks and self-gratification that have left every campsite
between Selma and Montgomery littered with whiskey bottles, beer cans, and
used contraceptives.”

The nation was profoundly uninterested. In fact, the Selma-to-Montgomery
march was probably one of the most effective events in the entire civil rights
movement. Unlike the “March on Washington” in 1963, in which 200,000 people took
part and where King gave his “I Have a Dream” speech, the agitation in Selma and
Montgomery led directly to national legislation. The nation was riveted to the
march, and President Johnson constantly referred to it in his push for a voting
rights bill. The killings of James Reeb and Viola Liuzzo were also a great
stimulus to lawmakers.

The legislation passed and was signed into law in August, 1965. In what would
appear to be a direct abrogation of the reserved powers specified in the Tenth
Amendment, it prohibited all state tests of voter literacy and education. It
even authorized federal elections examiners to register voters who had been
rejected by state authorities, and to patrol the polls to see that such people
voted. The law affected states outside the South, notably New York, which had
required that voters be literate in English. New York promptly sued on Tenth
Amendment grounds, but the Supreme Court ruled in 1966 against the literacy
provisions – to great rejoicing among the state’s Puerto Ricans.

With a total of three deaths, the march was one of the most sanguinary
episodes in the civil rights period. However, very few demonstrators were
harrassed or assaulted. In retrospect, it is surprising that there was not more
violence.

As invariably happens in racial matters, a group of whites with little
experience of blacks saw fit to give instruction on race relations to people
with a great deal of experience. Northerners invaded the South, a deeply
conservative society, demanding that Southerners change their way of life. To
add insult to arrogance, Northerners then proceeded publicly to violate some of
the most deeply felt norms of privacy and decency. The self-control – even
passivity – of the citizens of Selma and Montgomery is as astonishing as the
degeneracy of the demonstrators. Perhaps even Mayor Smitherman, desperately
trying to run a city overrun with disorderly demonstrators, harbored thoughts of
homicide.

Now, 30 years later, Selma is a sacred name, one of the stations of the cross
on the road to integration and racial equality.

Degeneracy on the
March

The following excerpts are from sworn affidavits made by witnesses to the
events in Selma and Montgomery in March, 1965.

V.B. Bates, Deputy Sheriff of Dallas County: “To begin with, I saw
white females in from other counties, other states I believe, building up their
sexual desires with Negro males. After a few minutes of necking and kissing, the
Negro male would lead them off into the Negro housing project. I watched this
procedure many times.”

Black man, name withheld: “[M]en and women used this room [in the
Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee headquarters] for sex freely and
openly and without interference. On one occasion I saw James Forman, executive
director of SNCC, and a red-haired white girl whose name is Rachel, on one of
the cots together. They engaged in sexual intercourse, as well as an abnormal
sex act … . Forman and the girl, Rachel, made no effort to hide their actions.”

“During this same period, March 8, 9 and 10, a large number of young
demonstrators of both races and sexes occupied the Jackson Street Baptist Church
for approximately forty-eight hours… . On one occasion, I saw a Negro boy and a
white girl engaged in sexual intercourse on the floor of the church. At this
time, the church was packed and the couple did nothing to hide their actions.
While they were engaged in this act of sexual intercourse, other boys and girls
stood around and watched, laughing and joking.”

Corporal H.M. Brown, Alabama State Troopers: “I observed on many
occasions the so called men of the cloth, who were white, fondling the breasts
and buttocks of black female demonstrators. On numerous occasions, I saw couples
of the opposite sex and color leaving the crowd, fondling each other and going
into the houses and alleys along Sylvan Street.

“Since 1961, I have observed mobs and demonstrations, but the crowd of
demonstrators in Selma, Alabama, was the lowest scum of the earth. This
gathering of demonstrators in Selma included the largest crowd of sex
degenerates that I have ever observed in one place in my life. They had no
morals or scruples and did not appear to care who saw them during their orgies.”

Captain Lionel Freeman, Alabama State Troopers: “One Negro who was
standing beside a priest and both standing about three feet from a line of
troopers, made several attempts to provoke a trooper into hitting him. The Negro
waved three dollar bills in the trooper’s face and then dropped them, saying
‘Why don’t you pick them up, I know you need it.’ … . The Negro then said, ‘I’ll
sleep with a white woman tonight.’ The priest seemed to think this was real
funny.”

“[S]everal newspapermen who were allowed to go to the rear of the
demonstration came back up to the front and told us they observed white and
Negro couples in the act of sexual relations. They told us that they had sent
the story and pictures home to their papers. One told me that the only thing he
recognized about his story when it was printed was his name.”

Lieutenant J.L. Fuqua, Alabama State Troopers: “I also saw Negro men
feel the breasts and butts of white girls, making no attempt to hide this, but
rather appearing like they wanted everyone to see them.”

Charles R. McMillan, Selma policeman: “Both Negroes and white
demonstrators were bedding down side by side. A young teenage Negro boy and girl
were engaged in a sexual intercourse [sic] that was interrupted by a newsman who
attempted to take a picture of the act.”

Selma citizen: “I, Marion J. Bass, did, on the night of the 23rd of March,
1965, see at the camp site of the Selma to Montgomery march, a young white girl
and a colored man having sex relations. They were on the ground out in the open
and did not try in any way to hide as I walked within six or eight feet of them.

“There were many colored girls and white boys laying in the same sleeping
bags. I also saw a white girl about 17 years old and four colored boys get into
the back of a truck and close the doors… . They were in the truck about 45
minutes and when they opened the door to get out, the girl was dressing.”

Lieutenant R.E. Etheridge, Alabama State Troopers: “The action and
movement of the two wrapped in the quilt left no doubt whatever that they were
having sexual intercourse. They were within 30 feet of the main body of
demonstrators, and in plain view of them. They remained on the ground for about
20 minutes, got up and went toward Brown’s Chapel Church.”

“On the morning of March 14th, at about 11:00 a.m. I saw a white preacher
with a Negro girl in the back seat of an automobile. He had her breasts out of
her blouse and was handling them.”

“I observed white ministers on at least three occasions who were in what
appeared to be a very intoxicated condition.”

First Lieutenant Samuel Carr, Alabama National Guard: “I hereby
further swear and attest that during such time of duty with my National Guard
unit, I personally saw one case of sexual intercourse between a young white boy
and Negro girl. I further swear and attest that I saw occasions of public
urination … .”

Cecil Atkinson, resident of Prattville, Alabama: “Between Selma and
the first stop, I observed both men and women relieving themselves in
public, all together and making no attempt to conceal themselves
at all.”

“At one point I observed a young beatnik-type man with his collar turned
around to resemble a priest. He told me that it was ‘the way to get along.’
Another told me that he had been offered $15 a day, three meals a day, and all
the sex he could handle if he would come down and join in the demonstration from
up North.”

Mrs. Nettie Adams, resident of Montgomery: “There were white and Negro
people all over the Ripley Street side of St. Margaret’s Hospital [in Montgomery
on March 15] … . They were all kissing and hugging. This one particular couple
on St. Margaret’s lawn was engaged in sexual relations – a white woman (skinny
blond) and a Negro man. After they were through, she wiggled out from beneath
him and over to the man lying to the left of them on the lawn and started
kissing and caressing his face.”

(Posted on April 1, 2005)

Top      Home      Previous
story      Next
Story      Post
a Comment     Send
This Page      Search

Comments

We have been lied to by the media to the point where it has cost us our
country. Our home. What other unknown truths are out there? If the whites could
have only known the truth perhaps this multicultural nightmare never would have
emerged.

Posted by Brad at 5:30 PM on April 1

The joys of diversity and multiculturalism.

The sole purpose of the Civil Rights movement was and is access to white
women. The only purpose.

Posted by A
White Activist at 5:39 PM on April 1

After reading this in its entirety, if nothing else, White Alabamans are the
most tolerant and/or broad minded and/or the most long suffering people in
America–to put up with such behavior and not go berserk/crazy!

Posted by Sissy White at 6:43 PM on April 1

When you look back at it, when you see past the media-constructed images, the
civil rights movement is no more than a scheme to take wealth and power from
those who created it and give it to those who couldn't.

Posted by 20k at 9:38 PM on April 1

At the time of the march I was involved in preparing financial data for an
Alabama state agency on hospitals. The emergency rooms of hospitals along the
march route were routinely filled with victims of drug overdoses, alcohol abuses
and primarily young white woman suffering from abrasions, bleeding and other
genetalia problems resulting from voluntary or involuntary sexual relations with
numerous partners.

Posted by Gail at 8:52 AM on April 2

Details about these events have been trickling out for four decades. ONE -
count it- ONE text I've come across in 33 years of teaching and taking history
classes has alluded to the debauchery down there.

I always thought Southerners were smarter than to be involved in all of the
slime that went south in the 60's. Perhaps much of this was instigated by
do-gooder White Northern libs and predator black males.

Has anything changed along these lines since 1965? I don't think so.

Posted by RReagan at 9:04 AM on April 2

Much as I'd love to believe anything bad about the leaders of civil rights
movement, that article was not convincing. My experience of cops is that they
will lie about everything and anything. I'd be more impressed with contemporary
copies of the "candid accounts" that journalists said were censored.

Posted by S at 10:18 AM on April 2

This piece of history reveals two things.

-The first is the basic purpose of blacks in the Liberal's view : sex toys,
bordello artists, brainless flesh. There is nothing new under the sun. I wonder
who sould be called racists.

-The second is the justice of Nature towards the peaceful citizens of Alabama
: the outbreak of HIV and AIDS fifteen years later. Given their way of life,
most "protestors" are certainly in a grave or seeking a monthly sack of
antiretroviral pills now.

Live fast and die slim ...

Posted by Sad
Frog at 2:52 PM on April 2

In 1962 JFK was president and Gregory Peck won the Oscar for showing
Americans how Southern whites behave badly towards blacks. What were we right
thinking Northern whites to do? Our government, our newspapers, TV, and movie
stars all lied to us, depicting blacks as the down trodden victims

We Northern ethnics did not attack blacks, unlike the media fictional
Southern whites did. But we most assuredly wanted nothing to do with them. Yet
here we are forty years later living cheek by jowl with them. One thing has
always puzzled me: how did this uninviting race of people, viewed by the host
population as a cross between a porcupine and a skunk, come to dwell among
us?

The black infestation of our America reminds me of the Black Death. The
plague killed one-third the population of Europe and came in 1347 from the town
of Caffa, a Crimean port on the Black Sea (now called Feodosia in the Ukraine).
The Muslim Tartars laid siege to the fortified Christian City. Plague struck the
Tartars’ army so in one of the most effective uses of germ warfare they
catapulted the infected corpses over the walls into Caffa. This spread the
plague to the townspeople, and they fled the city bringing the Black Death to
Europe.

This is pretty much the story of America’s racial difficulty. The highly
intelligent, wealthy and well-organized elite group lays siege to the White
Christian culture. They attack and destroy neighborhoods, cities and
institutions by flinging the unwanted and unassimilable blacks unto the
unsuspecting and tranquil populace. The host population current woes are
worsened by adding to the plague a new toxin called diversity
immigration.

Posted by P
Noctura at 4:10 PM on April 2

We have something similiar happen in New Orleans every year- it's called the
Bayou Classic.

Probably not as many white people show up to these types of things anymore.
They'd be shot. The whites who are into miscegenation are not as frequent since
(as this article shows) their historical predecessors have removed their
bloodline long ago.

Posted by Garbage Can Man at 1:48 AM on April
3

Actually, the civil rights movement of the sixties is responsible for
educating the average northerner about the realities of integration. Our cities
in the north were hard hit by the after-effects of the Johnson legislation. If
you compare northern cities of the fifties like Cleveland, Detroit, Philadelphia
and New York to their counterparts of twenty years later, it was a real shock.
We northerners received almost instant retribution for our evil deeds...and
we're still paying. Whereas relations between blacks and whites are relatively
good in most of the rural south, they are poisonous in northern cities. And that
speaks volumes.

Posted by Xenophon at 12:58 PM on April 3

Too White Activist:

You said it brother, primal, but true. I call it the "King Kong" theory.

Posted by Rudy at
6:21 PM on April 3

A big goal of the black power revolution was to foster sex between black men
and white women. It is very appropriate that such goings on as those described
in the article took place.

A great many white women deliberately and maliciously make themselves the
sexual property of black males. This has been going on for a long time but is
more widespread today than in previous times. The irony of this black-white
interracial “love” is that most of it is not love at all and could easily be
termed “hate sex” when its motives are examined. The elites and the white
liberal dupes celebrate white self-hatred and self-destruction as “progress”.
Meanwhile, many exasperated white men are looking for love elsewhere since a
great many of “our” white women hate us as much as blacks hate us. We need to
educate our children (especially daughters) on these matters so they will not
wind up fixated on hating white men and searching out non-white men for sex. If
you think that is a joke then you have not been paying attention to what is
going on in the world or you must live somewhere when this sort of thing has not
taken as firm a hold yet. It’s been a very successful programming job and will
be more successful in the future until people like us, step up to the plate, en
masse.

The great thing about peacefully driving the stake into the heart of the
propagandists is the exposure that they will necessarily receive as a result. I
think they are a lot more scared of exposure then they are of any “Turner
Diaries” scenario. And they should be because while the “Turner Diaries” is not
going to happen, the exposure scenario is inevitable unless we allow our first
amendment rights to be taken away from us in the name of “tolerance” or
whatever. If we remain sheep-like then we will be sheep on our way to the
slaughterhouse.

Posted by Tim at 8:48 PM on April 3

Those white women who want mulatto chidren from multiple black partners are
cordially invited to do whatever they want.

Posted by Michael C. Scott at 11:26 PM on April
3

Whenever I see a white with a mulatto child I try to view it as gene pool
cleansing-genes from individuals with no white racial consciousness moving out
of our group into the colored group. Eventually the only ones left in our group
will be those with a strong sense of race. Oh, and has anybody else noticed how
many mixed-race couples want "pure-bred pets"? I know of several Asian-White
couples and White-Black couples who each have expensive pure-bred dogs. A white
guy with his black wife and his mulatto children emphasized over and over to me
that his dog was pure-bred and that he had mated her with a pure-bred male.
There's logic. This guy didn't care if his kids were pure-bred, but he was
really worried about his canine's pedigree. Yes, as I said, it's good to move
those genes into another pool.

Posted by at 10:10 PM on April 4

Top      Home      Previous
story      Next
Story     Send
This Page      Search

Post a Comment

Commenting guidelines: We welcome comments
that add information or perspective, and we encourage debate. Statements
of fact and well-considered opinion are welcome, but we will not post
comments that include obscenities or insults, whether of groups or
individuals. We reserve the right to hold our critics to lower
standards.

Name:

Email Address:

Remember Me? Yes No

Comments: (you may use HTML tags for
style)