National blessings an argument for reformation: A sermon, preached at Aberdeen, November 29, 1759. ... By Alexander Gerard, ...

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EZEKIEL xxxvi. 32. ‘Not for your sakes do I this, saith the Lord God, be it known unto you: be ashamed and confounded for your own ways, O house of Israel.’

IT is now some years since this nation entered into war against a powerful neighbour, in defence of rights and possessions secured to us by sacred and recent treaties, but treacherously invaded and wrested from us. At the same time, a powerful combination of the mightiest states in Europe, has been formed against an heroic prince, who is the glory of this age, and will be the wonder of posterity; in whose preservation, we are deeply interested, not only because he is the ally of our gracious sovereign, but chiefly because he is a main patron of that pure, reformed religion, which it is our happiness to have established in our land; and which, zeal for truth, and concern for the present and eternal good of mankind ought to make us wish to continue and to spread. Both we and our allies have had some experience of the uncertainties of war, but far greater experience of the goodness of that God, who hath blessed our arms with success, signal, and almost unparalleled. This has rejoiced the heart of our good king; but he has not ascribed it to the wisdom of his own councils, or to the power of his numerous fleets and armies. Glorying in his allegiance to the king of kings,
1 Tim. vi. 15.

exulting in the light of his countenance, piously acknowledging, that all his victories are the undeserved gift of the only potentate of heaven and earth, and that his power alone can give him continued success; he has called upon all his subjects in every part of his British dominions, to give thanks this day, with one heart, to him who is higher than the highest, for that national prosperity which he has bestowed upon us. It becomes us to accompany the expressions of our fervent gratitude, with sincere and earnest prayers, that God would continue to give us success in war, while war must last; and that he would soon establish peace on an equal, honourable, and permanent foundation. In this situation, I do not know any terms in which I can address you more suitably, either to the pious intention of our sovereign, or to the duty that is incumbent upon ourselves, than those of the text: Not for your sakes do I this, saith the Lord God, be it known unto you: be ashamed and confounded for your own ways, O house of Israel.

IN the preceeding part of the chapter, the prophet Ezekiel had foretold, that the heathen nations, who had formerly oppressed the children of Israel; when they were scattered among them, should oppress them no more, but should be themselves destroyed; that the children of Israel should live in peace, and enjoy plenty in their own land; and that they should likewise enjoy the richest spiritual blessings. He frequently, however, in the course of this prediction, reminds them of their own obstinate wickedness; assures them, that all this goodness was entirely undeserved, was the very opposite of what their conduct merited; and informs them, that it ought therefore to excite them to a deep repentance, and a thorough reformation. That these considerations might make the deeper impression on them, he exhibits them in one view, in the words which we have read: from which I will take occasion to excite you to the duties which our present circumstances demand, by pursuing the following method.

First, I WILL turn your attention to this, which the Lord hath done for us; to the national successes, which ought this day to fill our hearts with gratitude to him.

Secondly, I WILL point out, how much these blessings are enhanced, and how much our gratitude ought to be inflamed by this circumstance, that we were so far from deserving them, as, on the contrary, to merit the severest judgments. Not for your sakes do I this, saith the Lord God, be it known unto you.

Thirdly, I WILL shew, how strongly these public blessings, bestowed upon us in our present situation, should urge us to reformation. Be ashamed and confounded for your own ways, O house of Israel.

I. First, I WILL turn your attention to those national successes, which God hath bestowed upon us, and which ought this day to fill our hearts with gratitude to him.

GOD has, in all ages, given some nations much greater advantages than others. Each nation is apt to be partial to itself; but, after making all reasonable allowances for this partiality, we may justly say, that few nations have been so highly favoured of heaven, in a free constitution of government, in mild and equitable laws, and in purity of religion, as that in which we live. God has been, for ages past, bestowing upon us, one national blessing after another, often by means which seemed to have a contrary tendency, 'till he has, at last, accumulated on us all that can render a people great and happy. It would require the whole day to enumerate, in the briefest manner, the publick blessings which we now enjoy, or reap the happy consequences of. Your patience would be fatigued with hearing a rehearsal only of the blessings of the present auspicious reign. I will therefore confine myself to those, which are the peculiar subjects of this day's public thanksgiving. Were I to descend to a particular detail even of them, I should convert a sermon into an history of one of the most splendid periods of the British glory.

OUR successes in the present war are limited within the compass of a very few years; but they are so many and so great, that they would have rendered a whole long reign illustrious. In every quarter of the world, the arms of Britain and its allies have been employed; and wherever they have been employed, they have been crowned with victory. Our fleets have overcome, and our armies have triumphed. Scarce had we time to rejoice in one success, 'till it was almost driven out of our memory by a greater. We formed large expectations from the spirit of our king, from the wisdom and integrity of his ministers, and from the skill and bravery of our commanders: but say, let any Briton say, did ever your most sanguine hopes rise so high as our real success? We have exhausted the treasures of our enemies, and broken their power; but our riches are not diminished, our force is not weakened. We have defeated their designs to annoy us, and we have destressed them in their very gates. We began the war to defend our own possessions; we have not only defended them, but we have won from our enemies strong fortresses, fertile islands, rich settlements, and vast continents. Our acquisitions are not merely fit to gratify wild ambition, but are useful for the enlargement of our commerce, for the increase of our riches, for the security of the lives of our fellow-subjects in the British colonies, and for extending the pure, reformed religion over large tracts of country. They are won from a nation, which is our rival in power and trade, and the enemy of our religion and liberty; which has often attempted to set a popish pretender, the descendant of a tyrant, who derives his claim from the principles of slavery, upon the throne of these kingdoms; and which is at present engaged in a confederacy, to extirpate the protestant religion from Germany, and to oppress that hero, whom God hath raised for its defence.

BUT if the number, the quick succession, and the important nature of our successes do not enough excite your joy and your gratitude, attend to the circumstances, which render them more astonishing.

WHEN this war began, Britain had but one ally; and he was by his situation incapable of aiding her with a naval force, and by his circumstances at that time, unable to give assistance in any way. Britain was deserted by her ancient friends, for whom she had never spared her blood or treasure, who owed their very being to her unshaken faithfulness. They were even so ungrateful as to join with France, and laboured to oppress our only ally. Our enemies had, in the midst of peace, advanced far in making preparations for waging war with advantage. Britain, faithful to treaty, and void of suspicion that those possessions would be attacked, which were secured by its sacred ties, had taken no steps for its own defence. It had its armies to send to its distant colonies, when they had need to be already in the field. And for some time we seemed to suffer by that want of preparation, which unsuspicious honesty had occasioned.

ARMIES were sent to our colonies; and they were cut to pieces. Fleets were sent on one service; but the season for it was expired: they were sent on another; but cowardice or infatuation seized them. We were threatened with an invasion at home; we were deceived by the threats, and left part of our foreign dominions an easy prey to our rapacious enemies. Our brave ally was hemmed in, on every hand, by many armies, each of which seemed more than sufficient to swallow him up. Endeavouring to extricate himself from pressing difficulties, he several times lost part of his little army, whom he could ill spare; and suffered defeats, which made all, but his own great soul, give him up for lost. An illustrious prince, who in his youth had chaced rebellion from our land, was not able, with the wisdom of maturer age, to protect the electoral dominions of his royal father from the cruel ravages of our enemies, or to hinder them from seizing them as their property. God seemed to fight against us. The whole nation was sunk into feebleness and despondence. Wise counsels were necessary; but faction obstructed them. Vigour was requisite; but indolence and effeminacy had seized every heart.

To these desperate circumstances we were once reduced; but from them our glory sprung. Danger banished faction; wise counsels were concerted, and vigorous measures were resolved on. Abilities appeared both in the council, and in the camp, which seemed to deserve an opportunity of saving a nation from destruction, in order to display them. Former mistakes gave rise to the best proposals. Former misbehaviours were succeeded by wonders of conduct and of courage. Our generals and our allies were reduced to difficulties, only that they might surmount them with the greater glory. A desperate situation seemed only designed to render a victory more certain and complete. Our very losses removed circumstances, which would have obstructed our gaining greater advantages. Five have chaced an hundred, and an hundred have put ten thousand to flight. [b] And let us not forget that, while our country has been carrying on war with success so unparalleled, we have never once felt the dangers or losses of war. While others have been exposed to its fury, our persons and our fortunes have been secure. Others have hazarded their lives; but we have enjoyed the sweets of peace, in the midst of war. And to the profoundest quiet, the richest plenty has been superadded. Our campaigns have abounded in conquest; and our seasons have excelled in fertility.

CAN you consider all this, my friends, and not rejoice? I will not check your joy. But let it not be light or dissipated; let it not rest in the mere view of the advantages, which our country has gained. I will not attempt to lessen your regard or your veneration for those, to whom we owe these illustrious transactions. The brave hero, the dear friend, the beloved kinsman, who have shed their blood in their country's cause, demand a tear from every Briton. The bold sailor, the daring soldier, the intrepid commander, the wise statesman, the gracious sovereign, who have been the instruments of our glory, deserve our gratitude and our prayers. But who is the first cause of all? I do this, saith the Lord, our God. Could so many successes have fallen to our share, if the Lord of hosts had not fought with us? Who is so blind, as not to perceive his providence in the surprising turns of success? Who is it that could have disconcerted our best laid schemes by a cross accident, and has not? Who ruleth the raging of the sea, [c] and has hindred it from swallowing up our navies? Who has steeled the sailor's and the soldier's heart against the attacks of fear? Who has bestowed upon us generals possessed of greater military skill in early youth, than most can acquire in a whole life-time? Who has given us commanders, who exert the valour and activity of health and youth, amidst the discouragements of excruciating pain, or the disheartening infirmities of old age? Who has raised up, in these degenerate days, a minister, actuated by the disinterested and incorruptible and steady principles of an old republican? Who has cast into this age, and engaged on our side a prince greater than any whom history has recorded? Who has enabled him to stand alone against the united power of mighty empires? Who has been a shield to him in the heat of many battles, when a thousand have fallen at his side, and ten thousand at his right hand? [d] Who has preserved the life of our gracious king, ever an important, but at the present juncture a most important life? It is only God. Our help is in the name of the Lord. [e] To him let us ascribe our blessings: to him let us this day give hearty praise.

II. To excite us still more to this; to enhance our mercies, and to inflame our gratitude, let us consider, in the second place, as was proposed, that we were so far from deserving so signal blessings, as, on the contrary, to merit the severest judgments. Not for your sakes do I this, saith the Lord God, be it known unto you.

THAT God, whose justice will never permit him to punish either an individual or a nation, except they deserve it, is so abundant in goodness, that he very often bestows blessings, both on individuals and on nations, when they are most undeserving. Did he not, could Britain be, at this day, so prosperous and happy? Our successes and our blessings are almost unequalled: but is our virtue unequalled too?

I INTEND not to load our national character with every kind of vice. I hope truth will not permit it. This is a day of gladness, and forbids me to bring forth all our real abominations into light. I will not affect to dissemble that we have many national virtues. I will mention, to the honour of our country, the high sense of liberty, and manly generosity of sentiment, which we possess; our faithfulness in our alliances; our scrupulous adherence to treaties. I will own, that, far from stirring up unjust war, we are even backward to engage in that which is necessary: that, when the monster war must be let loose, we are at pains to restrain it from exerting its utmost fury; that we hate barbarity in the field and exercise humanity to prisoners. I will acknowlege that the cause for which we fight is just and glorious, the defence of our own rights, the protection of the faith of treaties, the curbing of boundless ambition, and the support of a firm patron of the protestant religion.

BUT can we in all this find merit adequate to such prosperity? Or is there nothing to counterballance our virtues? A just cause is a ground for our hopes and prayers, but gives us no right to success. The highest national virtue is only what we owe in strictest duty to the almighty king of nations; is but an imperfect return of gratitude for the public mercies transmitted to us by our ancestors. But must not the most favourable judgment determine that we are far from answering the calls of duty and of gratitude? We enjoy the best constitution of government under heaven; do we prize it sufficiently? are we enough thankful to God for it? do we study to promote general union and harmony? do we never turn our liberty into licentiousness, and discontent and faction? do the governed show continually that public spirit, which would unite them in pursuing the public interest, without obliging the rulers to use corruption? or is there no instance in which this engine is employed to induce men to what is not necessary for the common good? We enjoy christianity in its purest form. We are free from the commandments of men, [f] from the impositions of bigots, and from the vain traditions of artful or weak mortals. But do none among us therefore affect a freedom also from the commandments of God, [g] and from the faith which was once delivered unto the saints? [h] Has the purity of the gospel protected our land from infidelity? We are delivered from that burden of useless ceremonies, which once diverted the care of men from the real duties of religion; but has removal of them concentered and invigorated our endeavours to practise genuine piety and virtue? Is our practice of religion purer and more blameless than that of our neighbours, who retain popish superstition? Do we show a deeper sense of God and a greater reverence of his name? Are we more constant in our attendance on his worship, or more fervent in our manner of performing it? I fear the reverse is true, to our confusion. Our commerce is extensive; but is it always carried on with fairness and equity? We enjoy plenty; but do none abuse it as food to luxury and debauchery, as materials of extravagance, as means of perpetual dissipation? Have our soldiers and our sailors, on whose valour our defence immediately depends, that religious trust in God, which alone can render valour rational? Our public blessings have been long continued with us; but have we even yet learned to improve them? We have sometimes been threatened with the loss of them; but has the fear of losing them awakened us to use them properly?

Do not these sins naturally demand judgments for the punishment of them, the reverse of those blessings, from the abuse of which they have sprung? But God heaps new blessings upon us, and gives us new security for those which we have long enjoyed. Can we recollect that his goodness is so undeserved, and yet feel no gratitude in our hearts? Can the highest gratitude equal the occasion? Does not the remembrance of our unworthiness properly belong to the duty of this day, when it tends so strongly to inflame our gratitude? It likewise tends to give it a right direction, to keep it from spending itself in a transient rapture, to render it so sedate and fixed, that it may remain in the heart, and produce lasting fruits.

III. THIS brings us to the last thing proposed, to shew how strongly these public blessings, bestowed upon us in our present situation, urge us to reformation.

WE deserve judgments; God showers down his richest blessings on us; they cannot be rewards of our righteousness; for what purpose then are they bestowed, but to be motives to repentance and obedience?

COMPARE God's continued blessings bestowed on us, with the continued provocations which we have given him in return; and say, can we have the smallest spark of ingenuity, if we be not ashamed and confounded for our own ways? Do these sins, which abound among us, become that nation, whom God appears to have chosen for his peculiar favourite? We had indulged heinous sins; yet God blessed us. Should not ingenuity have moved us, whenever he began to bless us, to blush for our former misbehaviours towards him, and to turn immediately to the most dutiful and exemplary obedience of his laws? He has gone on to bless us hitherto, and we have hitherto gone on to sin against him. Will we not at length be struck with shame, and forsake our sins? An ingenuous mind is most effectually touched with returns of good for evil; there is no generosity in that soul, which is inaccessible to their impressions. God seems to suppose by his dealings with us, that the sons of Britain are liberal minds. Will we show that we are unworthy of the character, by continuing obstinate in our sins, in spite of all the good that he can do us? This were indeed to prove ourselves dastardly spirits, insensible of every thing but the rod, incapable of being reclaimed, except by the severest judgments.

BUT if we have not ingenuity enough to be soothed into our duty, let us consider that God's undeserved favours, if they be misimproved, will aggravate our guilt, and may provoke him yet to change the face of things. Hitherto we and our confederates have been successful; but the war is not ended. Our Illustrious ally is yet surrounded by all the same mighty powers, whom, in the beginning of the war, we reckoned able to ruin him by a single battle. It is only the memory of the miracles of providence, which God has wrought for him, that hinders us from being still of the same opinion. His foes are not exhausted, but he is weakened. His precious life is continually exposed to greater danger than the meanest soldier. Good God shield him from every weapon! for should he fall, the consequences are too dreadful for us to bear to dwell upon them! That nation against whom we are engaged in war, has large resources, and its king has absolute power to render them effectual. Our enemies may be rendered desperate; and what invincible efforts will not despair sometimes produce? They already threaten to carry the seat of war into our own country. We have been alarmed with the fears of it; but we have hitherto dwelt in safety. As long as the war continues we are in danger. Should they be allowed to execute their threatenings, then we should know indeed, what a judgment it is to be engaged in war. But tho' we should escape the disasters which arise from the vicissitudes of war, are there not a thousand ways, in which God may blast in an instant all the mercies, which he has heaped upon us? And may not ingratitude for blessings so signal, and impenitence towards so bountiful a God, justly provoke him to visit us with a sad reverse?

BUT tho' he should continue our national prosperity, tho' he should, not for our righteousness, but for the wickedness [i] of our enemies, or to accomplish some great good purpose of his own, drive them still before us; yet be assured that every individual among us, who is not roused by our public advantages to an ingenuous shame for his own personal sins, and to sincere reformation from them, will be punished hereafter for his ingratitude. The personal sins of the several individuals compose the national wickedness. It is only the reformation of each particular person, that can reform the nation. It is incumbent on each of us to take care of his own part. Every one shares in our publick blessings; to every one they should be arguments for repentance and obedience; and they will aggravate the future punishment of every particular person, by whom they are not thus improved.

IN a word, the blessings which God has bestowed on our country are great and singular: They demand our heartiest thankfulness to him: They demand it the rather, because they are undeserved: They call upon us to be ill-deserving no longer: They will aggravate our future ill-desert: God will punish it, if not in this life, yet certainly in another. I will conclude with God's address to the people of Israel which is equally applicable to us, and which contains the sum of what I have been saying: What nation is there so great, who hath God so nigh unto them, as the Lord our God is in all things, that we call upon him for? And what nation is like this people, for whom God doth great things and terrible? Only take heed to thyself and keep thy soul diligently, lest thou forget the things which thine eyes have seen, and lest they depart from thy heart all the days of thy life. [k]

THE END.

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Notes

b
Lev. xxvi. 8.
↵

c
Psal. lxxxix. 9.
↵

d
Psal. xci. 7.
↵

e
Psal. cxxiv. 8.
↵

f
Matth. xv. 9.
↵

g
Mat. xv. 6.
↵

h
Jude 3.
↵

i
Deut. ix. 5.
↵

k
Deut. iv. 7. 9. 2. Sam. vii. 23.
↵

National Blessings an Argument for Reformation. A SERMON, Preached at ABERDEEN, November 29, 1759. Being the day appointed by proclamation for public THANKSGIVING for the success of his Majesty's arms in the present war.

BY ALEXANDER GERARD, M.A. Professor of Divinity in the Marischal College.

Published by desire of some of the Hearers.

ABERDEEN: Printed by J. CHALMERS, 1759. (Price SIX-PENCE.)

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National blessings an argument for reformation: A sermon, preached at Aberdeen, November 29, 1759. ... By Alexander Gerard, ...

Gerard, Alexander, 1728-1795.

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1106020561

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9781106020567

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— National blessings an argument for reformation: A sermon, preached at Aberdeen, November 29, 1759. ... By Alexander Gerard, ..., Gerard, Alexander, 1728-1795.. [2],26p. ; 8⁰. Aberdeen :: printed by J. Chalmers,. 1759.. [Reproduction of original from the British Library.] [English Short Title Catalog, ESTCT121207.] [Electronic data. Farmington Hills, Mich. : Thomson Gale, 2003. Page image (PNG). Digitized image of the microfilm version produced in Woodbridge, CT by Research Publications, 1982-2002 (later known as Primary Source Microfilm, an imprint of the Gale Group).]

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