A circular letter to the several petitioning counties, cities, and towns, addressed to their respective general meetings, against the late proposition for a triennial election of representatives. By Granville Sharp

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To the Gentlemen, Clergy, Freeholders, and other Inhabitants, of the

GENTLEMEN,

THE last general meeting of the County of York having adopted a proposition ‘ to shorten the duration of parliament to a term not exceeding three years, ’ the worthy gentlemen of your own committee may probably have been induced, by the laudable desire of preserving unanimity with that respectable county, to recommend the same proposition for your adoption. Be pleased, therefore, previously to consider, whether it is probable that a majority of the freeholders, &c. of the Yorkshire meeting did really mean to prefer triennial elections to the ancient legal usage and constitution of annual parliaments, or whether they may not rather have been induced to postpone the open declaration of their loyal attachment to that ancient law for frequent parliaments, (viz. every year once, and more often if need be,) merely through a desire to preserve the unanimity of their own meeting, by yielding a little, for the present, to the prejudices of a few particular gentlemen among them, (persons, indeed, of great worth and esteem, in many respects, and whose sentiments in general deserve the utmost attention and regard, but) who unhappily, in this point, are apt to conceive, that annual elections, and ‘ more often if need be, ’ would be attended with some inconveniences to themselves.

You have undoubtedly, in your own county, also, several worthy gentlemen of fortune, to whom great respect is due from the people, on account of their known independence, and steady opposition to bad measures in general, who nevertheless, perhaps, may entertain the same erroneous conceptions of frequent elections; and therefore you can, by your own feelings, (I mean your respect and esteem for such worthy men,) more easily judge of the effect which the same kind of laudable influence must necessarily have caused in the Yorkshire meeting; which is the best reason, I believe, that can be assigned for their having adopted that unconstitutional measure.

You are therefore most earnestly requested to consider the following plain propositions.

I. That, though great deference and respect be certainly due to such worthy and independent gentlemen as I have described, yet your condescension to them ought to have some due limitation.

II. That the bounds of the ancient parliamentary constitution of the kingdom ought surely to mark out the utmost extent of your compliance with the worthy part of the aristocratical interest.

III. That if, on the contrary, your endeavours to preserve UNANIMITY should carry you beyond these legal bounds, you will really injure those very gentlemen whom you wish to oblige, as well as the whole aristocratical interest (the crown, the lords, the country gentlemen in general); because there is but one true common interest, which the fundamental laws of the constitution alone can preserve. Consider also,

IV. That unanimity is as baneful in a bad measure as it is salutary in a good one: and,

V. That, if any compliance in proceedings is to be made at all ‘ for the sake of unanimity, ’ it ought certainly to be made where a compliance is most due; viz. to the constitutional resolutions of a select body of intelligent gentlemen, deputed to a national conference, by freely-elected committees from a very considerable proportion of the counties and most populous cities and towns in England;—to resolutions, which were unanimously agreed upon by the said deputies; and, therefore, "a compliance, for the sake of unanimity," was most justly due to them; and, the more especially, as it appears that they formed their conclusions by the fundamental laws and usages of the constitution. ‖ The striking, similarity also of this deputation, in many respects, to an ancient example of a national deputation from all the counties, cited, on this occasion, by lord Carysfort,[*] from Hoveden, adds great weight to the resolutions in question, as well as to the importance of that unanimity with which they were formed.

VI. That the members of the late deputation have unanimously declared, in their memorial, that ‘ annual parliaments are the ancient constitution of this kingdom, and the birthright of Englishmen; ’ and, in the three last paragraphs of their memorial, which are highly worthy your most careful attention, have not only proved that the old laws, requiring ‘a parliament to be holden every year once, and more often if need be,’ meant a new parliament every year, &c. (by the instances of writs issued ‘two or three times in the same year, for new elections,’) but they also prove, from the experience of former ages, that these very frequent elections were not attended with any such inconveniences, as the advocates for long parliaments commonly pretend, but, on the contrary, recommend them, "as consistent with the greatest peace," &c.—[*] And, therefore, you are desired to consider,

VII. That the Yorkshire proposition for shortening ‘the duration of parliaments to a term, not exceeding three years,’ is totally different from the shortening of duration, explained and recommended by the said deputies, as ‘the ancient constitution of the kingdom, and the birthright of Englishmen;’ and, what is worse, has been adopted without the least mention of that birthright in any saving clause, to assert and preserve your just claim to it for a future time: whereby it is manifest, that the promoters of this triennial scheme have really been the first offenders against that desirable unanimity, which the conference of deputies was intended to effect; and, therefore, the cry of "necessary unanimity," by which alone that unconstitutional proposition is at present recommended, deserves not the least attention. What! would you be unanimous against the ancient legal parliamentary constitution of the kingdom, which the triennial scheme is manifestly calculated to supplant? You ought never to forget,

VIII. That the people have already been betrayed by a triennial parliament! That the representatives of the people, in a triennial parliament, usurped the legislative authority of their constituents for a longer time than it was delegated; and treacherously presumed, ‘without consulting their countries,’ to prolong the duration of parliaments to the present unreasonable term of seven years; whereby by they established the basis of that detestable system of corruption which has been the true source of all your present grievances! And, therefore, be pleased to consider, —

IX. That triennial parliaments, as well as septennial, are manifestly dangerous to the state, and so grossly inconsistent with the ancient legal parliamentary constitution of this kingdom, that the most essential laws and usages, by which that constitution is declared and known, are really suspended by them. You cannot, therefore, without notorious disloyalty, (in the strictest sense of the word,) adopt the proposition for triennial parliaments: so that you have a most ample excuse for not concurring with a few particular gentlemen, (whom you would otherwise wish to oblige,) viz. that your compliance with them, in this matter would exceed the constitutional bounds of condescension, (mentioned in the three first propositions,) and would really tend to subvert the people's just right to more frequent elections. — Because it is manifest, —

X. That the concession of a popular right, made by the people themselves in their collective capacity, at their several county-meetings, is infinitely more binding upon them (to exclude any future claim to the ceded right) than the same concession would be, if made merely by their representatives in parliament, without the instruction or concurrence of the people. And, therefore, you ought to be particularly thankful, —

XI. That the people themselves, the great body of constituents, have never yet, by any such concession, betrayed that valuable birthright, (as the deputies call it,) the ancient law for annual parliaments. It has too often been suspended indeed; sometimes through the disloyalty of kings, and lastly even by the disloyalty of parliament itself, (of which the tyrannical triennial and septennial acts are lamentable instances); yet, as the suspension of it has never been promoted by the requisition or instruction of the people at large, their right to it remains intire. The presumption and treachery of their representatives, in consenting to the triennial and septennial acts, cannot injure their just title to it; because, in both these instances, the representatives presumed to act contrary to an established rule of parliament, by adopting a new device, (which even affected a fundamental law of the kingdom,) ‘without consulting their countries,’ which the constitution absolutely requires in such an important case; so that even that unwarrantable presumption of the representatives (in neglecting to consult the people) is the very circumstance which still preserves that fundamental and essential law as a part of the constitution, and as a just right of the people, which they are entitled to demand and resume whenever they shall be pleased to instruct their representatives for that purpose; and to charge all persons with disloyalty, and even treason to the constitution, who shall dare to oppose them! But if, on the contrary, the people themselves, in their several county-courts, or assemblies, should be so inconsiderate, or so depraved, as to consent indiscriminately to the proposition for a triennial election, without a saving clause to assert their birthright and reserve their title to more frequent elections, (which the Yorkshire meeting has unwarily done,) know, for a certainty,—

XII. That, in such an unhappy inattention to their own rights, (which, I pray to God, they may never be cursed with,) they would betray the constitution of the kingdom! — they would betray a fundamental law of their ancestors; which would mark their character with an eternal stain of disloyalty! And as they may, perhaps, never have again so favourable an opportunity, as the present, of recovering their ancient birthright of annual elections, it would probably be lost, irretrievably lost, for ever! Your new triennial representatives (in such a case) would most likely behave as former triennial representatives have heretofore done, — betray and enslave you by another septennial system of corruption! And (what is worse) you yourselves would most justly deserve it!

But I hope better things of you; and I trust also that you will excuse the severity of my expressions in this address, as being prompted merely by an ardent zeal for your prosperity.

Old Jewry, April 11, 1780.
Granville Sharp.

Notes

‖
The deputies, in their memorial, declare, that
shortening the duration of the sitting of parliament can only be done, CONSISTENTLY WITH THE CONSTITUTION, or with the best policy in any enlarged view, BY SHORTENING IT TO THE PERIOD OF A YEAR.
And this they farther explain in the words of the old statutes, viz.

that a parliament should be holden ONCE every year, and MORE OFTEN if need be;

from whence it is manifest, that the longest duration, consistent with the constitution, is the period of one single session, even though two or more such sessions should be necessary in one or the same year.
↵

*
See page 15 of his lordship's very judicious and loyal letter to the committee of the county of Huntingdon.
↵

*

‘The fact is, (say the deputies from the several petitioning counties, &c.) during the whole of that reign, (king Edw. III.) and for the first eighteen years of the following one, writs were annually issued, and, in some instances, two or three times in the same year, for new elections, till Richard II. made himself absolute. And various were the occasions, in those times, when the commons gave for answer, to any new propositions of magnitude, that THEY DARED NOT AGREE WITHOUT CONFERENCE WITH THEIR COUNTRIES. At what period then was it, that the consent of the people was asked and obtained to so momentous a proposal as that of divesting them of their expected controul over their representatives? in fact, of changing the terms on which the delegation had passed from their hands? ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS are, therefore, the ANCIENT CONSTITUTION of England, and the BIRTHRIGHT of Englishmen.’

‘Nor are they less beneficial in policy than unalienable in right. In the language of ancient times, before the prejudices of habit had thrown false colours over names and things, they were ever described as consistent with the greatest peace, and most peaceably conducted. And, in parliamentary records, for more than two hundred years together, from 49 Hen. III. till 22 Edw. IV. we find not so much as one double return, nor more than two or three instances of elections questioned on any ground;— a circumstance surely most inviting, when put in contrast with that multitude of perplexing enquiries which, of late years, hath consumed so much time in committees, to the great hindrance of the national business. The plain reason is founded not in the time, but in the nature, of the thing; the duration of the seat was not an object for a violent contest. This will also dispel the objection arising from the probability of tumult and expensiveness; to remove which it will farther contribute not a little, if we would give attention to what passes now among those large bodies of electors, who annually choose their corporate officers. But the argument against corruption surmounts every thing else. Nothing can give so much assurance of defeating it as this limitation. A seat for three years might induce a man's attention to a bribe. He that sits but for one is very unlikely to experience such an offer, or will certainly reject it, if he would not wish to put all his future expectations to an imminent risque.’

‘When once the constitution of parliament is improved in these leading points, every thing else, that may appear to have its share in reformation, must be subordinate in its class, and must follow in its time. And, the more effectually to insure these, we entreat you, neither at the next or any future election, to engage your support to any candidate, before you are satisfied that he will give his assistance, in parliament, to the establishment of so much of these reforms as may not then be accomplished.’

↵

A CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE SEVERAL PETITIONING COUNTIES, CITIES, AND TOWNS, Addressed to their respective general Meetings, against the late Proposition for a triennial Election of REPRESENTATIVES, By GRANVILLE SHARP.

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A circular letter to the several petitioning counties, cities, and towns, addressed to their respective general meetings, against the late proposition for a triennial election of representatives. By Granville Sharp

Sharp, Granville, 1735-1813.

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http://ota.ox.ac.uk/id/5410

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1106024095

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9781106024091

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K117731.000

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CW3304259955

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0299501300

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— A circular letter to the several petitioning counties, cities, and towns, addressed to their respective general meetings, against the late proposition for a triennial election of representatives. By Granville Sharp, Sharp, Granville, 1735-1813.. Second edition.. 16p. ; 8⁰. [London?,. 1780?]. [Reproduction of original from the John Rylands University Library of Manchester.] [English Short Title Catalog, ESTCT162107.] [Electronic data. Farmington Hills, Mich. : Thomson Gale, 2003. Page image (PNG). Digitized image of the microfilm version produced in Woodbridge, CT by Research Publications, 1982-2002 (later known as Primary Source Microfilm, an imprint of the Gale Group).]

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