An estimate of the manners and principles of the times: By the author of Essays on the characteristics, &c.

Table of contents

- [titlepage]

- ADVERTISEMENT.

- CONTENTS.

- PART I. A DELINEATION OF THE RULING MANNERS AND PRINCIPLES. PART I. A DELINEATION OF The RULING MANNERS and PRINCIPLES.

- SECT. I. THE DESIGN.

- SECT. II. Of the Spirit of Liberty.

- SECT. III. Of the Spirit of Humanity.

- SECT. IV. Of the civil Administration of Justice.

- SECT. V. Of the Ruling Manners of the Times.

- SECT. VI. Of Principles.

- PART II. OF THE PUBLIC EFFECTS OF THESE MANNERS AND PRINCIPLES. PART II. OF THE PUBLIC EFFECTS OF These MANNERS and PRIN CIPLES.

- SECT. I. What constitutes the Strength of a Nation.

- SECT. II. Of the national Capacity.

- SECT. III. Of the national Spirit of Defence.

- SECT. IV. Of the national Spirit of Union.

- SECT. V. Of the Consequences of National Disunion.

- SECT. VI. An Objection, drawn from the Manners of the French Nation, considered.

- SECT. VII. Of the most probable Tendency of these Effects.

- PART III. OF THE SOURCES OF THESE MANNERS AND PRINCIPLES. PART III. OF THE SOURCES OF These MANNERS and PRIN CIPLES.

- SECT. I. Of a general Mistake on this Subject.

- SECT. II. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on Manners.

- SECT. III. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth, on the religious Principle.

- SECT. IV. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on the Principle of Honour.

- SECT. V. Of their Effects on public Spirit.

- SECT. VI. Farther Remarks on this Subject.

- SECT. VII. A Review of the Argument.

- SECT. VIII. An Objection considered.

- SECT. IX. Another Objection considered.

- SECT. X. The Conclusion

- BOOKS Printed for L. DAVIS and C. REYMERS, Booksellers in Holborn:

FINIS.

AN ESTIMATE OF THE MANNERS AND PRINCIPLES OF THE TIMES. By the AUTHOR of ESSAYS on the CHARACTERISTICS, &c.

Quamvis Pontica Pinus,

Silvae Filia nobilis,

Jactes & Genus & Nomen inutile.

The SECOND EDITION.

LONDON, Printed for L. DAVIS, and C. REYMERS, in Holborn; Printers to the ROYAL SOCIETY. MDCCLVII.

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE leading Principles, which run thro' the following Estimate, make a small Part of a much more extensive Work, planned on the general Subject of Manners. In the mean time, the Writer thought it not amiss to offer his Sentiments on the present State and Situation of his Country, at a Crisis so important and alarming.

CONTENTS.

- PART I. A Delineation of the ruling Manners and Principles.

- SECT. I. The Design. Page 11

- SECT. II. Of the Spirit of Liberty. p. 17

- SECT. III. Of the Spirit of Humanity. p. 20

- SECT. IV. Of the civil Administration of Justice. p. 22

- SECT. V. Of the Ruling Manners of the Times. p. 23

- SECT. VI. Of the Principles of Religion, Honour, and public Spirit. p. 52

- PART II. Of the public Effects of these Manners and Principles.

- SECT. I. What constitutes the Strength of a Nation. p. 71

- SECT. II. Of the national Capacity. p. 73

- SECT. III. Of the national Spirit of Defence. p. 87

- SECT. IV. Of the national Spirit of Union. p. 102

- SECT. V. Of the Consequences of National Disunion. Page 123

- SECT. VI. An Objection, drawn from the Manners of the French Nation, considered. p. 134

- SECT. VII. Of the most probable Tendency of these Effects. p. 142

- PART III. Of the Sources of these Manners and Principles.

- SECT. I. Of a general Mistake on this Subject. p. 149

- SECT. II. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth, on Manners. p. 151

- SECT. III. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on the religious Principle. p. 161

- SECT. IV. Of their Effects on the Principle of Honour. p. 170

- SECT. V. Of their Effects on public Spirit. p. 173

- SECT. VI. Farther Remarks on this Subject. p. 175

- SECT. VII. A Review of the Argument. p. 181

- SECT. VIII. An Objection considered. p. 182

- SECT. IX. Another Objection considered. p. 202

- SECT. X. Conclusion. p. 209

PART I. A DELINEATION OF THE RULING MANNERS AND PRINCIPLES.
PART I. A DELINEATION OF The RULING MANNERS and PRINCIPLES.

SECT. I. THE DESIGN.

SUPERFICIAL, though zealous, Observers, think they see the Source of all our public Miscarriages in the particular and accidental Misconduct of Individuals. This is not much to be wondered at, because it is so easy a Solution.

THIS pretence, too, is plausibly urged upon the People by profligate Scribblers, who find their Account in it. It is a sort of Compliment paid the Public, to persuade them, that they have no Share in the Production of these national Misfortunes.

BUT a candid and mature Consideration will convince us, that the Malady lies deeper than what is commonly suspected: and, on impartial Enquiry, it will probably be found springing, not from varying and incidental, but from permanent and established Causes.

IT is the observation of the greatest of political Writers, that "it is by no means Fortune that rules the World: for this we may appeal to the Romans, who had a long Series of Prosperities, when they acted upon a certain Plan; and an uninterrupted Course of Misfortunes, when they conducted themselves upon another. There are general Causes, natural or moral, which operate in every State; which raise, support, or overturn it [*]."

AMONG all these various Causes, none perhaps so much contributes to raise or sink a Nation, as the Manners and Principles of its People. But as there never was any declining Nation, which had not Causes of Declension peculiar to itself, so it will require a minute Investigation into the leading Manners and Principles of the present Times, to throw a just Light on the peculiar Causes of our calamitous Situation.

To delineate these Manners and Principles without Aggravation or Weakness, to unravel their Effects on the public State and Welfare, and to trace them to their real though distant Sources, is indeed a Task of equal Difficulty and Importance.

IT may be necessary therefore to apologise even for the Attempt: as being supposed to lie beyond the Sphere of him who makes it. To this it can only be replied, that a common Eye may possibly discover a lurking Rock or Sand, while the able and experienced Mariners overlook the Danger, through their Attention to the Helm, the Sails, or Rigging.

HE will be much mistaken, who expects to find here a Vein of undistinguishing and licentious Satire. To rail at the Times at large, can serve no good Purpose; and generally ariseth from a Want of Knowledge or a Want of Honesty. There never was an Age or Nation that had not Virtues and Vices peculiar to itself: And in some Respects, perhaps, there is no Time nor Country delivered down to us in Story, in which a wise Man would so much wish to have lived, as in our own.

NOTWITHSTANDING this, our Situation seems most dangerous: We are rolling to the Brink of a Precipice that must destroy us.

AT such a Juncture, to hold up a true Mirroir to the Public, and let the Nation see themselves as the Authors of their own Misfortunes, cannot be a very popular Design. But as the Writer is not sollicitous about private Consequences, he can with the greater Security adopt the Words of an honest and sensible Man.

"MOST commonly, such as palliate Evils, and represent the State of Things in a sounder Condition than truly they are, do thereby consult best for themselves, and better recommend their own Business and Pretensions in the World: But he who, to the utmost of his Skill and Power, speaks the Truth, where the Good of his King and Country are concerned, will be most esteemed by Persons of Virtue and Wisdom: And to the Favour and Protection of such, these Papers are committed [*]."

SECT. II. Of the Spirit of Liberty.

BEFORE we enumerate the concurrent Causes of our present Misfortunes and Decline; let us, by way of Contrast, muster the few remaining Virtues we have left; to which, in part, it is owing, that our Misfortunes are not heavier, and our Decline more rapid.

AMONG these, the first and most important, is the Spirit of Liberty. This, happily, still subsists among us: Not indeed in its genuine Vigour; for then, it would work its genuine effects. Yet, that the Love of Liberty is not extinguished, appears from the united Voice of a divided People. It still animates their Conversation, and invigorates their Addresses: tho' in their Conduct it appears no more. But it is remarkable, that in Proportion as this Spirit hath grown weak in Deeds, it hath gained Strength in Words; and of late run out, into unbounded License.

THIS, however, appears beyond a Doubt: that we all wish to continue free; tho' we have not the Virtue to secure our Freedom. The Spirit of Liberty is now struggling with the Manners and Principles, as formerly it struggled with the Tyrants of the Time. But the Danger is now greater, because the Enemy is within; working secretly and securely, and destroying all those internal Powers, from which alone an effectual Opposition can arise.

WHEREVER this Spirit of Liberty subsists in its full Vigour, the Vigilance and Power of impotent Governors are vain: A Nation can neither be surprised nor compelled into Slavery: When this is extinguished, neither the Virtue nor Vigilance of Patriots can save it. In the Reign of JAMES the Second, Great Britain was free, tho' a despotic Prince was on the Throne: At the Time when CESAR fell, Rome was still inslaved, tho' the Tyrant was no more.

THIS great Spirit hath produced more full and complete Effects in our own Country, than in any known Nation that ever was upon Earth. It appears indeed, from a Concurrence of Facts too large to be produced here, that whereas it hath been ingrafted by the Arts of Policy in other Countries, it shoots up here as from its natural Climate, Stock, and Soil. From this Distinction, if laid in Nature, two or three Consequences will fairly arise. Its Effects must, of course, be more vigorous and full. It's Destruction, by external Violence, will probably be no more than temporary. It's chief Danger must arise from such Causes, as may poison the Root; or attack, and destroy the natural Spirit itself: These must be such Causes, as can steal upon, and subdue the Mind: that is, they must be "some Degeneracy or Corruption of the Manners and Principles of the People."

SECT. III. Of the Spirit of Humanity.

LET us now trace the Spirit of Liberty through such of its Effects, as are not yet destroyed by opposite Principles and Manners.

THE first that occurs, is Humanity. By this, is not meant that Smoothness and refined Polish of external Manners, by which the present Age affects to be distinguished: for this, it is apprehended, will belong to another Class. By Humanity, therefore, is meant, "that Pity for Distress, that Moderation in limiting Punishments by their proper Ends and Measures, by which this Nation hath always been distinguished."

THE Lenity of our Laws in capital Cases; our Compassion for convicted Criminals; even the general Humanity of our Highwaymen and Robbers, compared with those of other Countries; these are concurrent Proofs, that the Spirit of Humanity is natural to our Nation.

THE many noble Foundations for the Relief of the Miserable and the Friendless; the large annual Supplies from voluntary Charities to these Foundations; the frequent and generous Assistance given to the Unfortunate, who cannot be admitted into these Foundations; all these are such indisputable Proofs of a national Humanity, as it were the highest Injustice not to acknowledge and applaud.

SECT. IV. Of the civil Administration of Justice.

ANOTHER Virtue, and of the highest Consequence, as it regards the immediate and private Happiness of Individuals, yet left among us, is the pure Administration of Justice, as it regards private Property.

MANY Causes may be assigned, for the Continuance of this public Blessing. The Spirit of Liberty and Humanity beget a Spirit of Equity, where no contrary Passion interferes: The Spirit of Commerce, now predominant, begets a kind of regulated Selfishness, which tends at once to the Increase and Preservation of Property. The Difficulty of corrupting Juries under the Checks of their present Establishment, in most Cases prevents the very Attempt. And the long-continued Example of a great Person on the Seat of Equity, hath diffused an uncorrupt Spirit through the inferior Courts, and will shine to the latest Posterity.

SECT. V. Of the Ruling Manners of the Times.

HAVING made this prefatory Estimate of those remaining Manners which may demand Esteem and Applause, let us now proceed to the ruling Manners of the Times; from which this Age and Nation derives its present and particular Complexion.

IT may be necessary to remark, that this designed Estimate extends not to the comparative Excellence of Manners and Principles, considered in every View, and in all their Variety of near and remote Effects. It relates not to the immediate Happiness or Misery, which Individuals, Families, or Nations, may derive from the Force of prevailing Principles and Manners. These Effects branch out into an Infinity of intricate Combinations, which cannot be comprehended in the present, but will make a material Part of some future Enquiry. This Estimate, therefore, confines itself to such Consequences only, as affect the Duration of the public State: So that the leading Question will be, "How far the present ruling Manners and Principles of this Nation may tend to its Continuance or Destruction."

IN Consequence of this Restriction, the Manners and Principles of the common People will scarce find a Place in the Account. For though the Sum total of a Nations immediate Happiness must arise, and be estimated, from the Manners and Principles of the Whole; yet the Manners and Principles of those who lead, not of those who are led; of those who govern, not of those who are governed; of those, in short, who make Laws or execute them, will ever determine the Strength or Weakness, and therefore the Continuance or Dissolution, of a State.

FOR the blind Force or Weight of an ungoverned Multitude can have no steady nor rational Effect, unless some leading Mind rouse it into Action, and point it to it's proper End: without this, it is either a brute and random Bolt, or a lifeless Ball sleeping in the Cannon: It depends on some superior Intelligence, to give it both Impulse and Direction.

INDEED, were the People remarkably corrupt, they might properly make a Part of this Enquiry: But in most of those important Circumstances to which this Estimate refers, they are in general much more irreproachable than their Superiors in Station; especially, if we except the lower Ranks of those who live in great Towns. It will therefore be unnecessary to mark the Character of their Principles or Manners, unless where they appear evidently poisoned by the Example or other Influence of the higher Ranks in Life.

Now the slighest Observation, if attended with Impartiality, may convince us, that the Character of the Manners of this Age and Nation, is by no means that of abandoned Wickedness and Profligacy. This Degree of Degeneracy, indeed, is often imputed to the Times: But, to what Times hath it not been imputed? Present Objects are naturally magnified to the human Eye, while remote ones, though larger in Dimensions, vanish into nothing. Hence the Speculative and Virtuous, in every Age, confining their Views to their own Period, have been apt to aggravate its Manners into the highest Degree of Guilt; to satyrize, rather than describe; to throw their respective Times into one dark Shade of Horror, rather than mark their peculiar Colour and Complexion.

HERE, a large Field of Comparison and Debate would open, were it necessary or even expedient to enter upon it. We might cast our Eye upon the Manners of ROME, CARTHAGE, and many other States, in their last declining Period; where we should behold such tragic Scenes of Cruelty, Impiety, and Oppression, as would confound the most sanguine Advocate for the Manners of Antiquity. But, in Truth, there can be no Occasion for this Display of Profligacy: For if the previous Estimate, already given, be just; if the Spirit of Liberty, Humanity, and Equity, be in a certain Degree yet left among us, some of the most essential Foundations of abandoned Wickedness and Profligacy can have no Place: For these are Servility, Cruelty, and Oppression. How far we may be from this last Period of Degeneracy, it were Presumption to affirm: At present, it is certain, we are not arrived at it. Whenever this fatal Time approaches, it will come distinguished by its proper and peculiar Characters; and whoever shall estimate such Times, will find himself under the same Circumstance with the great Historian, who, in the profligate Period of declining ROME, tells us he had nothing to relate, but "false Accusations, bloody Proscriptions, treacherous Friendships, and the Destruction of the Innocent [*]."

THIS, we may truly affirm, is far from the Character of the Manners of our Times: which, on a fair Examination, will probably appear to be that of a "vain, luxurious, and selfish EFFEMINACY."

THIS will be evident from a simple Enumeration of acknowledged Facts: many of them indeed, in Appearance, too trite to merit Notice, and too trifling for Rebuke; were they not, in their Tendency, as fatal to the Stability of a Nation, as Maxims and Manners more apparently flagitious.

As the first Habits of Infancy and Youth commonly determine the Character of the Man, we might trace the Effeminacy of modern Manners, even to the unwholesome Warmth of a Nursery. As soon as the puny Infant is suffered to peep from this Fountain of Weakness and Disease, he is confirmed in the Habits already contracted, by a mistaken Tenderness and Care. The "School Boy's Satchel, and shining Morning-Face," once the Characteristic of the Age itself, are now only to be seen among the Sons of Villagers and Peasants; while the Youth of Quality and Fortune is wrapt up from the wholesome Keenness of the Air: And thus becomes incapable of enduring the natural Rigours of his own Climate.

'TIS odds, indeed, but the Prevalence of Fashion places him in some public School, where the learned Languages are taught: And, to do Justice to the Times, the most considerable among these Seminaries were never more ably supplied than at present. But whatever be the Master's Ability, the Scholar's can in general reach no farther than to Words; this first Stage of Education, therefore, can only be preparatory to a higher; without which, the other is defeated of its Purpose.

HERE, then, lies an essential Defect in modern Education. The Pupil is not carried on from Words to Things. The Universities, where the Principles of Knowledge should be imbibed, are growing daily thinner of young Men of Quality and Fortune. Instead of being initiated in Books, where the Wisdom of Ages lies reposed, our untutored Youth are carried into the World; where the ruling Objects that catch the Imagination, are the Sallies of Folly or of Vice.

THUS like Plants hastily removed from their first Bed, and exposed to the Inclemencies of an unwholesome Air, without the Intervention of a higher and more enlarged Nursery, where stronger Shoots might be obtained, our rising Youth are checked in their first Growths, and either die away into Ignorance, or, at most, become Dwarfs in Knowledge.

BUT here, it must not be disguised; that an Abuse, through Time, hath insensibly crept upon the Universities themselves, and greatly impaired their Use and Credit. The public Fountains of Instruction are at length dried up; and the Professorships, founded as the Means of general Instruction, degenerated into gainful Sine-cures. Instead of these, where, by a proper Choice, every Department would naturally be filled with Ability in its respective Science; the private Lectures of College-Tutors have usurped and occupied their Place. Thus the great Lines of Knowledge are broken, and the Fragments retailed at all Adventures, by every Member of a College, who chuseth to erect himself into a Professor of every Science. What can be the Consequence of this Practice, but a partial and superficial Instruction? 'Tis true, there are in this Sphere, who would do Honour to the highest Academical Station: But what an Accession of Lustre, Fame, and Knowledge, would our Universities receive, were these few, now confined to the narrow Sphere of particular Colleges, ordained and appointed to illuminate the whole.

NEITHER would it reflect any Dishonour on our Universities, if the few young Men of Fashion yet found there, were laid under the same Restraints of moral and literary Discipline, with those of inferior Quality.

THE next Error that presents itself to Observation, is that of sending our ignorant Youth abroad. A Mind stored with Taste and Knowledge, will indeed naturally refine that Taste, and increase that Knowledge, by seeing and judging of foreign Countries. For thus he acquires a large Addition of new Experiences and Examples, which may confirm or rectify his prior Observations. On the contrary, we may affirm, with Truth, that no Circumstance in Education can more surely tend to strengthen Effeminacy and Ignorance, than the present premature, and indigested Travel. For as the uninstructed Youth must needs meet with a Variety of Example, good and bad, vile and praise-worthy, as his Manners are childish, and his Judgment crude, he will naturally imbibe what is most consentaneous with his puerile Habits. Thus, while Wisdom and Virtue can find no Place in him, every Foreign Folly, Effeminacy, or Vice, meeting with a correspondent Soil, at once take Root and flourish.

BUT suppose him not of that Rank or Fortune, which may demand or admit of the grand Tour; he is then brought up to London, and initiated in the Pleasures of the Metropolis. Here then let us view him, inspired with every fashionable Ambition; while we take an impartial Estimate of those Amusements, or rather Employments, which attract the Attention of the Town, and form the Genius and Character of the present and rising Generation.

THE first and capital Article of Town-Effeminacy is that of Dress: which, in all its Variety of modern Excess and Ridicule, is too low for serious Animadversion. Yet in this, must every Man of every Rank and Age employ his Mornings, who pretends to keep good Company. The wisest, the most virtuous, the most polite, if defective in these exterior and unmanly Delicacies, are avoided as low People, whom Nobody knows, and with whom one is ashamed to be seen.

How would he have been derided in the Days of ELIZABETH, when a great Queen rode on Horseback to St. Paul's, who should have foretold, that in less than two Centuries no Man of Fashion would cross the Street to Dinner, without the effeminate Covering and Conveyance of an easy Chair?

YET thus accoutred, the modern Man of Fashion is conveyed to Company. Whereever he goes, he meets the same false Delicacy in all: Every Circumstance of modern Use conspires to sooth him into the Excess of Effeminacy: Warm Carpets are spread under his Feet; warm Hangings surround him; Doors and Windows nicely jointed prevent the least rude Encroachment of the external Air.

VANITY lends her Aid to this unmanly Delicacy: Splendid Furniture, a sumptuous Side-board, a long Train of Attendants, an elegant and costly Entertainment, for which Earth, Air, and Seas, are ransacked, the most expensive Wines of the Continent, the childish Vagaries of a whimsical Desert, these are the supreme Pride of the Master, the Admiration or Envy of his Guests.

LUXURY is not idle in her Province, but shares with her Sister Vanity, in the Labours of the Day. High Soups and Sauces, every Mode of foreign Cookery that can quicken Taste, and spur the lagging Appetite, is assiduously employed. The End of Eating is not the allaying of natural Hunger, but the Gratification of fordid and debasing Appetite. Hence the most inflaming Foods, not those which nourish, but those which irritate, are adopted; while the cool and temperate Diets that purify the Blood, are banished to inferior Tables. To this every Man of Taste now aspires, as to the true sçavoir vivre.

Do you expect in these fashionable Meetings, to hear some Point of Morals, Taste in Arts or Literature, discoursed or canvassed? Alas! these are long since expelled from every modish Assembly. To speak any thing that carries Weight and Importance, is an Offence against Goodbreeding. The supreme Elegance is, to trifle agreeably.

BUT as Insipidity of Conversation is soon worn out, and as Intemperance in Wine is not of the Character of refined Luxury; so, to prevent the Stagnation of Folly, some awakening Amusement is naturally sought for.

WE read in ancient Story, that in the most polished Court of the most refined Period, a Reward was proclaimed to him, who should invent a new Pleasure. This may justly be styled, the last wretched Efsort of bungling and despairing Luxury.—The great Desideratum is at length found: A Pleasure which absorbs the whole Man; a Pleasure in which there is no Satiety; which cloys not by Use, but gains new Vigour from Enjoyment. The Vulgar only can need to be informed, that the Pleasure here alluded to, is that of GAMING.

BUT as the present increasing Splendor of Dress, Equipage, Furniture, Enter—tainments, is enormously expensive; what can so naturally create a Lust of Gold, as the vain Ambition of Equality or Superiority in this System of effeminate Shew? Hence, Rapacity attends Profusion; till the Spirit of Avarice glides secretly into the Soul; and impels the Man of Fashion to that Gaming, as a Trade, which he had before adopted as a Pleasure. But as we read that CAESAR's Lust was only the Servant of his Ambition, so this Lust of Gold is no more than the Handmaid to vain Effeminacy.

THUS we see Gaming established on the two great Pillars of Self Interest and Pleasure: and on these Foundations seems to rest the midnight Riot and Dissipation of modern Assemblies.

BUT tho' Gaming be now the capital Pleasure, as well as Trade, of most Men of Fashion; yet other incidental Amusements intervene at vacant Times. Neither can it be affirmed with Truth, that all are immersed in this fashionable Folly. Nor let any one imagine, that he stands clear of the ruling Manners of the Times, because not infected with the Rage of Gaming. Let us then proceed to examine the other reigning Amusements of the Age; and see how far they are, or are not, subject to the Charge of unmanly Delicacy.

A KNOWLEDGE of Books, a Taste in Arts, a Proficiency in Science, was formerly regarded as a proper Qualification, in a Man of Fashion. The Annals of our Country have transmitted to us the Name and Memory of Men, as eminent in Learning and Taste, as in Rank and Fortune. It will not, I presume, be regarded as any kind of Satire on the present Age, to say, that among the higher Ranks, this literary Spirit is generally vanished. Reading is now sunk at best into a Morning's Amusement; till the important Hour of Dress comes on. Books are no longer regarded as the Repositories of Taste and Knowledge; but are rather laid hold of, as a gentle Relaxation from the tedious Round of Pleasure.

BUT what kind of Reading must that be, which can attract or entertain the languid Morning-Spirit of modern Effeminacy? Any, indeed, that can but prevent the unsupportable Toil of Thinking; that may serve as a preparatory Whet of Indolence, to the approaching Pleasures of the Day. Thus it comes to pass, that weekly Essays, amatory Plays and Novels, political Pamphlets, and Books that revile Religion; together with a general Hash of these, served up in some monthly Mess of Dulness, are the meagre literary Diet of Town and Country.

TRUE it is, that amidst this general Defect of Taste and Learning, there is a Writer, whose Force of Genius, and Extent of Knowledge, might almost redeem the Character of the Times. But that Superiority, which attracts the Reverence of the Few, excites the Envy and Hatred of the Many: And while his Works are translated and admired Abroad, and patronized at Home, by those who are most distinguished in Genius, Taste, and Learning, himself is abused, and his Friends insulted for his Sake, by those who never read his Writings, or, if they did, could neither taste nor comprehend them: while every little aspiring or despairing Scribler eyes him as CASSIUS did CESAR, and whispers to his Fellow,

Why Man, he doth bestride the narrow World

Like a Colossus; and we petty Men

Walk under his huge Legs; and peep about,

To find ourselves dishonourable Graves.

No wonder then, if the Malice of the Lilliputian Tribe be bent against this dreaded GULLIVER; if they attack him with poisoned Arrows, whom they cannot subdue by Strength.

BUT in Justice to the present Age, another Observation must be added. As Excess of Delicacy hath destroyed our Force of Taste; it hath at least had one laudable Effect: for along with this, it hath carried off our Grossness of Obscenity. A strong Characteristic, this, of the Manners of the Times: The untractable Spirit of Lewdness is sunk into gentle Gallantry, and Obscenity itself is grown effeminate.

BUT what Vice hath lost in Coarseness of Expression, she hath gained in a more easy and general Admittance: In ancient Days, bare and impudent Obscenity, like a common Woman of the Town, was confined to Brothels: Whereas the Double-Entendre, like a modern fine Lady, is now admitted into the best Company; while her transparent Covering of Words, like a thin fashionable Gawze delicately thrown across, discloses, while it seems to veil, her Nakedness of Thought.

No wonder, if these leading Characters of false Delicacy influence our other Entertainments, and be attended with a low and unmanly Taste in Music. That divine Art, capable of inspiring every thing that is great or excellent, of rouzing every nobler Passion of the Soul, is at length dwindled into a Woman's or an Eunuch's effeminate Trill. The chaste and solemn Airs of CORELLI, of GEMINIANI, and their best Disciples; the divine and lofty Flights of CALDARA and MARCELLO; the elegant Simplicity of BONONCINI; the manly, the pathetic, the astonishing Strains of HANDEL, are neglected and despised: While instead of these, our Concerts and Operas are disgraced with the lowest Insipidity of Composition, and unmeaning Sing-Song. The Question now concerns not the Expression, the Grace, the Energy, or Dignity of the Musick: We go not to admire the Composition, but the Tricks of the Performer; who is then surest of our ignorant Applause, when he runs through the Compass of the Throat, or traverses the Finger-board with the swiftest Dexterity.

WHILE Music is thus debased into Effeminacy, her Sister-Art of Painting cannot hope a better Fate: For the same Dignity of Manners must support; the same Indignity depress them. Connoisseurs there are, indeed, who have either Taste or Vanity: Yet even by these, the Art is considered as a Matter of Curiosity, not of Influence; a Circumstance which proves their Taste to be spurious, undirected, or superficial. But with regard to the public Eye; this is generally depraved. Neither the comic Pencil, nor the serious Pen of our ingenious Countryman [*], have been able to keep alive the Taste of Nature, or of Beauty. The fantastic and grotesque have banished both. Every House of Fashion is now crowded with Porcelain Trees and Birds, Porcelain Men and Beasts, crosslegged Mandarins and Bramins, perpendicular Lines and stiff right Angles: Every gaudy Chinese Crudity, either in Colour, Form, Attitude, or Grouping, is adopted into fashionable Use, and become the Standard of Taste and Elegance.

LET us then search the Theatre for the Remains of manly Taste: And here, apparently at least, it must be acknowledged we shall find it. A great Genius hath arisen to dignify the Stage; who, when it was sinking into the lowest Insipidity, restored it to the Fulness of its ancient Splendor, and, with a Variety of Powers beyond Example, established Nature, Shakespear, and Himself.

BUT as the Attractions of the Theatre arise from a Complication of Causes, beyond those of any other Entertainment; so while the judicious Critic admires his original Excellencies, it may well be questioned whether the Crowd be not drawn by certain secondary Circumstances, rather than by a Discernment of his real Powers. Need we any other Proof of this, than the Conduct of his fashionable Hearers? who sit with the same Face of Admiration at LEAR, an OPERA, or a PANTOMIME.

THESE seem to be the main and leading Articles of our unmanly Winter-Delicacies. And as to our Summer-Amusements, they are much of the same Make, only lighter, and if possible more trifling. As soon as the Season is grown so mild, as that the Man of Fashion can stir abroad, he is seen lolling in his Post-Chariot, about the Purlieus of the Town. The manly Exercise of Riding is generally disused, as too coarse and indelicate for the fine Gentleman. The Metropolis growing thin as the Spring advances, the same Rage of Pleasure, Dress, Equipage, and Dissipation, which in Winter had chained him to the Town, now drives him to the Country. For as a vain and empty Mind can never give Entertainment to itself; so, to avoid the Taedium of Solitude and Self-Converse, Parties of Pleasure are again formed; the same Effeminacies, under new Appearances, are acted over again, and become the Business of the Season. There is hardly a Corner of the Kingdom, where a Summer Scene of public Dissipation is not now established: Here the Parties meet till the Winter sets in, and the separate Societies are once more met in London.

THUS we have attempted a simple Delineation of the ruling Manners of the Times: If any thing like Ridicule appears to mix itself with this Review, it ariseth not from the Aggravation, but the natural Display of Folly.

IT may probably be asked, Why the ruling Manners of our Women have not been particularly delineated? The Reason is, because they are essentially the same with those of the Men, and are therefore included in this Estimate. The Sexes have now little other apparent Distinction, beyond that of Person and Dress: Their peculiar and characteristic Manners are confounded and lost: The one Sex having advanced into Boldness, as the other have sunk into Effeminacy.

SECT. VI. Of Principles.

MOST Writers, who have attempted to prove the Efficacy of Principle, have supposed it to be the great and universal Fountain of Manners: They who have espoused the opposite System, observing this Theory to be at variance with Fact, have rashly concluded that Principle is void of all real Influence.

THE Truth seems to lie between these two Opinions. Principles cannot be the Fountain of Manners, because Manners precede Principles: That is, in our Progress from Infancy, Habits of Acting are prior to Habits of Thinking. Yet on the other Hand, Principles, early and deeply ingrafted in the Mind, may grow up with Manners; may be at variance with Manners; may yield to Manners; or, gathering Strength by Cultivation, may check, controll, or destroy them.

THIS Distinction is proper for many Reasons. One is evident: It shews the Propriety of treating of the Manners first, and then the Principles of the Times.

THE Principles here to be estimated, are such only as tend to counterwork the selfish Passions. These are, the Principle of Religion, the Principle of Honour, and the Principle of public Spirit. The first of these has the Deity for it's Object; the second, the Applause of Men; the third, the Approbation of our own Heart. Let us examine the present Influence of these several Principles on the Manners already delineated.

DID the Writer court the Applause of his polite Readers (if any such peradventure may honour him with their Regard) he would preface this Part of his Subject with an Apology, for the Rudeness of hinting at religious Principle. To suppose a Man of Fashion swayed in his Conduct by a Regard to Futurity, is an Affront to the Delicacy and Refinement of his Taste. Hence the Day set apart by the Laws of his Country for religious Service, he derides and affronts as a vulgar and obsolete Institutution: Should you propose to him the Renewal of that Family Devotion, which concluded the guiltless Evening Entertainments of his Ancestry? You would become an Object of his Pity, rather than Contempt. The sublime Truths, the pure and simple Morals of the Gospel, are despised and trod under foot. Can we wonder, if that Profession which asserts these Truths, and preaches these Morals, be treated with a similar Contempt? But Irreligion knows no Bounds, when once let loose: and Christianity herself hath been obliquely insulted within those consecrated Walls, where Decency and Policy, in the Absence of Reason and Virtue, would for ever have held her in legal Reverence.

BUT notwithstanding the general Contempt of Religion among the fashionable World, the uninformed Reader is not to imagine, that the present Age is deep in the Speculations of Infidelity. No such Matter: for that would imply a certain Attention to these Subjects; a certain Degree of Self-Converse and Thought; and this would clash with the ruling Manners of the Times. Indeed there have not been wanting laborious Husbandmen, who have painfully sown their Tares; not in the Night Season, but in broad Day-light. These have at length shot up into a large and fruitful Crop of irreligious implicit FAITH: For implicit Faith is Belief or Disbelief, without Evidence; and why they disbelieve, I trow, few of the present Age can tell. They have other Attentions, than the meagre Sophisms of Irreligion; and are therefore well content with the Conclusions, without the Premises. This Distinction will lead us to the plain Reason, why in an Age of Irreligion, so capital a Book as the Writings of Lord BOLINGBROKE, met with so cold a Reception in the World. Had they appeared under the inviting Shape of "ESSAYS philosophical and moral," they might have come within the Compass of a Breakfast-reading, or amused the Man of Fashion while under the Discipline of the curling Tongs: But five huge Quarto Volumes (like five coarse Dishes of Beef and Mutton) tho' fraught with the very Marrow of Infidelity, what puny modern Appetite could possibly sit down to?

IN Confirmation of these Truths, we may conclude this Part of our Subject with a not incurious Anecdote. A certain Historian of our own Times, bent upon Popularity and Gain, published a large Volume, and omitted no Opportunity that offered, to disgrace Religion: A large Impression was published, and a small Part sold. The Author being asked, why he had so larded his Work with Irreligion, his Answer modestly implied, "He had done it, that his Book might sell."—It was whispered him, that he had totally mistaken the Spirit of the Times: that no Allurements could engage the fashionable Infidel World to travel through a large Quarto: And that as the few Readers of Quarto's that yet remain, lie mostly among the serious Part of Mankind, he had offended his best Customers, and ruined the Sale of his Book. This Information had a notable Effect: for a second Volume, as large and instructive as the first, hath appeared; not a Smack of Irreligion is to be found in it; and an Apology for the first concludes the whole.

THIS being the State of religious Principle, let us next examine how it fares with the Principle of Honour. By this is meant, "The Desire of Fame, or the Applause of Men, directed to the End of public Happiness." Now this great Ambition, which in other Times or Nations hath wrought such wonderful Effects, is no longer to be found among us. It is the Pride of Equipage, the Pride of Title, the Pride of Fortune, or the Pride of Dress, that have assumed the Empire over our Souls, and levelled Ambition with the Dirt. The honest Pride of Virtue is no more; or, where it happens to exist, is overwhelmed by inferior Vanities. A Man who should go out of the common Road of Life, in Pursuit of Glory, and serve the Public at the Expence of his Ease, his Fortune, or his Pleasure, would be stared or laughed at in every fashionable Circle, as a silly Fellow, who meddled with Things that did not belong to him: As an Ideot, who preferred Shadows to Realities, and needless Toil to pleasurable Enjoyment. The laurel Wreath, once aspired after as the highest Object of Ambition, would now be rated at the Market-price of its Materials, and derided as a three-penny Crown. And if its modern Substitutes, the Ribbon or the Coronet, be eagerly sought for, it is not that they are regarded as the Distinctions of public Virtue, but as the Ensigns of Vanity and Place.

BUT what implies or proves the general Extinction of the Principle of Honour, is a peculiar Circumstance, which at first View seems to challenge Praise. It hath been weakly attributed to the moderate and forgiving Spirit of these Times, that no Age ever so patiently suffered its ruling Follies to be laughed at. But this, in truth, is a superficial and inadequate Representation, as well as Solution, of the Fact. We not only suffer our ruling Vices and Follies to be ridiculed, but we cordially join in the Laugh. Was there ever a juster Picture drawn, than of modern Effeminacy and Nonchalance in the Characters of FRIBBLE and Lord CHALKSTONE? Did ever dramatic Characters raise louder Peals of Laughter and Applause, even among those who sat for the Likeness? They hear with Pleasure, they acknowledge the Truth of the Representation, they laugh at the Picture of their own Follies; they go home, and without a Blush repeat them. The Truth is, therefore, that we can see and own our Vices and Follies, without being touched with Shame: a Circumstance which ancient Times justly regarded as the strongest Indication of degenerate and incorrigible Manners.

IT appears then, that the Principle of Honour is either lost, or totally corrupted: That no generous Thirst of Praise is left among us: That our Ambitions are trifling and unmanly as our Pleasures: That Wealth, Titles, Dress, Equipage, Sagacity in Gaming or Wagers, splendid Furniture and a Table, are the sole Fountains, from which we desire to draw Respect to ourselves, or Applause from others: We aspire to Folly, and are proud of Meanness: Thus, the Principle of Honour is perverted, and dwindled into unmanly Vanity.

CAN it be imagined, that, amidst this general Defect of Religion and Honour, the great and comprehensive Principle of public Spirit, or Love of our Country, can gain a Place in our Breasts? That mighty Principle, so often feigned, so seldom possessed; which requires the united Force of upright Manners, generous Religion, and unfeigned Honour, to support it. What Strength of Thought or conscious Merit can there be in effeminate Minds, sufficient to elevate them to this Principle, whose Object is, "the Happiness of a Kingdom?" To speak therefore without Flattery, this Principle is perhaps less felt among us, than even those of Religion and true Honour. So infatuated are we in our Contempt of this powerful Principle, that we deride the Inhabitants of a Sister-Kingdom, for their national Attachments and Regards. So little are we accustomed to go, or even think, beyond the beaten Track of private Interest, in all Things that regard our Country; that he who merely does his Duty in any conspicuous Station, is looked on as a Prodigy of public Virtue. But in other Times and Nations, when this Principle was in Force, Enterprises were formed, and Deeds done, which it would now be thought Phrenzy to attempt. Think what a Friend will do for a Friend; a Sister for a Brother, a Lover for his Mistress, a Parent for his Child; even that, in all its Fulness of Affection, in other Times and Nations, hath been the Aim and the Work of public Virtue, doing or suffering for its Country's Welfare.

DOMESTIC Affections are not yet generally extinguished: There are kind Fathers, kind Mothers, affectionate Children, Sisters, Brothers: Humanity to Distress, we have already marked as another Character of the Times: But whether our very Effeminacy be not one of its Sources, might probably be a Question more curious in its Progress, than agreeable in its Solution.

HOWEVER that be, let us be modest in our Claims, and confess, that our Affections seldom reach farther than our Relations, our Friends, or Individuals in Distress. Happy (in the present) it is for us, that they reach so far. Happy were it for us, or our Posterity, that they were of more inlarged Extent. In the mean Time, let us with due Abasement of Heart acknowledge, that the Love of our Country is no longer felt; and that, except in a few Minds of uncommon Greatness, the Principle of public Spirit EXISTS NOT.

IT is not affirmed or implied, in this general Review, that every Individual hath assumed the Garb and Character of false Delicacy, and uncontrouled Self-Love: As in manly Ages, some will be effeminate; so, in effeminate Times, the manly Character will be found: As in Times of Principle, some will be void of Principle; so, in Times when Principle is derided, in some superior Minds Principle will be found. But from the general Combination of Manners and Principles, in every Period of Time, will always result one ruling and predominant Character; as from a confused Multitude of different Voices, results one general Murmur, and strikes the distant Ear; or from a Field covered with Flocks, Herds, or Armies, though various in themselves, results one general and permanent Colour, and strikes the distant Eye:

Nam saepe in Colli tendentes pabula laeta

Lanigerae reptant Pecudes, quo quamque vocantes

Invitant Herbae gemmantes Rore recenti;

Et satiati Agni ludunt, blandeque coniscant:

Omnia quae nobis longe confusa videntur,

Et veluti in viridi Candor consistere Colli [*].

IT is enough, then, if from a proper Point of View, we have fixed the ruling Colour of the Manners and Principles, for on this will depend the ruling Character of the Times.

AS it appears, therefore, from this Delineation, that SHOW and PLEASURE are the main Objects of Pursuit: As the general Habit of refined Indulgence is strong, and the Habit of induring is lost: As the general Spirit of Religion, Honour, and publick Love, are weakened or vanished; as these Manners are therefore left to their own Workings, uncontrouled by Principle; we may with Truth and Candour conclude, that the ruling Character of the present Times is that of "a vain, luxurious, and selfish EFFEMINACY."

Notes

*

"Ce n'est pas la Fortune qui domine le Monde: on peut le demander aux Romains, qui eurent une suite continuelle des Prosperités quand ils se gouvernerent sur un certain Plan, & une suite non interrompue de revers lors qu'ils se conduisirent sur un autre. Il y a des Causes generales, soit morales, soit physiques, qui agissent dans chaque Monarchie, l'elevent, la maintiennent, ou la precipitent."

Grandeur, &c, des Romains, c. 18.

↵

*
Dr. Davenant, on Trade.
↵

*
‘"Saeva jussa, continuas accusationes, fallaces amicitias, perniciem innocentium."’ Tacit. Annal. l. iv.
↵

*
Mr. Hogarth's Treatise on the Principles of Beauty.
↵

*
Lucretius, l. ii.
↵

PART II. OF THE PUBLIC EFFECTS OF THESE MANNERS AND PRINCIPLES.
PART II. OF THE PUBLIC EFFECTS OF These MANNERS and PRINCIPLES.

SECT. I. What constitutes the Strength of a Nation.

HITHERTO we have done little more than delineate the ruling Manners and Principles of the Times: we must now assume a severer Tone, and reason upon the Facts thus established.

THERE are three leading Circumstances on which the internal Strength of every Nation most essentially depends: These are, the Capacity, Valour, and Union, of those who lead the People. The first may be called, "the national Capacity; the second the national Spirit of Defence; the third, the national Spirit of Union."

THE next Step, therefore, will be, to consider all that Variety of Respects, in which the ruling Manners and Defect of Principle, already delineated, must naturally weaken or destroy these Sources of internal Power.

As this Enquiry will of course lead to a particular View of those several Ranks, Departments, Employments, or Professions, into which such a Nation is divided; it is presumed, that no Instances alledged, or Facts alluded to, will be weakly construed into the Wantonness of licentious Satire. Every Profession is honourable, when directed to its proper End, the Publick Welfare: And the Intention of this Estimate is not to defame; but to enquire how far the several Departments or Professions, on which the internal Strength of this Nation depends, are properly or improperly directed.

SECT. II. Of the national Capacity.

LET us then first enquire, how far the false Delicacy and Effeminacy of present Manners may have weakened or destroyed the national Capacity.

IT was a shrewd Observation of a good old Writer, "How can he get Wisdom, whose Talk is of Bullocks [*]?" But Rusticity is not more an Enemy of Knowledge, than Effeminacy: With the same Propriety therefore it may now be asked, "How can he get Wisdom, whose Talk is of Dress and Wagers, Cards and Borough-jobbing, Horses, Women, and Dice?" The Man of Fashion is indeed cut off from the very Means of solid Instruction. His late Hours occasion a late rising; and thus the Morning, which should be devoted to the Acquisition of Knowledge, is devoted to Sleep, to Dress, and Ignorance.

HOW weak then must be the national Capacity of that People, whose leading Members in public Employ should, in general, be formed on such a Model? If instead of a general Application to Books, instead of investigating the great Principles of Legislation, the Genius of their national Constitution, or its Relations and Dependencies on that of others, the great Examples and Truths of History, the Maxims of generous and upright Policy, and the severer Truths of Philosophy, on which all these are founded;—if instead of these, they should seldom rise in political Study higher than the securing of a Borough; instead of History, be only read in Novels; instead of Legislation, in Party Pamphlets; instead of Philosophy, in Irreligion; instead of manly and upright Manners, in trifling Entertainments, Dress, and Gaming:—If this should ever be their ruling Character, what must be expected from such established Ignorance, but Errors in the first Concoction?

IN a Nation thus circumstanced, it is odds but you would see even some of its most public and solemn Assemblies turned into Scenes of unmanly Riot; instead of the Dignity of Freedom, the Tumults of Licentiousness would prevail. Forwardness of young Men without Experience, intemperate Ridicule, dissolute Mirth, and loud Peals of Laughter, would be the ruling Character of such an Assembly.

THIS Reflexion, some how or other, calls up the Memory of a Circumstance or two, peculiar to the public Meetings of the Athenians. In the Court of Areopagus, so little was Ridicule regarded as a Test of Truth, that it was held an unpardonable Offence, for any Member to laugh while the Assembly was sitting.—Another wise and prudent Regulation was the Practice of the Cryer in the Senate; who, before Business began, called out aloud, "Who will speak that is turned of Fifty?"

IT is true, that in every Assembly of this Kind, the public Measures will generally be determined by the Few, whose Superiority is approved and acknowledged: By the Few, who have been so unfashionable as to despise the ruling System of Effeminacy: and before they had appeared on a higher Stage, had laboured and shone in a College. But what an Increase of national Capacity must arise, if those Master-Spirits were aided, and their Plans of Government examined and improved, by Men of the like Application and Ability?

BUT if, in any Nation, the Number of these superior Minds be daily decreasing, from the growing Manners of the Times; what can a Nation, so circumstanced, have more to fear, than that in another Age, a general Cloud of Ignorance may overshadow it?

How much, or how little, in this Particular, we resemble the declining State of the Roman Republic, let any one determine from the following Passage: Where the great Author, after celebrating the general Ability of those who were formerly in public Station, concludes thus: "Nunc contra, plerique ad honores adipiscendos, et ad rempublicam gerendam, nudi veniunt atque inermes, nulla cognitione rerum, nulla scientia ornati [*]."

LET us next consider the natural Effects of these effeminate Manners, on Fleets and Armies. And here, 'tis supposed, it will be readily acknowledged, that the Conduct and Fate of Fleets and Armies depend much on the Capacity of those that lead them, through every Rank of Office. Chiefly, indeed, of those who are highest in Command; but in Part too, of those who fill the lower Stations: the more, because they in inferior Rank aspire, and by Degrees ascend, to the highest.

Now, I apprehend, it would be ill taken, to suppose, that the fashionable and prevailing Manners abound not in the Army and Navy. The Gentlemen of these Professions are even distinguished by their Taste in Dress, their Skill at Play, their Attendance on every Amusement, provided it be but fashionable. And sure, it must be by Miracle, if this trifling and effeminate Life conduct them to Knowledge, or produce Capacity. It were unjust to deny, that Men of Ability in this Order, are yet among us. But it would be Matter of great Pleasure and Expectation to the Public, to find Ignorance, in this Profession, either uncommon or disgraceful.

WOULD these Gentlemen please to look into History, they would find, that in polished Times, few have ever distinguished themselves in War, who were not eminent or considerable in Letters. They would find PISISTRATUS, PERICLES, ALCIBIADES, DION, AGESILAUS, EPAMINONDAS, among the Greeks: in the Roman List, both the SCIPIO'S, CATO the elder and the younger, LUCULLUS, POMPEY, BRUTUS, CESAR, distinguished in Letters as in War.

'TIS true, indeed, that in barbarous Ages, there want not Instances of unlearned Leaders, who have done mighty Actions in Battle. But we must observe, that these were, at least, practised in their own Profession. It is farther to be observed, that in such Times, the Fate of War depends little on Stratagem or Discipline. But it is chiefly to be observed, that no general Rule can be drawn from a few Instances. A Man of great natural Talents takes mighty Strides in any Science or Profession: He is self-taught: While the common Run of Men, whom Nature hath destined to travel on to Improvement by the beaten Track of Industry, through a blind and ill-understood Imitation of his superior Conduct, must for ever fall the Victims of their Vanity and Ignorance.

HERE then we find another ruling Defect in the national Capacity of an effeminate People. How few can arise, amidst this general Dissipation of Manners, capable of conducting its Fleets and Armies? Or even suppose a Man of Application and Ability possessed of the chief Command; yet, in Case he falls in Battle, how small must be the Chance that the next in Succession, upon whom his Command naturally devolves, can be equal to the Importance of his new Station?

THERE is another Profession, which, under this Article of the national Capacity, the vulgar Reader will naturally expect to find considered. I mean, that of the Clergy. But the general Defect of religious Principle among the higher Ranks, hath rendered this order of Men altogether useless, except among those in middle Life, where they still maintain a certain Degree of Estimation. The Contempt with which not they, but their Profession is treated by the Ignorant and Profligate, is equally common indeed to high and low Life: A Circumstance, which may be an Occasion of Pride in the one, but ought rather to be Matter of Humiliation to the other. 'Tis true, a modern Writer felicitates the present Times, and makes it their Boast, that "the Clergy have lost their Influence [*]." By which he evidently means, that Religion hath lost its Influence. Yet of this, at least, one of the Order may decently remind his Countrymen; that when the English Protestant Clergy, and that Christianity which they teach, were most honoured and respected at Home, England was then most honoured and respected Abroad.

AND although the present fashionable Contempt that is thrown upon their Profession, preclude the Clergy from the Opportunity, had they the Will, to practice that Christian Duty of "overcoming Evil with Good; yet they need not blush to find, that they have fallen with the Fame, the Manners, and Principles of their Country: nor can the worthy Part of them, sure, aspire to truer Glory, than to have become the Contempt of those, who are become the Contempt of EUROPE.

BUT while I defend and honour the Profession, I mean not to flatter the Professors. As far, therefore, as the Influence of their Conduct and Knowledge can be supposed to affect the national Capacity; so far, they seem falling into the same unmanly and effeminate Peculiarities, by which their Contemporaries are distinguished: Such of them, I mean, as have Opportunity of conversing with what is called the World, and are supposed to make a Part of it. In their Conduct, they curb not, but promote and encourage the trifling Manners of the Times: It is grown a fashionable thing, among these Gentlemen, to despise the Duties of their Parish; to wander about, as the various Seasons invite, to every Scene of false Gaiety; to frequent and shine in all public Places, their own Pulpits excepted.

OR if their Age and Situation sets them above these puerile Amusements, are we not to lament, that, instead of a manly and rational Regard to the Welfare of Mankind, the chief Employment of many a clerical Life is, to slumber in a Stall, haunt Levees, or follow the gainful Trade of Election-jobbing?

IF false Pleasure and Self-Interest thus take Possession of the Heart, how can we expect that a Regard for Religion and Christianity should find a Place there?

IN Consequence of these ruling Habits, must we not farther lament, that a general Neglect of Letters is now creeping even upon this Profession, which ought to maintain and support them? Instead of launching into the Deeps of Learning, the fashionable Divine hardly ventures on the Shallows. The great Works of Antiquity, the Monuments of ancient Honour and Wisdom, are seldom opened or explored: and even mere modern Books are now generally read at second Hand, through the false Mediums of bald Translations or sorry Abstracts.

THIS seems to be the real State of the clerical Profession, so far as it hath Influence on the national Capacity.

THE Writer pretends not in any Case to impose his Opinions; but submits them to the Consideration of the Public. There is a wide Difference between the Remonstrances of Reason, and the Insults of Malice or Contempt.

SECT. III. Of the national Spirit of Defence.

HAVING seen how the Manners of the Times have levelled the national Capacity; let us next enquire how it fares with the national Spirit of Defence.

As this Part of our Subject naturally involves a larger Number of the Community than the last, it will be necessary, here, to take a larger Compass.

THE national Spirit of Defence then, to speak with Precision, will always be compounded of the national bodily Strength, Hardiness, Courage, and Principle.

THE common People of this Nation seem possessed of the three first of these four Qualities, in a Degree sufficient to form an effectual and national Spirit of Defence. And though they who are selected for public Service be commonly most profligate in Manners, yet as their Sphere of Action is confined, they commonly have a proportioned kind of Principle, which works its Effect in Battle. In the Land Service, they are zealous for the Honour of their Platoon, their Company, their Regiment. At Sea, there is the same Emulation, whose Gun, whose Ship, whose Squadron, shall be best served and fought. It is well known there are no better fighting Men upon Earth. They seldom turn their Backs upon their Enemy, unless when their Officers shew the Way; and even then, are easily rallied; and return to the Charge with the same Courage.

THUS our Villages and Ports are an effectual Fund of Supplies for the national Spirit of Defence, in its inferior Departments.

BUT if we rise, or rather descend, to an impartial View of those who are called the better Sort, we shall find such a general Defect in the Spirit of Defence, as would alarm any People who were not lost to all Sense of Danger.

OUR effeminate and unmanly Life, working along with our Island-Climate, hath notoriously produced an Increase of low Spirits and nervous Disorders, whose natural and unalterable Character is that of Fear.

AND even where this Distemper is not, the present false Delicacy of the fashionable World effectually disqualifies them from enduring Toil, or facing Danger.

ENTHUSIASTIC Religion leads to Conquests; rational Religion leads to rational Defence; but the modern Spirit of Irreligion leads to rascally and abandoned Cowardice. It quenceth every generous Hope that can enlarge the Soul; and levels Mankind with the Beasts that perish.

CAN the Debility of modern Honour produce the manly Spirit of Defence? Alas, if ever it is put in Action by any thing beyond the Vanity of Shew; it is rouzed by an Affront, and dies in a Duel.

How far this dastard Spirit of Effeminacy hath crept upon us, and destroyed the national Spirit of Defence, may appear from the general Panic the Nation was thrown into, at the late Rebellion. When those of every Rank above a Constable, instead of arming themselves and encouraging the People, generally fled before the Rebels; while a Mob of ragged Highlanders marched unmolested to the Heart of a populous Kingdom.

NAY, so general was this cowardly and effeminate Spirit, that it was not confined to the Friends of Liberty and Britain: In England, it infected even their Enemies: who, while the hardy Scots risqued their Lives in a strange Country, amidst the Inclemencies of a severe Season, sat like Cowards by the Chimney Corner, tamely wishing the Success of that Mischief, which their effeminate Manners durst not propagate.

IT hath been urged indeed, as a Proof that the national Spirit of Defence is not yet extinguished, that we raised such large Sums during that Rebellion, and still continue such plentiful Supplies for the Support of our Fleets and Armies. This is weak Reasoning: For will not Cowardice, at least as soon as Courage, part with a Shilling or a Pound, to avoid Danger? The capital Question therefore still remains, "Not who shall Pay, but who shall Fight?"

MONEY, it is true, hath of late more than ever, been among us regarded as the main Engine of War: How truly, let our Successes tell the World.—This Point will hereafter be treated more at large [*]. In the mean Time, it cannot be amiss to observe, that a little of the active Spirit of Courage would do well, in order to give Play to this boasted Engine, which otherwise may sink into a dead and unactive Mass.

FOR a natural Display, therefore, of the Genius of the Times, commend me to the frank Declaration of an honest Gentleman, during the impending Terror of a French Invasion. "For my Part, I am no Soldier; and therefore think it no Disgrace, to own myself a Coward. Here is my Purse, at the Service of my Country: If the French come, I'll pay: but—take me, if I fight."

HOW many modern fine Gentlemen, notwithstanding the warlike Weapon at their Side, would make the same Declaration, had they the same Sincerity?

THERE is another Circumstance in modern Manners, the Consideration of which must not be omitted because at first View it bids fair for the Spirit of Defence among the Great: I mean, the Spirit of deliberate Self-murder: For this ran high in ancient GREECE and ROME, when the Spirit of Defence was strong.

FOR the clearing of this Point, it must be premised and confessed, that something like the Principle of Honour, that is, the Dread of Infamy and Shame, appears the leading Motive in both Instances.

BUT a farther Dictinction is to be made, with Regard to the different Objects of this Fear: And for this, we must refer to a former Section *. There we have seen, that the ruling Pride of a modern man of Fashion, lies in the Parade of Dress, Gaming, Entertainments, and Equipage: whereas, on the contrary, the Ambition of an old Roman, was, to excel in military Virtue. Now this Dictinction at once clears up the Question we are upon, and confirms much of what hath been advanced on modern Principles and Manners. The Roman killed himself, because he had been unfortunate in War; the Englishman, because he hath been unfortunate at Whist: The old Hero, because he had disgraced his Country; the modern, because he dares not shew his Head at Arthur's: That, [10] because he was deprived of his Glory; this, of his Ortolans and Champaigne: The first was encouraged by a mistaken Principle of Religion; the latter, by his being void of all Religion: The one, because he had lost a Battle or a Province; the other, because the Bailiff hath seized his Equipage: The Roman was impelled to Self-Destruction by the Strength of warlike Honour; the Briton, by despicable and effeminate Vanity.

WHERE then shall we seek for the genuine Spirit of Defence? Where, in Truth, should we most seek for it, but among those who are our Defenders by Profession?

BUT, "what Probability is there, that the Spirit of Defence should be strong in any Profession, when the Members of that Profession are all chosen, without prior Culture or Preparation, from a People among whom the Spirit of Defence is lost?" The Truth implied in this Question is so evident in itself, that it is hard to go about to prove it. Can a mere Change of Dress or Title, or the buckling on a military Weapon, infuse Strength, Hardiness, Courage, or Honour? These are Qualities that must either be natural, which seldom happens; or they must be infused by an early and continued Discipline; or else, they come not at all. Schools and Seminaries of this Kind we have none; or none that are in any Degree attended to. The young Men designed for the military Profession are bred up to the same effeminate Maxims and Manners, which their Fathers are proud of: Can we wonder, if these shoot into Action, and form parallel Characters? Well might we wonder if they did not.

SO then, if it appear by our present Success in War, that our naval and military Spirit of Defence is strong, it must be evident at the same Time, that this great Spirit is infused by some Means altogether supernatural.

IN the mean Time, what becomes of the four great natural Hinges, on which the true Spirit of Defence must hang, Strength, Hardiness, Courage, and Principle?

CAN the modern System of false Delicacy nerve the Warrior with Hardiness and Strength? These Qualities, I believe, are hardly boasted, as making any Part of the modern warlike Character. It is a prudent as well as a modest Part, indeed, not to throw these rough and antiquated Weights into the present military Scale: For every common Eye would detect the false Pretension.

BUT tho' brutal Strength and unpolished Hardiness be gone, are not our Army and Navy the great Schools of Courage and Honour; where these shining Qualities are of Course obtained?—Truly, it hath long been so affirmed: So long, that the Affirmation hath, till of late, passed for Proof. But the Nation is now beginning to grow sceptical in this Point; and require something more than Affirmation, for the Support of an Article of such Importance.

LET us first weigh the Probability of this, from the Nature of Things and Men. True Courage and a Principle of Honour, if they be not the rare and generous Growths of Nature, are the Effect of early and continued Habits. Tho' grown Gentlemen may learn to Dance; yet, their Movements will be none of the most graceful: And tho' grown Gentlemen repair to the School of Courage and Honour: yet, with all their pre-conceived Maxims of false Delicacy, their trifling Ambitions, and effeminate Manners about them, I ween, they are like to make a sorry Progress. Long before this, the Mind hath taken its decisive Cast of Thought, and can but rarely be brought back from its first Obliquities.

BUT suppose the Possibility of this sudden Infusion: It is to be feared, the Consequence would fail us. It is true, that when Armies take the Field, and Fleets put to Sea; when Sieges are undertaken, and Battles fought, and Glory is the Prize of Toil and Danger;—then indeed, Armies and Navies become the Schools of Courage and warlike Honour: Here is a strong and continued Bias put upon the Mind of every Individual, of Force to conquer it's earliest Obliquities. But where nothing of this happens; where Land Officers in the Capital are occupied in Dress, Cards, and Tea; and in Country Towns divide their Time between Milleners Shops and Taverns; and Sea Officers, even in Time of War, instead of annoying the Enemies Fleets, are chiefly busied in the gainful Trade of catching Prizes;—in such a Case, the Army must of necessity be the School, not of Honour, but Effeminacy; the Navy the School of Avarice, to the Ends of Effeminacy.

HOW far these general Reasonings are confirmed by a Series of recent Events, the World is left to judge. It is not the Writer's Intention to make personal Applications, but to trace acknowledged Facts to their Principles and Consequences.

SECT. IV. Of the national Spirit of Union.

THESE accumulated Proofs may convince us, that the national Spirit of Defence is not less weakened than the national Capacity, by the Manners and Principles of the Times. Let us next weight their various Effects on the national Spirit of Union.

IT may be proper to preface this Part of the Estimate, by observing, that whereas a national Capacity and Spirit of Defence are not necessarily affected by a national Form of Government; the national Spirit of Union, on the contrary, is naturally strong under some Forms, and naturally weak under others.

IT is naturally strong in absolute Monarchies; because, in the Absence both of Manners and Principles, the compelling Power of the Prince directs and draws every thing to one Point; and therefore, in all common Situations, effectually supplies their Place.

BUT in free Countries it is naturally weak, unless supported by the generous Principles of Religion, Honour, or public Spirit: For as in most Cases, a full national Union will require, that the separate and partial Views of private Interest be in some Degree sacrificed to the general Welfare; so where Principle prevails not, the national Union must ever be thwarted or destroyed by selfish Views and separate Interests.

ANOTHER Circumstance must be remarked, by which, in free Countries, the national Union will accidentally be often checked, but not destroyed: I mean, by the Freedom of Opinion itself, urged into Act by the very Strength of generous and prevailing Principle.

THIS Distinction leads us to observe what may perhaps be deemed an Over-fight or Inaccuracy of the celebrated MONTESQUIEU. He hath often given it as his Opinion, that Factions are not only natural, but necessary to free Governments: And this general Rule he gives without Restriction. Thus he speaks of Rome. "On n'entend parler dans les auteurs, que des divisions qui perdirent Rome: mais on ne voit pas que ces Divisions y étoient necessaires, qu'elles y avoient toujours été, & qu'elles y devoient toujours etre [*]."

How far this Proposition is true or false, the Distinction made above will lead us to discover. When the Spirit of Union is checked, and Divisions arise, from the Variety and Freedom of Opinion only; or from the contested Rights and Privileges of the different Ranks or Orders of a State, not from the detached and selfish Views of Individuals; a Republic is then in its Strength, and gathers Warmth and Fire from these Collisions. Such was the State of ancient Rome, in the simpler and more disinterested Periods of that Republic.

BUT when Principle is weakened and Manners lost, and Factions run high from selfish Ambition, Revenge, or Avarice, a Repubiic is then on the very Eve of its Destruction: And such was the State of Rome, in the Times of MARIUS and SYLLA, POMPEY and CESAR, ANTHONY and AUGUSTUS.

THEREFORE, before we can determine whether the Factions that divide a free Country be salutary or dangerous, it is necessary to know what is their Foundation and their Object. If they arise from Freedom of Opinion, and aim at the public Welfare, they are salutary: If their Source be selfish Interest, of what kind soever; they are then dangerous and destructive.

IT was necessary to make these Distinctions, before we could say with Precision, how far, in our own Country, a national Spirit of Union, is in reality a national GOOD.

THE Point therefore to be examined, is, "how far our national Spirit of Union is weakened or destroyed by selfish Views of Good, by separate Interests, and Defect of Principle?"

Now, if the Delineation already given of our ruling Manners and Principles be true, the Consequence must needs follow, that our national Spirit of Union must be shaken by them.

NEITHER shall we need to cast about, for evident Facts that will confirm this Theory. Glaring Proofs will meet us at every Turn; and not only make good this Conclusion, but throw new Light on the Delineation already made.

THE Restraints laid on the royal Prerogative at the Revolution, and the Accession of Liberty thus gained by the People, produced two Effects with Respect to Parliaments. One was that, instead of being occasionally, they were thence-forward annually assembled: The other was, that whereas on any trifling Offence given, they had been usually intimidated or dissolved, they now found themselves possessed of new Dignity and Power; their Consent being necessary for raising the annual Supplies.

NO Body of Men, except in the simplest and most virtuous Times, ever found themselves possessed of Power, but many of them would attempt to turn it to their own private Advantage. Thus the Parliaments finding themselves of Weight, and finding at the same Time that the Disposal of all lucrative Employments was vested in the Crown, soon bethought themselves, that in Exchange for their Concurrence in granting Supplies, and forwarding the Measures of Government, it was but equitable that the Crown should concur in vesting Them, or their Dependants, with the lucrative Employs of State.

IF this was done, the Wheels of Government ran smooth and quiet: But if any large Body of Claimants was dissatisfied, the political Uproar began; and public Measures were obstructed or overturned.

WILLIAM the third found this to be the national Turn; and set himself, like a Politician, to oppose it: He therefore silenced all he could, by Places or Pensions: And hence the Origin of MAKING of PARLIAMENTS.

BUT the Art, as yet, was but in its infant State. The ruling Principles, which had brought about the REVOLUTION, had not as yet lost their Force: And the first Essays of Art are always rude: Time only, and Variety of Trial and Experiment, can form them into perfect Systems.

IN the mean Time, this new Principle of Self-Interest began to work deeper every Day in its Effects. As a Seat in Parliament was now found to be of considerable selfish Importance, the Contention for Gain, which had begun in Town, spread itself by Degrees into the Country. Shires and Burroughs, which in former Times had paid their Representatives for their Attendance in Parliament, were now the great Objects of Request, and political Struggle.

AND as the Representatives had already found their Influence, and made their Demands on the Crown; so now, the Constituents found their Influence, and made their Demands on the Representatives.

THUS the great Chain of political Self-Interest was at length formed; and extended from the lowest Cobler in a Burrough, to the King's first Minister.

BUT a Chain of Self-Interest is indeed no better than a Rope of Sand: There is no Cement nor Cohesion between the Parts: There is rather a mutual Antipathy and Repulsion; the Character of Self-Interest being in a peculiar Sense, that of "teres atque rotundus;" wrapt up wholly in itself; and unconnected with others, unless for its own Sake. Here then, we see even this Chain itself ready to fall in Pieces, and on any sudden Thwart or Concussion, break into an Infinity of Factions.

BESIDES this, the lucrative Employs of our Country not being near so numerous as the Claimants are, in every Degree of political Power and Expectation; the Spirit of selfish Faction arose of course in its Strength, from unsatisfied Demands, and disappointed Avarice.

IT hath much been debated, whether the Ministers or the People have contributed more to the Establishment of this System of Self-Interest and Faction. On Enquiry it would probably appear, that at different Periods the Pendulum hath swung at large on both sides. It came down, in former Times, from the Minister to the Representative, from the Representative to the managing Alderman, from the Alderman to the Cobler. In later Times, the Impulse seems to have been chiefly in the contrary Direction: From the Cobler to the managing Alderman; from him, to the Member; from the Member, to the great Man who ruled the Burrough; and thence to the Minister. Thus, what was formerly, in the Minister, an Act of supposed Prudence, has of late grown into an Act of supposed Necessity. The Cobler by this Time had found his Strength, so the Pressure went upwards, till it came upon the Ministry.

To suppose that the Servants of the Crown never attempted Measures that were known to be bad, nor ever made Parliaments, in order to carry their Attempts into Action, would be ridiculous: But on the other hand it is equally true, what MACHIAVEL somewhere delivers as a Maxim, "That an ill-disposed Citizen can do no great Harm, but in an ill-disposed City." Bribery in the Minister supposes a corrupt People.

AND, to venture a plain, tho' perhaps an unpopular Truth on this Occasion; it must be owned that a Minister is not therefore certainly corrupt in his Intention, because he makes a Parliament by indirect and corrupt Means. This Conduct, however indefensible, may arise from two opposite Causes. He may be afraid of the Virtue of a Nation, in its opposing bad Measures: Or he may not dare to rely on the Virtue of a Nation, in supporting him in good ones.

THERE was a noted Minister in this Kingdom, who, during his long Reign, seems to have put these two Maxims in Practice, as Occasion offered. For if it was his Maxim, "that every Man had his Price."It was his Maxim too, "That he was obliged to bribe the Members, not to vote against, but according to their Conscience."

HOWEVER, this is not meant as a Vindication of his Measures. On the contrary, they seem generally to have aimed no higher than to secure present Expedients, to oblige his Friends and Dependants, and provide for his own Safety. His Capacity, even when he meant well, seems to have been too narrow to comprehend any great Plan of Legislation; and perhaps his Character might be drawn in these few Words, "That while he seemed to strengthen the Superstructure, he weakened the Foundations of our Constitution."

BUT however defective Ministers may have been in making the public Welfare the main Object of their Views, we may be satisfied by this Estimate of Things from the Revolution to the present Times, that the Nation have at least marched "Passibus aequis." And tho' this Work is not intended either as a Defence or an Accusation of Ministers; yet for the sake of Truth it must be said, that the eternal Clamours, of a selfish, and a factious People, against every Ministry that rises, puts one in Mind of those Carthaginian Armies, which being at once cowardly and insolent, ran away at Sight of an Enemy, and then crucified their General, because he did not gain the Victory.

To return therefore to our Subject, (if, indeed, we have departed from it) evident it is, that the want of Principle hath at length firmly established a System of political Self-Interest among us, which must at all times break out into Factions; and prevent the great Effects which a national Spirit of Union would produce. Former Times, we plainly see, have been fatally infected with this selfish Spirit. Present Times, in this respect, are sacred; and therefore we speak not of them. But if the ruling Manners and present want of Principle in this Kingdom be not checked in their Carriere; we must expect that future Times will be more selfish, and therefore more factious, than those former ones, we have already described.

FOR Vanity, Luxury, and Effeminacy, (increased beyond all Belief within these twenty Years) as they are of a selfish, so are they of a craving and unsatisfied Nature: The present Rage of Pleasure and unmanly Dissipation hath created a Train of new Necessities, which in their Demands outstrip every possible Supply.

AND if the great Principles of Religion, Honour, and public Spirit are weak or lost among us, what effectual Check can there be upon the Great, to controul their unbounded and unwarranted Pursuit of lucrative Employments, for the Gratification of these unmanly Passions?

And whenever this happens, what can we expect as the Consequence, but a general Anarchy and Confusion? what, but that disappointed Avarice will kindle Faction? That national Union must be thwarted by selfish Regards? That no public Measure, however salutary, can be carried into Act, if it clash with any foreseen private Interest?

NAY, is it not the Duty of every Well-wisher to his Country, to consider, not only how soon this may be, but how far it is our present Situation?

WHAT other Effect can naturally arise from the Vanity, Dissipation, and Rapacity of a dissolute People? For in a Nation so circumstanced, 'tis natural to imagine, that next to Gaming and Riot, the chief Attention of the great World must be turned on the Business of Election-jobbing, of securing Counties, controuling, bribing, or buying of Burroughs, in a word, on the Possession of a great Parliamentary Interest?

But what an Aggravation of this Evil would arise, should ever those of the highest Rank, tho' prohibited by Act of Parliament, insult the Laws by interfering in Elections, by solliciting Votes, or procuring others to sollicit them; by influencing Elections in an avowed Defiance of their Country, and even selling vacant Seats in Parliament to the best Bidder?

WOULD not this be a faithful Copy of degenerate and declining Rome? "Ea demum Romae libertas est, non Senatum, non Magistratus, non Leges, non Mores Majorum, non Instituta Patrum vereri."

AND what, can we suppose would be the real Drift of this illegitimate Waste of Time, Honour, Wealth, and Labour? might not the very Reason publickly assigned for it, be this, "That they may strengthen themselves and Families, and thus gain a lasting Interest (as they call it) for their Dependants, Sons and Posterity?" Now what would this imply but a supposed Right or Privilege of demanding lucrative Employs, as the chief Object of their View? And whence can this supposed Privilege of Demand derive its Force, but from a foreseen Power, and determined Purpose, of kindling Faction, and obstructing all public Measures, in case of Disappointment and Disgust?

WE see then, how the political System of Self-Interest is at length compleated; and a Foundation laid in our Principles and Manners for endless Dissentions in the State.

THUS Faction is established, not on Ambition, but on Avarice: on Avarice and Rapacity, for the Ends of Dissipation.

NEED we point out particular Facts, in Confirmation of these Truths? Is not the Nation even now labouring under this fatal Malady? Is not the deadly Bow-string already stretched, and the Public gasping and expiring under the Tugs of opposed and contending Parties?

"Distractam, laceratamque Rempublicam—magis quorum in manu sit, quam ut incolumis sit quaeri [*]."

SECT. V. Of the Consequences of National Disunion.

IT is not enough to have shewn in what Manner our Defect of Principle and ruling Manners have compleated the Ruin of the national Spirit of Union: If we would obtain a full View of our Subject, it is a necessary tho' disagreeable Task, to trace this Disunion thro' its particular Effects.

NOW these will always vary along with the Character of the People thus divided. If the Nation be warlike, and the Spirit of Defence be strong, the Danger will generally arise from within. If the Nation be effeminate, and the Spirit of Defence be weak, the Danger will generally arise from without.

The first of these was the Situation and Fate of the ancient Military Republics. That of Corinth was destroyed by the Faction of the Praetor DIAEUS and his Party. The Athenian Commonwealth was again and again shaken and overturned by the Weight of opposing Parties: insomuch that the History of this Republic may justly be styled the History of Faction. When degenerate Manners had destroyed the Purity of the Spartan Constitution and Laws of LYCURGUS, AGIS attempted to restore them, but was murdered in the generous Attempt by a Faction headed by the Ephori. The Roman Commonwealth, in its later Periods, was thrown into perpetual Convulsions by ambitious and warlike Faction, and died at last of the Malady. And, to pass by many other Proofs that might be alledged, what Rivers of Blood have been spilt in our own Country, among contending Factions, while the Spirit of Arms and Honour remained among us?

BUT to give every Period of Manners it's due Character, it is confessed that in the present effeminate tho' factious Times, we have no Danger of this kind to fear. For as our Manners are degenerated into those of Women, so are our Weapons of Offence.

BUT as this Home-Security arises only from the common Impotence; it is probable, that other Nations may soon know of what Materials we are made; and therefore our Danger is likely to arise from without.

LET us then examine what Effects this national Spirit of Disunion must have upon us, as we stand affected by any foreign Enemy.

It weakens the Consistency of all public Measures: So that no great national Scheme of Thought can be carried into Action, if it's Accomplishment demands any long. Continuity of Time.

IT weakens not only the Consistency, but the Vigour and Expedition of all publick Measures: So that while a divided People are contending about the Means of Security or Defence, a united Enemy may surprize and invade them.

These are the apparent Consequences of national Disunion: There is another not so obvious, and therefore more likely to be fatal.

WE have seen that in a Nation circumstanced like ours, the great Contention among those of Quality and Fortune will probably lie in the Affair of Election Interests: That next to effeminate Pleasure and Gaming, this (for the same End as Gaming) will of Course be the capital Pursuit: that this Interest will naturally be regarded as a kind of Family-Fund, for the Provision of the younger Branches: and that it's Force must arise from this Principle, that in Case the Head of the Family is not gratified in his lucrative Demands, he and his Dependants will raise a Combustion in the State.

VIEWING the Affair, then, in this Light; we shall see that, besides the general ill Influence of Faction, this Principle of Disunion must farther tend to weaken or destroy both the National Capacity and the national Spirit of Defence.

FOR, in a Nation so circumstanced, thro' the Strength of this Principle, many high and important Posts, in every public and important Profession, must of Course be filled by Men, who instead of Ability and Virtue, plead this Interest for their best Title.

THUS in a Time when Science, Capacity, Courage, Honour, Religion, Public Spirit, are rare; the remaining Few who possess these Virtues, will often be shut out from these Stations which they would fill with Honour; while every public and important Employ will abound with Men, whose Manners and Principles are of the newest Fashion.

'Tis acknowledged there are Exceptions to the Truth of this Remark. Nay, were it necessary, the Writer could gratify his Vanity, by ranking some of these Names in the Number of his Friends. But notwithstanding these Exceptions, the general Observation will maintain it's Truth.

How indeed can it be otherwise, while the Consciousness of this Principle has any Place in the Mind? Is not the Parliament-Interest of every powerful Family continually rung in the Ears of it's Branches and Dependants? And does not this inevitably tend to relax and weaken the Application of the young Men of Quality and Fortune, and render every Man who has Reliance on this Principle, less qualified for those Stations which BY THIS VERY PRINCIPLE he obtains? For why should a Youth of Family or Fashion (thus he argues with himself) "Why should He submit to the Drudgery of Schools, Colleges, Academies, Voyages, Campaigns, Fatigues, and Dangers, when he can rise to the highest Stations by the smooth and easy Path of Parliamentary Interest?"

'Tis granted, indeed, that the Sons and Relations of Men of Quality and Fortune, have not only an equal, but even a prior Claim to all high Employments in the State, provided only, they are qualified to fill them honourably.

WE may truly add to this, that in that Period of a State, when Capacity, Courage, and Honour, form its ruling Character; those of high Quality and Degree, are generally of all others the most capable, most couragious, most honourable.

ON the contrary, where Effeminacy and selfish Vanity form the ruling Character of a People; there we may be no less certain, that those of high Rank and Quality will in general be of all others most vain, most selfish, most incapable, most effeminate.

THE Reason is permanent, and the same in both Cases: "Because in every Period of every State, "the Influence of the leading People, soon or late, will form it's leading Character."

HOW far these Truths are verified by present Facts, it were needless, perhaps dangerous, particularly to say. Let it therefore be left to the candid Consideration of every honest and impartial Man, how far several recent Events, by which both the Honour and outward Strength of this Nation have been impaired, have arisen from the prevailing Principle here delineated.

WE may conclude this Subject with a general Remark, which, together with the Result of these Observations, may form a general Maxim: That "when Factions arise from the Excess of military Spirit and the ambition of Dominion, they increase the national Capacity and Spirit of Defence: On the contrary, where Factions arise from selfish Effeminacy, the national Capacity and Spirit of Defence will certainly be weakened or destroyed [*].

SUCH are the Effects of this prevailing Principle of Self-Interest and Disunion, in high Life. But if we take into the Account all that despicable Train of political Managers, Agents, and Burrough-Jobbers, which hang like Leeches upon the Great, nor ever quit their Hold till they are full gorged; we shall then see this reigning Evil in it's last Perfection. For here, to Incapacity and Demerit, is generally added Insolence. Every low Fellow of this Kind looks upon the Man of Genius, Capacity, and Virtue, as his natural Enemy. He regards him with an evil Eye; and hence undermines or defames him; as one who thwarts his Views, questions his Title, and indangers his Expectations. He must have had little Experience in the World, who has not, among every Order, met with flagrant Characters of this Kind, and Instances of this Truth.

THUS the public Body is again weakened, or rather mutilated in all its Limbs. And that national Spirit of Disunion which our Principles and Manners have produced, comes not only attended with it's proper and immediate Effects, but hath completed the Ruin of the national Capacity, and the national Spirit of Defence.

SECT. VI. An Objection, drawn from the Manners of the French Nation, considered.

WE might here close our Estimate of the public Effects of the ruling Manners and Principles of the Times; were not the Theory here established on a Number of concurrent Facts, apparently liable to an Objection.

THIS ariseth from the ruling Manners of the French Nation: Which being as vain and effeminate as our own, and the very Archetype from which our own are drawn, should of Course involve that Nation in the same Consequences, the same Defect of national Capacity, Defence and Union: But as these Principles of national and internal Strength are, on all hands, acknowledged to maintain their proper Vigour in France, where the ruling Manners are effeminate; therefore, say the Patronizers of our modern Manners, these cannot be the Cause of our national Miscarriages and Defects.

'TIS granted, then, that their Manners are of the same Kind: But on Examination it will appear, that whereas ours (as we have seen) are suffered to go on to all their proper and natural Effects; theirs, on the contrary, are checked and counteracted in their Effects, by a variety of Causes and Principles wholly dissimilar.

THEIR effeminate Manners affect not their national Capacity, because their Youth are assiduously trained up for all public Offices, civil, naval, military, in Schools provided at the national Expence: Here the Candidates for public Employ go thro' a severe and laborious Course of Discipline, and only expect to rise in Station, as they rise in Knowledge and Ability.

THEIR effeminate Manners affect not their national Spirit of Defence, because they are controuled by the Principle of military Honour. This, for some Ages, hath been early instilled into every rising Generation; and is at length become so strong and universal, as to form the national Character. It spreads through every Rank; inspires even the meanest in the Kingdom; and pervades and actuates the whole Machine of Government, with a Force little inferior to that of public Virtue.

IT were no incurious Subject, to investigate this peculiar Principle to it's first Causes: But that lies beyond the Intention of the present Design. It may be called a peculiar Principle, in France, because it is unconnected, nay even at Variance with it's Manners; and in no other Country did this Principle ever subsist in it's Strength, when other Principles were weakened, and Manners lost.

IT may seem, perhaps, at first View, to have arisen from the civil Wars that rent the Kingdom in the Time of HENRY the Great, to have been transfused from thence into the gallant Reign of LOUIS, and thence heightened and delivered down to present Times.

BUT tho' it received great Heightenings in these two Reigns, yet it produced signal and peculiar Effects, before the first of these Periods, In Proof of this, we need only alledge the famous Route called the Battle of Spurs, when HENRY the Eighth of England invaded France. On this Occasion, the Body of the French Army giving Way thro' some sudden Panic, the Officers kept their Ground, and rather chose to be slain or taken Prisoners, than give Countenance to such an ignominious Flight.

THIS Principle, so remarkable at this Day among the FRENCH, we stigmatize with the Name of false Honour. Such as it is, it were to be wished we had more of it. It aims not, indeed at generous Ends, beyond a certain Sphere: But it is plausible, polite and splendid, in the Pursuit even of it's ungenerous Ends. In short, the Honour, like the Religion of France, is not void of Benevolence, but confines its Benevolence, within a certain Pale. 'Tis false Honour, as it regards other Nations; as it regards their own Country, it is true.

As this Principle in France, secures the national Spirit of Defence, so the Power of their Monarch, aided by this Principle, secures their national Spirit of Union. In consequence of this, the World has accidentally seen their vast Plan of Power (formed by the great Colbert almost a Century ago) carried on, tho' with frequent Interruptions, and in a great Degree now accomplished, thro' a Variety of Reigns, Wars and Administrations. The Monarch's Power gives Unity and Steddiness, the Principle of Honour gives Vigour, to every Movement of the State.

THUS, in Contradiction to all known Example, France hath become powerful, while she seemed to lead the Way in Effeminacy: And while she hath allured her neighbour Nations, by her own Example, to drink largely of her circaean and poisoned Cup of Manners, hath secured her own Health by the secret Antidote of Principle.

FORCED by this, the Character of the French Nation, tho' inconsistent, is respectable: They have found, or rather invented, the Art of uniting all Extremes: They have Virtues and Vices, Strengths and Weaknesses, seemingly incompatible. They are effeminate yet brave: insincere, yet honourable: hospitable, not benevolent: vain, yet subtile: splendid, not generous: warlike, yet polite: plausible, not virtuous: mercantile, yet not mean: In Trifles serious, gay in Enterprize: Women at the Toilet, Heroes in the Field: profligate in Heart; in Conduct, decent: Divided in Opinion, in Action united: In Manners weak, but strong in Principle: Contemptible in private Life; in public, Formidable.

SECT. VII. Of the most probable Tendency of these Effects.

NOTWITHSTANDING this apparent Objection, therefore, the Principles here advanced maintain their Force. And thus we see, how our effeminate Manners and Defect of Principle have weakened the national Capacity, and Spiri• of Defence; and by giving a new Turn to our national Disunion, have still farther aggravated these ruling Evils in the State.

WHAT then is the most probable Consequence of this national Debility?

'TIS from an outward Enemy, as hath been observed, that Danger is most to be apprehended.

THE FRENCH, in Land Armies, are far our Superiors: They are making large and dreadful Strides towards us, in naval Power. They have more than disputed with us the Empire of the Mediterranean. They are driving us from our Forts and Colonies in America.

THESE are the steddy Effects of their Principles and Union; of our Deficiency in both.

THESE Causes reach to, and operate, even in the new World. Their Governors of Colonies are actuated by Honour and their Monarch's Power: Ours, too commonly, by Self-Love and uncontrouled Rapine. Their Zeal and Policy direct them to make Converts and Friends of the Indian Nations: Our Irreligion prevents the one; our dishonest Treatment, the other. For by the best Accounts, our Colonies have in general copied, and even outgone us, in every fashionable Degeneracy.

SHOULD the French, then, possess themselves of North America, what Eye can be so weak, as not to see the Consequence? Must not a naval Power come upon us, equal, if not superior to our own?

THUS by a gradual and unperceived Decline, we seem gliding down to Ruin. We laugh, we sing, we feast, we play: We adopt every Vanity, and catch at every Lure, thrown out to us by the Nation that is planning our Destruction; and while Fate is hanging over us, are sightless and thence secure. Were we but as innocent as Blind, we should, in our Fondness for French Manners, compleatly resemble the Lamb described by the Poet:

The Lamb thy Riot dooms to bleed to Day,

Had he thy Reason, wou'd he skip and play?

Pleas'd to the last, he crops the flow'ry Food;

And licks the Hand that's rais'd to shed his Blood.

Notes

*
Book of Wisdom.
↵

*
Cic. de Oratore, l. iii.
↵

*
See Mr. Hume's Essays.
↵

*
See Part the Third.
↵

10
Part i. Sect 6.
↵

*
Grandeur des Rom. l. ix.
↵

*
Liv.
↵

*
WE must not omit to observe, that there are two Professions which, even in the most selfish and effeminate Times, will generally maintain their proper Vigour: These are the Professions of Law and Physic. For as their Object is the Security of the Property and Health of Individuals, the most selfish and effeminate of Mankind will always be more attentive to the Preservation of these, in proportion as they are less attentive to the public Welfare, and lost to all generous Affections and Regards. Thus even in the most selfish and effeminate Times, the ablest Lawyers and Physicians will generally be at the Head of their Profession.
↵

PART III. OF THE SOURCES OF THESE MANNERS AND PRINCIPLES.
PART III. OF THE SOURCES OF These MANNERS and PRINCIPLES.

SECT. I. Of a general Mistake on this Subject.

THE publick Effects of our Manners and Principles here enumerated, begin now to appear too manifest in our public Miscarriages, to be any longer derided. The Nation stands aghast at it's own Misfortunes: But, like a Man starting suddenly from Sleep, by the Noise of some approaching Ruin, knows neither whence it comes, nor how to avoid it.

IN Proof of this, we need only look into the late Instructions from Constituents to Representatives. These, we see, seldom look farther than the immediate and incidental Occasion of each particular Misconduct: While the grand general Principles in which these Misconducts have been chiefly founded, are neither seen, nor suspected: Nay, an impartial Enquiry will probably convince us, that while they strike at the Shoots and Branches, they feed the Root from whence these Misconducts have been originally derived.

FOR it seems to be the ruling Maxim of this Age and Nation, that if our Trade and Wealth are but increased, we are powerful, happy, and secure: And in estimating the real Strength of the Kingdom, the sole Question for many Years hath been, "What Commerce and Riches the Nation is possessed of?" A Question, which an ancient Lawgiver would have laughed at.

THERE never was a more fatal Error more greedily embraced by any People.

SECT. II. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on Manners.

BY Wealth is understood, every kind of useful Possession; or Money, which is it's Sign, and may be converted into it.

BY Commerce is understood the Exchange of Wealth, for mutual Benefit.

THE Effects of Commerce on Manners have by most Writers, I think, been considered as uniform. Even the sage and amiable MONTESQUIEU says only, in general Terms, "That Commerce polishes Manners, but corrupts Manners [*]." Whereas, from a candid View of it's Nature and Effects, we shall probably find, that in it's first and middle Stages it is beneficent; in it's last, dangerous and fatal.

IF we view Commerce in its first Stages, we shall see, that it supplies mutual Necessities, prevents mutual Wants, extends mutual Knowledge, eradicates mutual Prejudice, and spreads mutual Humanity.

IF we view it in its middle and more advanced Period, we shall see, it provides Conveniencies, increaseth Numbers, coins Money, gives Birth to Arts and Science, creates equal Laws, diffuses general Plenty and general Happiness.

IF we view it in it's third and highest Stage, we shall see it change it's Nature and Effects. It brings in Superfluity and vast Wealth; begets Avarice, gross Luxury, or effeminate Refinement among the higher Ranks, together with general Loss of Principle.

CONCERNING the two first Stages of Commerce, I shall have no Dispute with the present Times: It's Benefits are generally acknowledged. The dangerous Effects of it's Exorbitance or Excess have not yet been sufficiently developed.

THAT Commerce in it's Excess brings a general Superfluity of Goods, that this general Superfluity settles in particular Hands into vast Wealth, will be readily acknowledged.

THE next Step is, to consider how vast Wealth naturally produces Avarice, Luxury, or Effeminacy, according to the Genius or Circumstances of the People among whom it comes.

INDUSTRY, in it's first Stages, is frugal, not ungenerous: It's End being that of Self-Preservation and moderate Enjoyment, it's little Superfluities are often employed in Acts of Generosity and Beneficence. But the daily Increase of Wealth by Industry, naturally increases the Love of Wealth. The Passion for Money, being founded, not in Sense, but Imagination, admits of no Satiety, like those which are called the natural Passions. Thus the Habit of saving Money, beyond every other Habit, gathers Strength by continued Gratification. The Attention of the whole Man is immediately turned upon it; and every other Pursuit held light when compared with the Increase of Wealth. Hence, the natural Character of the Trader, when his final Prospect is the Acquisition of Wealth, is that of Industry and Avarice.

WHAT is true, in this Respect, of trading Men, is true of trading Nations. If their Commerce be that of Oeconomy in the Extreme, if the last Object of their Pursuit be Wealth for it's own Sake, if the Leaders of such a People be commercial, the Character of that People, and it's Leaders, will be found in Industry and Avarice.

BUT if a trading Nation hath a large Territory, sufficient to create a Landed Interest, Commerce will produce very different Effects.

FOR as it multiplies Inhabitants, and brings in Wealth, it naturally increases the Value of landed Estates. Barren Grounds are cultivated, and cultivated Spots are made more fertile. Hence a vast Accession of Income to the Nobility and Gentry.

THESE Ranks of Men being not bred up to Habits of Industry; on the contrary, their increased Rents coming in unsought for, and their Time being often a Load upon them, thro' want of Capacity and Employment, the Habit of Indulgence comes on, and grows of Course. Additional Wealth gives the Power to gratify every Desire that rises, Leisure improves these Desires into Habits; thus Money is at length considered as no more than the Means of Gratification; and hence the genuine Character of a rich Nobility or Gentry, is that of Expence and Luxury.

BUT the first Essays of Luxury, like those of every other Art, are coarse and rude: The natural Character of Luxury, therefore, is to refine by Degrees: Especially, when assisted by Commerce, it advances apace into Refinement. For Commerce searches every Shore and Climate for it's Supplies; and Art is studious, because rewarded, in arranging and applying these Materials to the most exquisite and delicate Use. Thus every coarser Mode of Pleasure is by Degrees despised; new Habits of higher Indulgence come on: gross Luxury is banished, and Effeminacy takes it's Place.

BUT Luxury, in this last Period, being exhausted in it's Course; and turned, for want of new Objects of Indulgence, into Debility and Languor, would expire or sleep, were it not awakened by another Passion, which again calls it into Action. Nothing is so natural to effeminate Minds, as Vanity. This rouzes the luxurious and debilitated Soul; and the Arts of pleasurable Enjoyment are now pushed to their highest Degree, by the Spirit of delicate Emulation.

THUS the whole Attention of the Mind is centred on Brillancy and Indulgence: Money, tho' despised as an End, is greedily sought as a Means: And Self, under a different Appearance from the trading Spirit, takes equal Possession of the Soul.

THUS as the Character of a State altogether commercial in the highest Degree, is that of Industry and Avarice; so, in a Nation of extended Territory, where Commerce is in it's highest Period, while it's trading Members retain their Habits of Industry and Avarice, the natural Character of it's landed Ranks, it's Nobility and Gentry, is that of "a vain, luxurious, and selfish Effeminacy."

WE speak here of the simple and proper Effects of Trade and Wealth, uncontrouled by opposite Manners or Principles; which, it is to be observed, never existed probably, at least in the mixed State, in their full Extent: Individuals there are, and will be, in almost every State and Period, who are influenced by dissimilar Manners or Principles: There are Traders who are generous; Nobles and Gentry whose ultimate Passion is for Gold: But such Exceptions affect not the general Principle: And tho' these incidental Mixtures Weaken the different Colours of different Ranks or States, yet still the different Colours remain in their Nature distinct and invariable.

'TIS probable, the Reader will have discovered, that this Reasoning is strengthened by, or rather built upon, the Examples of two neighbour Nation; one wholly commercial, that of Holland: The other a mixed State, compounded of a commercial and landed Interest; I mean our own. And to say the Truth; no two Nations perhaps ever existed, which approached so near to the full and proper Effects of the Causes here alledged.

IT will appear immediately why the Genius of the Republic of Holland is here analysed into its first Principles; which are simply, those of Industry and the Love of Gain.

IN the mean Time, we may justly conclude from this Argument, that the exorbitant Trade and Wealth of England sufficiently account for it's present Effeminacy.

SECT. III. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth, on the religious Principle.

SUCH therefore are the ruling Manners which may naturally be expected in a Nation thus circumstanced, unless they be counteracted by opposite Principles: 'Tis now Time to consider the natural Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth, on all those salutary Principles by which these effeminate Manners can most effectually be controuled.

LET us still carry the two characteristic States of Holland and England, in our Eye.

WHETHER, then, we view the commercial State, where the Love of Money rules; or the mixed State, where vain Effeminacy predominates; we shall find both these national Characters have but a bad Aspect and Influence on every Kind of Principle. Let us first consider that of Religion.

AVARICE seems not, in it's own Nature, prone to destroy speculative religious Belief; but effectually to extinguish active religious Principle.

IT tends not to destroy speculative Belief, because this Effect must be a Work of Application, Time, and Labour: Now the Labour of Avarice is naturally bent on it's main Object, Money; therefore, to waste this Labour on the Propagation of the unprofitable and fruitless Doctrines of Irreligion, must ever be contrary to it's ruling Character.

BUT Avarice naturally tends to the Destruction of active religious Principles; because this is chiefly a Matter of habitual Impression; and therefore, in order to accomplish it's Destruction, nothing more is necessary than to forget. Now this requires no positive Act or Labour of the Mind, but is the natural Result from an attentive Pursuit of the favourite Object, Money.

HENCE, in a mere commercial State, actuated by the Love of Gain, Religion is not railed at or disputed against, but only neglected and forgot. And thus, the genuine Trader, who never questioned the Articles of his national Faith at home, scruples not to forswear Christianity, and tread upon the Cross in Japan, and returns the same good Christian as he went.

BUT in the mixed State, where national Effeminacy forms the primary, and Avarice only the secondary Character, the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on religious Principle, will be widely different.

LORD VERULAM hath somewhere observed, that "Times of Atheism are civil Times."He had been much nearer the Truth, had he affirmed, that "Civil Times are Times of Atheism." He mistook the Cause for the Effect.

THIS Effect of national Luxury and Refinement, in producing national Irreligion, is not difficult to account for. In some Periods of a State, Opinions controul Manners; but in most Periods, Manners controul'Opinions. Where the ruling Manners coincide with the common Good, as in the middle Periods of a State, there we commonly find that a rational and beneficent System of Religion prevails: This comes to pass, because the Principles of the received Religion contradict not the ruling Manners.

BUT in the State and Period of Luxury or Refinement, active religious Principle is lost thro' the attentive Pursuit of Pleasure; as in the commercial State, it is lost thro' the attentive Pursuit of Gain.

AND speculative Belief, in this Period, must naturally be lost along with practical; because Leisure and Literature having opened the Field of Disputation, Vice as well as Virtue will of course arm herself with every Weapon of Preservation and Offence. Luxury therefore will generally list under the Banner of Irreligion; because Religion condemns her Manners; Irreligion suffers, or approves them.

To confirm the Truth of this Reasoning, we need only observe, that in the Period of refined Luxury, few but they who are involved in the Vices, are involved in the Irreligion of the Times.

ONE Exception, however, must be made, with Regard to the Writers against Religion. For these, though they promote, yet are not often involved in the common Degeneracy. This Fact hath been regarded as unaccountable: that sober Men of Morals apparently unblameable, should madly unhinge the great Principle of Religion and Society, without any visible Motive or Advantage. But by looking a little farther into human Nature, we shall easily resolve this seeming Paradox. These Writers are generally Men of Speculation and Industry; and therefore though they give themselves up to the Dictates of their ruling Passion, yet that ruling Passion commonly leads to the Tract of abstemious Manners. That Desire of Distinction and Superiority, so natural to Man, breaks out in a thousand various and fantastic Shapes, and in each of these, according as it is directed, becomes a Virtue or a Vice. In Times of Luxury and Dissipation therefore, when every Tenet of Irreligion is greedily embraced, what Road to present Applause can lie so open and secure, as that of disgracing religious Belief? Especially if the Writer help forward the Vices of the Times, by relaxing Morals, as well as destroying Principle. Such a Writer can have little else to do, but to new model the Paradoxes of ancient Scepticism, in order to figure it in the World, and be regarded by the Smatterers in Literature and Adepts in Folly, as a Prodigy of Parts and Learning. Thus his Vanity becomes deeply criminal, and is execrated by the Wise and Good, because it is gratified at the Expence of his Country's Welfare. But the Consolation which degenerate Manners receive from his fatal Tenets, is repaid by eager Praise: And Vice impatiently drinks in and applauds his hoarse and boding Voice, while like a Raven, he sits croaking universal Death, Despair, and Annihilation to the human Kind.

THUS, where Manners and Religion are opposed, nothing is so natural, as that the one should bear down the other. If Religion destroy not the ruling Manners, these will gather Strength, and destroy Religion.

ESPECIALLY, in a Country where Freedom is established, and Manners lost through the Exorbitance of Wealth, the Duration of religious Principles can be but short. Despotism arms itself with Terror; and by checking the open and avowed Profession, checks in a certain Degree the Progress of Impiety. Whereas it must be acknowledged and lamented, as one of the unalterable Defects of a free Government, that Opinion must have its Course. The Disease is bad; but the Cure would be fatal. Thus Freedom is compelled to admit an Enemy, who under the Pretence and Form of an Ally, often proves her Destroyer.

SECT. IV. Of the Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth on the Principle of Honour.

IN the mixed State, where Luxury and Effeminacy form the ruling Character of a People, the Excess of Trade and Wealth naturally tends to weaken or destroy the Principle of Honour, by fixing the Desire of Applause, and the Fear of Shame, on improper and ridiculous Objects. Instead of the Good of others, or the Happiness of the Public, the Object of Pursuit naturally sinks into some unmanly and trifling Circumstance: The Vanity of Dress, Entertainments, Equipage, Furniture, of course takes Possession of the Heart.

BUT in the pure commercial State, where the Love of Gain predominates among the higher Ranks, the Desire of Applause and Fear of Shame are not perverted, but extinguished. The Lust of Gold swallows up every other Passion: and a Nation of this Character can without Emotion stand the Laughter and Contempt of Europe, and say with the Miser,

Populus me sibilat; at mihi plaudo

Ipse Domi, simulac Nummos contemplor in Area.

IN whatever Shape, therefore, the Passion for Applause appear, whether it assume the fantastic Form of Vanity, the more solemn one of Pride, or the steady and elevated Desire of rational Esteem; we shall find this Excess of national Avarice tends to its Extinction. A great Writer indeed hath told us, that "Vanity creates Industry [*];" which is true: Notwithstanding this, we have seen above, that Industry in the Excess naturally begets Avarice; and Avarice in the Excess works a total Change in the Soul, and expels that Vanity which gave it birth.

THE same great Writer hath told us,
"that Pride destroys Industry [†];"
the Reverse of which holds equally true: "that Industry destroys Pride:" We speak here of Pride in the blameable Sense, as when it riseth into blind and overbearing Insolence. Industry in the moderate Degree tends to destroy this contemptuous Spirit, by introducing Knowledge and Equality: and in this Respect, as in most others, is attended with excellent Effects.

BUT the Spirit of Trade in its Excess, by introducing Avarice, destroys the Desire of rational Esteem. In Confirmation of this, we need only cast our Eyes on the HOLLANDERS and CHINESE, among whom the trading Spirit is almost in its unmixed Perfection: The one is the most mercenary, the other the most thieving of all Nations.

SECT. V. Of their Effects on public Spirit.

THIS Part of our Subject needs little Investigation. For both in the commercial and mixed State, it appears, that exorbitant Trade and Wealth tend naturally to turn all the Attention of Individuals on selfish Gratification.

THEREFORE they must of course generally tend to destroy the Principle of public Spirit: because this implies, that our Attention and Regard is turned on others.

IN the commercial State, Avarice represents Wealth, in the mixed State Effeminacy represents Pleasure, as the chief Good. Both these Delusions tend to the Extinction of public Spirit.

THESE Delusions create a new Train of Wants, Fears, Hopes, and Wishes: All these terminating in selfish Regard, naturally destroy every Effort of generous and public Principle.

SECT. VI. Farther Remarks on this Subject.

IN Consequence of these Remarks, some farther Distinctions will arise.

THUS, the religious Principle will seem to exist in the commercial State, where Avarice forms the national Character; while in the mixed State where Luxury and Effeminacy predominate, it is evidently destroyed. The Reason is, that in the first, although active Principle is lost, speculative Belief is not controverted: Whereas, in the latter, not only active Principle is lost, but Religion itself (if such a State be free) is publickly insulted and derided. Thus in Holland, Religion seems yet to exist; while in England it is evidently destroyed.

ON the contrary, the Principle of Honour will seem to exist in the mixed State, where luxurious Effeminacy forms the primary Character of the Nation; while in the commercial State, where Avarice predominates, the Principle is evidently no more. The Reason is, that in the former, the Love of Applause and Fear of Shame are not wholly destroyed, but perverted, and turned upon unworthy Objects; while in the latter, the Passion itself is totally extinguished. Thus the faint Appearance of Honour yet remains in England, while in Holland it is manifestly destroyed.

BUT as modern Dutch Religion, and modern English Honour, seem no more than the Ghosts of departed Principles, so they have precisely those Effects, which may reasonably be expected from such shadowy Non-Entities.

AGAIN: The Colours or Characters of Industry and Avarice will naturally be strong in the commercial State: because, being almost wholly unmixed with Manners of a dissimilar Nature, the ruling Genius of the State is left uncontrouled, to its proper Operations and Effects.

BUT in the mixed State, where Industry and Love of Gain form the Character of the secondary Ranks; Dissipation and Effeminacy, of the higher; there the two separate Characters, by the Force of incidental Coalition and Example, will always influence each other in a certain Degree. Some ambitious Traders will aspire to luxurious Effeminacy: Some, of the higher Orders, will descend to Industry and Merchandise. Thus each Rank must be tinctured with a Colour different from its own; and hence, the general Colour or Character of each of these Ranks, will, in some measure be controuled and weakened.

THIS Circumstance is favourable to the mixed State, beyond that which is purely commercial; as it checks in a certain Degree the Virulence of the Excess; and produceth a national Character in some Measure approaching that of more moderate Trade and Wealth.

HENCE too it follows, that a State purely commerical, when once arrived at the Period of exorbitant Wealth, will naturally degenerate faster than that which is compounded of Commerce and Luxury. For whatever Causes check the ruling Manners in their Degree, will check them in their Consequences.

BUT beyond this, there is another Reason, why the State purely commercial will degenerate faster than the mixed State. In the commercial State, the ruling Manners go Hand in Hand with the Exorbitance of Wealth; because the Love of Gain, which forms the leading Character, being likewise the leading Motive, must be even prior to this Exorbitance in the Order of our Ideas; and therefore, in its Effects, must be at least contemporary.

BUT in the mixed State, there will always be a short Period between the national Exorbitance of Wealth, and the national Increase of luxurious Effeminacy: because Manners, once got into a certain Track, are not at once thrown out of it. There must be a short Period, before the leading Parts of the Nation can feel their Increase of Wealth; and after this, another Period, before new and more refined Modes of Pleasure can be invented.

HENCE a neighbouring Republic seems to have well nigh filled up the Measure of its Iniquities; while ours, as yet, are only rising towards the Brim.

LASTLY; though the ruling Manners of such a mixed State are luxurious and effeminate, yet its public Measures will be commercial. First, because Commerce is the Hand-Maid of Wealth, and therefore of Pleasure. Secondly, because the Idea of national Strength as well Happiness being degenerated into that of Wealth and external Good, Commerce will above all Things be naturally encouraged, because it is the Means of procuring them.

SECT. VII. A Review of the Argument.

THUS our present exorbitant Degree of Trade and Wealth, in a mixed State like that of England, naturally tends to produce luxurious and effeminate Manners in the higher Ranks, together with a general Defect of Principle. And as the internal Strength of a Nation will always depend chiefly on the Manners and Principles of it's leading Members, so these effeminate Manners and this Defect of Principle operate powerfully, and fatally, on the national Conduct and Affairs. They have produced a general Incapacity, have weakened the national Spirit of Defence, have heightened the national Disunion: And this national Disunion, besides it's proper and immediate Effects, being founded in Avarice for the Ends of Dissipation, hath again weakened the small Remainder of publick Capacity and Defence; and thus seems to have fitted us for a Prey to the Insults and Invasions of our most powerful Enemy.

SECT. VIII. An Objection considered.

THO' this Estimate may appear just to those who take an enlarged View of Things in their Principles and Consequences; yet I am not ignorant of certain Maxims, generally approved, and hardly even disputed among modern Politicians, which if true, would weaken or overturn these accumulated Proofs.

THE capital Maxim, which seems to include the rest, is this; "That vast Trade and Wealth, above all things make a Nation powerful and invincible, as they increase it's Numbers, enable it to pay it's Fleets and Armies, provide continual Supplies for War; and thus, in the End, tire out and defeat every Enemy, whose Wealth and Commerce are inferior."

THE Examination of this Maxim will throw many strong collateral Lights upon our main Subject.

First it affirms, "That Trade and Wealth make a Nation strong, because they make it populous." This indeed is true of the first and second Periods of Trade and Wealth: That it is true of the third or highest Period, of which England is now possessed, may very reasonably be questioned. In the first Period, Industry is chiefly employed in cultivating the Lands, in encreasing, manufacturing, and exchanging the Produce of the Mother Country. These Branches of Trade call for vast additional Numbers of Hands; and hence an Increase of Numbers naturally ariseth.

THE same Effect takes Place in the second Period of Trade; so far as home Productions are exchanged for foreign ones. This Stage of Commerce brings on a fresh Demand of Artificers of new and various Kinds, produces and Increase of Labour, and therefore of Inhabitants.

BUT in the third or highest Period of Trade, of which England is now possessed, there are very extensive Branches of Commerce, which bring no new Accession of Numbers to the Commonwealth. I mean, all those Branches of Commerce, where Money is sent and exchanged for foreign Goods. This Species of Trade occasions little Increase of Labour, and therefore less of Numbers; except only of those few who navigate the Vessels thus employed, to their respective Ports. And as this kind of Trade will always grow and predominate, in proportion as a Nation becomes more luxurious and effeminate, so for this Reason the highest Stage of Trade is not naturally attended with the highest Increase of Labour, nor consequently of Numbers, as is commonly imagined. Besides this, in the refined Period, additional Art and Experience in Labour prevent, in some Measure, the Increase of Numbers. By the Invention of Machines, an equal Degree both of Tillage and Trade is carried on by fewer Hands, than in the simpler Periods; and therefore the Increase of Numbers is 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 by no means proportional to the Increase of Commerce and Wealth.

BUT these are far from being the only Considerations worth our Notice on this Subject. For when we speak of any Stage of Trade, we must in Reason take in every Circumstance which naturally attends it. There are other Causes, therefore, why Numbers increase not, but rather naturally diminish, in the highest Period of Trade and Wealth.

FOR first, the Vanity and Effeminacy which this exorbitant Pitch of Wealth brings on, lessens the Desire of Marriage.

Secondly, the Intemperance and Disease which this Period of Trade naturally produceth among the lower Ranks in great Cities, bring on in some Degree an Impotence of Propagation.

Thirdly, This Debility is always attended with a Shortness of Life, both in the Parents and the Offspring; and therefore a still farther Diminution of Numbers follows on the whole.

MATTER of Fact confirms these Reasonings; and lies open to every Man's Observation. Since the first Increase of Tillage and Home-manufactures, the Increase of Inhabitants hath been great in England: Since the vast Increase of foreign Commerce, the Increase of Numbers is hardly perceivable. Nay, there is great Reason to believe, that upon the whole, the Nation is less populous than it was fifty Years ago, tho' it's Trade perhaps is doubled. Some trading Towns indeed are better peopled, but others are thinned by the Flux of Commerce. The Metropolis seems to augment in its Dimensions: But it appears, by the best Calculations, that it's Numbers are diminished; And as to the Villages thro' England, there is great Reason to believe, they are in general at a Stand, and many of them thinner of Inhabitants than in the Beginning of this Century. 'Tis hard to obtain Certainty in this Particular, without a general Examination and Comparison. But it appears by the Registers of some Country Parishes, which I have looked into, that from the Year 1550 to 1710, the Number of Inhabitants increased gradually; the two Extremes being to each other, as 57 to 72; and that from 1710 to the present Time, the Number has been at a Stand, if not rather diminished.

BUT suppose, what there is no Reason to believe, that our present Excess of Trade and Overflow of Wealth have in some Degree increased our Numbers, yet it will probably appear, that they have as much, at least, impaired our bodily Strength. For as Temperance is the ruling Character of the middle Stage of Commerce, so is Intemperance of the highest. Hence, Health and Strength prevail in the first; Disease and Debility in the latter. This is universally confirmed by Fact: Villages abounding with Health; commercial Cities with Disease. So that an Army taken from the Villages, with equal Commanders, Arms, and Discipline, would drive the same Number of debilitated Gin-drinkers, like a Flock of Geese before them.

THE Author of the Fable of the Bees made his Boast, that the Wisdom of the Legislature had, upon his Plan, adopted the Encouragement of this pernicious Liquid: But the same Wisdom hath upon Trial been obliged to discourage the Use of this malignant Spirit; as they found that it ruined the Health, and shortened the Lives, of half the lower Ranks in London.

AND all good Men hope, that the Time will come, when this infernal Potion will be laid under such Discouragements, as may amount to a general Prohibition. The Necessity of such a Reformation grows greater every Day, not only in London, but throughout the Kingdom. For in some Villages in England there is now a greater Quantity of Gin consumed than of Ale.

BUT to quit these inferior Considerations, tho' they all unite in confirming the Theory here advanced; the Weight of the Reply lies indeed in another Circumstance: For altho' we should admit (what is not true) that our present Exorbitance of Trade and Wealth increased our Numbers and bodily Force, yet as the real and essential Strength of a Nation consists in the Manners and Principles of it's leading Part; and as our present Excess of Trade and Wealth hath produced such fatal Effects on these Manners and Principles; no Increase of Numbers in the inferior Ranks can possibly make amends for this internal and capital Defect. Such a Nation can, at best, only resemble a large Body, actuated (yet hardly actuated) by an incapable, a vain, a dastardly, and effeminate Soul.

BUT the Maxim we are engaged to obviate, alledges farther, that "This exorbitant Increase of Trade and Wealth enables a Nation to pay it's Fleets and Armies, and afford continual Supplies for War." Yet, even this Part of the Maxim, in it's modern Acceptation, is far beyond the Truth.

FOR under the present Stage of Trade, the Increase of Wealth is by no means equally or proportionally diffused: The Trader reaps the main Profit: after him, the Landlord, in a lower Degree: But the common Artificer, and still more the common Labourer, gain little by the exorbitant Advance of Trade: It is true, their Wages are increased; but so are the Prices of Provisions too: and therefore they are no richer than before. Now Taxes and public Supplies are raised upon the Consumer: and as it appears from hence, that only a few of the Consumers are made richer by the Exorbitance of Trade, it follows, that not the Nation in general, but a select Number of Individuals only, are made more capable of contributing to those Supplies, which are levied without Distinction on the whole. Would they who reap the plenteous Harvest of foreign Trade, generously allot their proportional and extraordinary Gains to the Service of the Public, we should then indeed be furnished with a new Argument in Favour of Commerce in it's highest Pitch.

FARTHER: As the labouring Ranks are little or nothing enriched by the exorbitant Degree of Trade, so it often happens that even the higher Ranks, and the Nation in general, are not more, nay perhaps less enabled to contribute to the public Supplies, than when possessed of Wealth in a more moderate Degree. For we have seen, in the Progress of this Estimate, that the natural Effect of an Increase of Wealth, is an Increase of Luxury, Vanity, and Expence; which, if it outrun the Increase of Wealth, as in it's Nature it tends to do, instead of Riches will bring on public Poverty. For the Ability or Wealth of a People, considered in their Capacity for raising Supplies, consists not in the Largeness of their Income, but in the Proportion of their Expences to their Income: It consists not in "what they have," but "what they can Spare?" Hence it appears, that a Nation may be at once very rich, and very poor; rich in Income, but poor thro' Extravagance. And as national Extravagance is the natural Effect of an Overflow of Wealth, so national Indigence is it's most natural and final Consequence. How far this is our present Situation, can hardly be necessary to affirm.

To this Argument it may possibly be objected, that if great Wealth is but among us, new Imposts will naturally force it into Circulation: That the more the Artificers and Labourers are taxed, the more their Wages will increase, and consequently their Ability to bear the increasing Taxes: And that as to the higher Ranks, exorbitant Wealth enables them still better to endure additional Imposts, because these deprive the Great of nothing but the Superfluities of Vanity and Luxury.

To this it is replied, that in Case of additional Taxes, tho' the Poor must indeed increase their Wages in order to subsist, yet this Increase never takes Place, till they are compelled by the last Necessity and Want: The natural Consequence of which must be Murmurs, Sedition, and Tumults. With Regard to the higher Ranks, a parallel Reply may suffice: For in the refined Period, when Manners and Principles are lost, the Luxuries of Life become Necessaries among the Great; and therefore will be as obstinately adhered to, and quitted with the same Reluctance, as Food and Cloathing by the Poor. The Consequence therefore must be the same; a general Discontent and Disaffection to the Government, among the higher Ranks of Life.

IS not all this confirmed by evident Facts; There is at present in this Nation a Mass of Wealth at least twelve Times more than the publick Debt: Yet we are reduced to the sad Necessity of plunging deeper every Day. What is the Reason? No Ministry dares to provoke and exasperate a luxurious and selfish Nation, by demanding such Sums, as every one has the Power had he but the Will, to bestow.

BUT beyond all this, will any Man of Sense assert, that the Circumstance of paying an Army or a Fleet, is the one thing that will decide a War? 'Tis true, indeed, Provisions, Arms, Ammunition are necessary; and therefore Wealth, because it procures them. But will a General or Admiral therefore gain the Victory, only because his Men are furnished with Provisions, Arms, and Ammunition? If not, what can Trade or Wealth do, towards making a Nation victorious? Again, therefore, let me remind my Countrymen, that the capital Question still remains, not "who shall pay," "but who shall fight?"

THERE is a trite Observation on Foot, indeed, drawn from the best political Writers ill understood, that "the Principles of War are wholly changed; and that not the Nation who has the best Troops, but the longest Purse, will in the End obtain the Victory." This, in the modern Application of it, is a most dangerous Maxim. It naturally tends to extinguish military Skill, as well as Honour: and will inevitably sink the People that maintains it, into a Nat•on of defenseless and Money-getting Cowards.

IT must be confessed that Doctor DAVENANT, the most able Writer on these Subjects, hath affirmed, "That now, the whole Art of War is in a Manner reduced to Money; and now-a-days, that Prince who can best find Money to feed, cloath, and pay his Army, not he that hath the most valiant Troops, is surest of Success and Conquest [*]." This Declaration, which is now stolen and retailed for new, by every modern Dabler in Politics, has had the usual Fortune of these kind of Thefts, to be misunderstood: as may appear from the general Tenor of the Doctor's Writings. To shew this, two Instances, out of many may suffice. Even when speaking on the Benefits of foreign Trade, he warns us, as if he had foreseen all that has befallen, or is likely to befall us. For he says, "If a trading and rich People are grown soft and luxurious, their Wealth will invite over to them Invaders from Abroad, and their being effeminate will make the Conquest easy [†]." And again, in Terms yet stronger: "In succeeding Times our Manners may come to be depraved; and when this happens, all Sorts of Miseries will invade us: The whole Wealth of the Kingdom will not be sufficient for it's Defence [*]."

THUS, what he and other sensible Writers have affirmed under proper Restrictions, and upon Supposition that a Nation maintained it's Manners and Principles, is now advanced absolutely, and without Restriction, as if Manners and Principles, military and naval Skill and Courage, had no Part, or at least no essential Part, in the Success of War.

THESE shallow Politicians, therefore, might well be put in Mind of the Maxim of a warlike Prince, when his Ministers dissuaded him from attacking a wealthy Enemy, because he wanted Money to pay his Troops: "My Enemies, said he, are rich, luxurious, and effeminate; my Troops are valiant and hardy; my Officers brave and honourable; they shall plant my Standard in my Enemy's Country, and then my Enemy shall pay them."

WE have lately seen this military Conduct followed by a brave King, in the Electorate of Saxony: We ourselves have formerly pursued it on the Plains of Agincourt and Cressi: The French are now pursuing it on the Plains of America: And if we hold to our dastardly Maxim, they will pursue it on the Plains of Salisbury.

THUS the boasted modern Maxim which we proposed to obviate, seems void of Truth in every Branch of it: As it appears from this View, that without the internal Strength which Manners and Principles produce, the most exorbitant Trade and Wealth can never be the Foundation of a successful War; or give us any rational Prospect, either of Victory or Self-Defence.

SECT. IX. Another Objection considered.

SUCH then are the natural Effects of exorbitant Trade and Wealth, unless counteracted by opposite Manners or Principles. The History of our own Nation would confirm these Truths in a most striking and particular Manner, were it within the proposed Limits of this Estimate, to enter so large a Field of Enquiry. We should there see, that Manners and Principles have always prevailed, and baffled the most sanguine Attempts of Wealth, when set in Competition with them. This System would be found supported by a vast Variety of Events, from the Reign of Elizabeth to the present Times. But this might perhaps be regarded as a Research rather curious than necessary; since a single Reflection on the present State of the Kingdom may seem to stand in the Place of a thousand Proofs.

AT present, therefore, we shall not touch on this Enquiry; but rather proceed to remove another Objection, which may seem to overturn the Theory here proposed.

FOR it is urged, that France is an Exception to the Truth of these Remarks: inasmuch as, in the midst of a large and extensive Commerce, which brings in a vast Accession of Wealth, she stills retains her Principles and Power.

THE Fact objected is true: but the Consequence follows not; because the Trade of France is limited and controuled by such Accidents, as prevent it's most dangerous and ruinous Effects on Government

THE Poverty of its Noblesse or leading Ranks, who are often possessed of sounding Titles without any Realities annexed, as it prevents them from reaping that Increase of Wealth which naturally ariseth to a rich Landed Gentry from an Increase of Commerce, so it naturally drives them to the Profession of Arms, as the necessary Means of Support: This strengthens and supports their Monarchy; which, finding it's Advantage from this Disposition to Arms, naturally gratifies this military Spirit in it's Noblesse, and gives it Exercise and Encouragement by frequent Wars.

HENCE the national Spirit of the French Noblesse hath long been military, in the highest Degree.

WITH Regard to Commerce, it's Growth in France hath been but late: Meeting therefore with this established Spirit of Arms in the leading Ranks, it hath not as yet been able to controul it. Commerce indeed is encouraged; but so encouraged, as not to destroy the leading Principle of their Monarchy. To this End, the Ranks of the Kingdom are kept essentially distinguished; and while the People are allured to Trade by every Kind of Motive, the Noblesse or Gentry are, in Honour, prohibited from Commerce. It was indeed formerly proposed in France, that the Noblesse should be drawn down to Trade: But, whether thro' deep and consummate Policy, or thro' the Principle of Honour itself, working blindly for it's own Preservation, the dangerous Proposal was weakly or wisely rejected. Whenever this Overture meets with Acceptance and Success, tho' it may seem for a while to give Vigour to their State, yet from that Period we may date the Downfall of France. Their effeminate Manners, now controuled by Oeconomy and the Love of Glory, will, like ours, degenerate into Profusion and the Love of Gold.

ON the contrary; Trade, tho' encouraged, is by the ruling Principle of this great Monarchy, kept within it's proper Limits; and while the Merchant traverseth Seas in Pursuit of Gain, the Gentleman does the same in Pursuit of Glory. Thus the two incompatible Provinces are kept distinct; and hence, while the French vie with us in Trade, they tower above us in Principle.

NAY their very trading Settlements among foreign Nations are actuated by this ruling Principle in such a Manner, as to give a Splendor to their Monarchy and Commerce in the most barbarous Climates [*]. Thus, while we are poorly influenced by a sorry and mercantile Maxim, first broached by a trading Minister,"that the Interest of a Nation is it's truest Honour;"the French conduct themselves on an opposite and higher Principle, "that the Honour of a Nation is its truest Interest."

IN Confirmation of what is here advanced, we need only cast our Eyes on the Fortune and Fate of France, during the present Century. In the last War, she was exhausted, tho' victorious: in the former, she was both beaten and exhausted: In both these Instances, it was weakly thought by every superficial Politician in England, that because we had exhausted the Men and Money, we had destroyed the Power of France. Experience hath told us the Reverse: The Spirit of Honour and Union working at the Root, soon restored those Branches that War had swept away, and have at length shot them into their former Vigour and Luxuriancy.

HENCE then, we may learn an important Truth: "That no incidental Events can make a Nation little, while the Principles remain that made it great."

SECT. X. The Conclusion

FROM these accumulated Proofs, then it seems evident, that our present effeminate Manners and Defect of Principle have arisen from our exorbitant Trade and Wealth, left without Check, to their natural Operations and uncontrouled Influence. And that these Manners, and this Defect of Principle, by weakening or destroying the national Capacity, Spirit of Defence, and Union, have produced such a general Debility as naturally leads to Destruction.

WE might now proceed to confirm these Reasonings, by Examples drawn from History. For there is hardly an ancient or modern State of any Note recorded in Story, which would not in one Respect or other, confirm the leading Principles on which this Argument is built.

IN these, throughout their several Periods, we should see Trade and Wealth, or (what is in this respect equivalent) Conquest and Opulence, taking their Progress: At one Period, polishing and strengthening; at another, refining, corrupting, weakening, destroying, the State that gave them Entrance: Working indeed in different Ways, and under a Variety of Appearances; by Avarice, by Faction, by Effeminacy, by Profligacy; by a Mixture and Combination of all these Evils: sometimes dividing a Nation against itself; at others, quelling it's Spirit, and leaving it an easy Prey to the first Invader: Sometimes checked by a rising Patriot, or counterworked by national Misfortunes: In one Country corrupting Manners; in another, Principles; in a third, both Manners and Principles: rendering one People blind, another cowardly, another treacherous to itself: Stealing secretly and insensibly on one Nation; overwhelming another in sudden Destruction.

BUT to enlarge on these Subjects in that vague and undistinguishing Manner, which most Writers have pursued in treating them, tho' it might carry the Appearance of Reasoning, would in Truth be no more than Declamation in Disguise. And to develope and unravel the Particularity of Causes and Effects, thro' all their Variety of Combination and mutual Influence, as it would extend this Estimate beyond it's designed Limits, must be left to make a Part of some future Enquiry.

THE Character, Effects, and Sources of our Manners and Principles, being thus laid open, the Writer had it in his Thoughts to have proceeded to the Consideration of "their most practicable Remedies." But as the Closet-Projects of retired and speculative Men, often are, and always are reguarded, as chimerical; he was therefore unwilling, at present, to hazard the Discredit of such an Attempt.

HOWEVER, lest his Attempt should be deemed more visionary than perhaps it is, he judged it not improper to hint at some of the leading Principles on which it is built. And with this View, the following Reflections are submitted to the Consideration of the Public.

THE World has been long amused with a trite and hacknied Comparison between the Life of Man, and that of States; in which it is pretended that they both proceed in the same irrevocable Manner; from Infancy to Maturity, from Maturity to Death: A Comparison, perhaps as groundless as it is common. The human Body contains, in its very Texture, the Seeds of certain Dissolution. That is, tho' you set aside all the possible Accidents arising from Intemperance, from the Influence of the Elements, the Climate, and every other external and contingent Cause the human Frame itself, after a certain Period, would grow into Rigidity; the Fluids would decrease, the Solids accumulate, the Arteries ossify, the Blood stagnate, and the Wheels of Life stand still.

BUT in Societies, of whatever Kind, there seems no such necessary or essential Tendency to Dissolution. The human Body is naturally mortal; the political, only so by Accident: Internal Disorders or Diseases may arise; External Violence may attack or overpower: but these Causes, tho' always to be expected, are wholly incidental: the first is precisely of the same Nature as Intemperance, the second as the Influence of the external Elements, on the human Body. But there appears nothing in the internal Construction of any State, that tends inevitably to Dissolution, analogous to those Causes in the human Frame, which lead to certain Death.

THIS Observation seems confirmed by History: Where you see States, which, after being sunk in Corruption and Debility, have been brought back to the Vigour of their first Principles: But you must have recourse to Fables, for medicated Old Age, restored to Infancy or Youth.

IF this be true, it seems not altogether chimerical, tho' confessedly difficult, to bring about the Reformation of a State. To lay down general Rules, in such a Case, would be like giving a Panacea; the very Empiricism of Politics. The Remedies must be suited to the Disease.

WE have seen, that the ruling Evils of our Age and Nation have arisen from the unheeded Consequences of our Trade and Wealth. That these have produced effeminate Manners, and occasioned Loss of Principle: That these have brought on a national Debility. But would the lessening this exorbitant Trade and Wealth bring back Manners and Principles, and restore the Nation's Strength?—I very much Question the Event.

BUT whatever the Consequences might be at Home, those Abroad would certainly be fatal. The French are every Day gaining upon us in Commerce; and if ours should lessen, theirs would increase to our Destruction.

THUS are we fallen into a kind of Dilemma: If our Commerce be maintained or increased, its Effects bid fair to destroy us: If Commerce be discouraged and lessened, the growing Power of our Enemy threatens the same Consequence.

THERE seems, then, no other Expedient than this, "That Commerce and Wealth be not discouraged in their Growth; but checked and controuled in their Effects."

AND even in attempting this, Care must be had, lest in controuling the Effects of Commerce, we should destroy Commerce itself.

WE see how strongly the natural Effects of Trade and Wealth, are controuled in France, by proper Checks and counteracting Principles: Yet mere Imitation is always a narrow, and often an ineffectual Scheme. Besides, as our Constitution is of a superior Nature, so our Manners and Principles must be adapted to it, ere it can obtain it's proper Strength.

THE Virtues yet left among us, and enumerated above [*], may be a possible Foundation for such a Change.

THERE are two different Kinds of Remedies, which might in due Time be applied. The first are radical, general, and lasting: The latter, palliative, particular, and temporary.

THE first seem totally impracticable at present: For as they suppose a Change of Manners and Principles, this may justly be regarded as an impossible Event, during the present Age; and rather to be wished than hoped for, in the next.

THE palliative, particular, and temporary Remedies, may seem more practicable at this Juncture. I mean, those which are of the coercive Kind; which work by opposed Passions, or by destroying the Opportunities or Occasions of Evil. Where the ruling Mischiefs lie among the People, these Remedies, with proper Care, may easily be administered. Thus we have lately seen the salutary Effects of a new Kind of Police, established by a useful Magistrate in the City of London; by which, the reigning Evil of Street-Robberies hath been almost wholly suppressed; altho' we may reasonably suppose, the Disposition towards them remains as strong as ever.

BUT where the ruling Mischief desolates the Great, there, even the palliative Remedies cannot easily be applied: The Reason is manifest: A coercive Power is wanting: They who should cure the Evil are the very Delinquents: And moral or political Physic is what no distempered Mind will ever administer to itself.

NECESSITY therefore, and Necessity alone, must in such a Case be the Parent of Reformation. So long as degenerate and unprincipled Manners can support themselves, they will be deaf to Reason, blind to Consequences, and obstinate in the long established Pursuit of Gain and Pleasure. In such Minds, the Idea of a Public has no Place; and therefore can never be a Curb to private Gratification: Nor can such Minds be ever awakened from their fatal Dream, till either the Voice of an abused People rouse them into Fear; or the State itself totter, thro' the general Incapacity, Cowardice, and Disunion of those who should support it.

WHENEVER this compelling Power, Necessity, shall appear; then, and not till then, may we hope that our Deliverance is at hand. Effeminacy, Rapacity, and Faction, will then be ready to resign the Reins they would now usurp: One common Danger will create one common Interest: Virtue may rise on the Ruins of Corruption; and a despairing Nation yet be saved, by the Wisdom, the Integrity, and unshaken Courage, of SOME GREAT MINISTER.

Notes

*
L'Esprit des Loix, l. xx. c. 1.
↵

*
L'Esprit des Loix, l. xix. l. 9.
↵

†
Ibid.
↵

*
Ways and Means, p. 27. v. ii. p. 13.
↵

†
Dav. on Trade,
↵

*
Ibid. p. 317.
↵

*
Numerous Proofs might be given of this: At present it may suffice to take one from a very fine Book lately published. "It is usual among the French of Alexandria to shew an extreme Respect for their Consul. In order to make him more considerable in the Eyes of the Turks, and of the other Nations, they endeavour to give an high Idea of his Person, and to illustrate his Birth in such a Manner, that it is not their Fault, if he is not considered as issued from the Blood Royal. If by Chance he take a Tour to Rosetto, he carries a white Flag at the Mast of his Pinnace; and when he goes out of the Port, as likewise when he returns into it, he is saluted by a general Discharge of the Cannon of the French Vessels."

NORDEN'S Travels in Egypt and Nubia, Vol. i. p. 29.

↵

*
See Part I. Sect. 2, 3, 4.
↵

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An estimate of the manners and principles of the times: By the author of Essays on the characteristics, &c.

Brown, John, 1715-1766.

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1106023846

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9781106023841

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— An estimate of the manners and principles of the times: By the author of Essays on the characteristics, &c., Brown, John, 1715-1766.. The second edition.. 221,[3]p. ; 8⁰. London :: printed for L. Davis, and C. Reymers,. 1757.. [The author of Essays on the characteristics, &c. = John Brown.] [Titlepage in red and black.] [With a final advertisement leaf.] [Reproduction of original from the "Department of Special Collections, Kenneth Spencer Research Library, University of Kansas".] [Goldsmiths', 9274] [English Short Title Catalog, ESTCT147623.] [Electronic data. Farmington Hills, Mich. : Thomson Gale, 2003. Page image (PNG). Digitized image of the microfilm version produced in Woodbridge, CT by Research Publications, 1982-2002 (later known as Primary Source Microfilm, an imprint of the Gale Group).]

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