A view of Northumberland with an excursion to the abbey of Mailross in Scotland. By W. Hutchinson: [pt.1]

Table of contents

- [titlepage]

- PREFACE.

- A Genealogical Table of the Kings of Bernicia and Deira, and of those united Provinces under the Title of Kings of Northumberland.

- INTRODUCTION.

- A Chronological Table of the Kings of Northumberland.

- A TABLE of COINS.

- ALDSTON

- WHITLEY,

- KNARESDALE,

- KNARESDALE HALL

- LAMBLEY,

- FEATHERSTON CASTLE,

- BELLISTER CASTLE

- HALTWEZELL

- CARR-VORAN,

- BLENKINSOP CASTLE,

- PICTS WALL

- THIRLWALL CASTLE

- WARDREW,

- WALLTOWN,

- GREAT CHESTERS

- WILLIMOTESWICK

- LITTLE CHESTERS,

- HOUSE-STEADS

- SHEWING-SHEELS,

- CARRAW-BROUGH,

- WALWICK:

- WALWICK CHESTERS,

- WALWICK-GRANGE,

- HEXHAM

- HAYDEN BRIDGE

- LANGLEY CASTLE

- RIDLEY-HALL,

- STAWARD CASTLE,

- WHITFIELD HALL,

- OLD TOWN,

- ALLENDALE TOWN

- BLANCHLAND,

- BOLBECK,

- MINSTER ACRES,

- PRUDHOE,

- OVINGHAM

- WYLAM,

- CLOSE HOUSE,

- RUTCHESTER,

- CHEESBURN GRANGE

- BYWELL.

- STAMFORDHAM

- FENWICK TOWER,

- WEST MATFEN,

- WELTON TOWER,

- HALTON TOWER.

- HALTON CHESTERS,

- AYDEN CASTLE,

- CORBRIDGE.

- CORCHESTER,

- DILSTON

- NUNSBROUGH,

- BEAUFRONT,

- PORTGATE,

- THOCKRINGTON

- LITTLE BAVINGTON,

- ST OSWALD'S,

- HANGING SHAWS,

- HALYTON MESNES,

- HAUGHTON CASTLE,

- SWINBURN CASTLE,

- CHIPCHASE CASTLE

- WARK,

- BELLINGHAM,

- HEZLEYSIDE,

- RISINGHAM

- ELISHAW,

- ELSDEN

- OTTERBURN,

- RIECHESTER,

- NUNWICK,

- SYMONDBURN

- BAVINGTON,

- CAPHEATON

- HARNHAM.

- BELSAY CASTLE,

- LITTLE HARLE,

- KIRK HARLE,

- WALLINGTON,

- CAMBO,

- ROTHBURY,

- HEPPLE,

- CARTINGTON,

- HALY STONE,

- HARBOTTLE CASTLE

- WHITTINGHAM

- CALLALEY,

- LEMINGTON,

- EDLINGHAM,

- ESLINGTON,

- LITTLE RYLE and UNTHANK,

- BITTLESDON,

- BOLTON,

- EGLINGHAM

- BEANLY,

- RODHAM,

- LINHOPE SPOUT,

- ILDERTON,

- LILBURN,

- CHILLINGHAM CASTLE

- FOWBURY,

- HORTON CASTLE,

- WOOLER

- YEVERING,

- KIRK NEWTON

- The CASTLE of COPELAND,

- KELSO,

- ROXBURGH CASTLE,

- DRYBURGH ABBEY,

- MAILROSS,

- NEWSTEAD,

- COLDSTREAM,

- APPENDIX. Anno decimo quarto Elizabethae cap. 13. An Act for annexing Exam and Examshire to the County of Northum berland.

- ITINERARY and INDEX.

- ERRATA.

- Order of the Plates.

- BOOKS printed by T. SAINT, and sold by the Booksellers in Town and Country.

A VIEW OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

EGBERT King of the West Saxons, having conquered Northumberland, became Sovereign of the united States of the Heptarchy.

The modes of government being settled, and each province reconciled to his authority, he disbanded his army, and during seven years peace, promoted the cultivation of those arts and sciences, which should increase the general happiness and wealth of his people.

In the thirty-second year of this reign, the Danes made their first descent upon this island. To trace all the ravages those Barbarians committed, would lead to descriptions tedious and painful: many parts of Northumberland retain memorials of their hostilities; and such in the course of this work will necessarily be attended to.

It appears, that under Alfred, the Danes held the sole possession of Northumberland; but whether as tributaries or conquerors, is not clearly ascertained: [*] Athelstan obtained many signal victories over them, and at length effected their expulsion from this territory.

From this period we find the government of Northumberland reposed in nominees of the Crown, who assumed the titles of Earls of Northumberland; many of whom are named by our Historians, and their peculiar actions, so far as they are relative to the immediate objects of my attention in this work, are recounted.[†]

In this county innumerable monuments of antiquity and natural beauties exist, to excite a traveller's curiosity. The possession of the Romans, and in after times the conflicts with the Saxons, Danes, and Scots, render it truly historical ground.—Many of the present inhabitants are derived from a race of heroes, who purchased immortal honours in the annals of their country.

On this tour I visited ALDSTON, in the county of Cumberland, to have access to Northumberland at the south-west point.

End of the First Part.

Notes

*

Alfredus postea Danis permisit, quos Athelstanus pauculos post annos exturbavit.

Camden Brit.

↵

†

‘Amongst whom these are reckoned up in order in our histories:—Osulfe, Oslake, Edulph, Waldeof the Elder, Uchtred, Adulph, Alred, Siward, Tostie, Edwin, Morcar, Osculph, and that right valiant Siward, as he lived in arms, so would he die armed.—Then this earldom and these parts were given unto Tostie, the brother of Earl Harold: but the earldoms of Northampton and Huntingdon, with other lands of his, were assigned to the noble Earl Waldeof his son and heir. I will add what I have read in an old manuscript, in the library of John Stowe, an Antiquary of the city of London:—Copso being made Earl of Northumberland by William the Conqueror, expelled Osculph, who soon after flew him: Osculph did not long survive this revenge, he being killed by a javelin, from the hands of a robber After this Gospatrick purchased this earldom of the Conqueror, but was soon after deposed. Waldeof the son of Siward succeeded him, and he in a short time lost his head. Then Walcher Bishop of Durham had the earldom, and was slain at a riotous assembly of the people. Robert Mowbray attained these honours, which he forfeited by treasonable attempts to depose King William Rufus, in favour of Stephen Earl of Albemarle. King Stephen gave this earldom to Henry, son of David the Scotch King; and William his son, afterwards King of Scotland, assumed the title, claiming it from his mother of the family of Earls Warren, as appears by the book of Brinkburn Abbey. After some time elapsed, Richard the First sold this earldom to Hugh Pudsey Bishop of Durham for life, ceriding him in his title, as having transmigrated an old Bishop into a young Earl. But when the King was a prisoner to the Emperor, in his return from the Holy Land, Hugh having contributed for his ransom only 2000 pounds of silver, which the King resenting, esteeming it but a trifling sum for one who had amassed immense riches, he divested him of this dignity: after which time the title of Earldom of Northumberland lay dormant about 180 years. At length it was revived in the family of Piercys.’

Camden. Brit.

↵

A VIEW of NORTHUMBERLAND with an EXCURSION to The ABBEY of MAILROSS in SCOTLAND.

By W. HUTCHINSON Anno. 1776.

HEXHAM ABBEY

NEWCASTLE Printed by T. SAINT, for W. CHARNLEY, and Messrs VESEY & WHITFIELD

MDCCLXXVIII.

PREFACE.

A Desire of collecting into one view, the observations and opinions of former writers, on the History and Antiquities of Northumberland, first induced me to make this compilation; for such with the utmost deference, I must call it.

The utility of a work of this kind, to the generality of readers, is obvious; as a competent knowledge of the county may be attained, without the labour and expence of turning over many volumes, from whence my authorities were deduced.

I have added descriptions of remarkable objects, in their present state, with drawings of some of the principal ones; and have endeavoured to preserve a strict impartiality through the whole.

There are interspersed through the work many original papers, found among the manuscripts of the late Antiquary, Roger Gale, Esq communicated to me by a particular friend; in which the reader will find several observations, made by him and his learned correspondents,[*] on the antiquities of this county, never before published.

The AUTHOR.

Notes

*
Mr John Horsley, Mr John Warburton, Sir John Clerk, Mr Robert Cay, Mr Maurice Johnson, Dr Stukeley, the Rev. Mr Robert Patten, Dr Hunter, the Rev. Mr Robert Place, and others.
↵

A Genealogical Table of the Kings of Bernicia and Deira, and of those united Provinces under the Title of Kings of Northumberland.

- 〈…〉 Ida 1st King of Bernicia. 〈…〉

- These are said to be the Issue of Ida's Brother.

- Ad ••• Glappa 3d King of Bern•cia. 〈…〉

- AD, 1••. Theodwald his brother, 4th King of Bernicia. 〈…〉

- AD. •••. Frethulf 2d brother to Glappa 5th King of Bernicia. 〈…〉

- Issue by his Queen.

- 〈…〉 Adda 2d King of Bernicia. 〈…〉

- AD ••• Ethelric 2d King of Northumberland AD •••

- 〈…〉 Ethelfrith 3d King of Northumberland

- Issue by his Queen.

- AD ••• Eanfrid 7th King of Bernicia. O. •34

- AD 634 Oswald 5th King of Northumb. O 642

- Oswald married Kineburg, Daughter of Cynegils King of the West Saxons, by whom he had

- AD 653. Ethelwald 4th King of Deira. where he died not known.

- Oswine.

- Ossac

- Oswid.

- Ossa.

- Oss•a.

- Oswitha and Ebba both Nuns.

- Issue by a Concubine.

- AD 641. Oswco 8th King of Bernicia. O. •••

- He added Deira to his Crown and subjugated Mercia. He married Eanfled daughter of Edwine,

- By whom he had Issue.

- AD. 6•0. Egfrid 6th King of Northumber. Ob 6••.

- Elfwine slain in Battle.

- Elfleda a Nun.

- Ostrid married Chelred King of Mercia.

- By a Concubine.

- AD. ••6. Alcfrid 7th King of Northumber. Ob •05.

- He married Kenburg, the Daughter of Penda King of Mercia, and had Issue,

- AD. 705. Osred 8th King of Northumber. Ob 716.

- AD 759 Ethelwald 14th King of Northumber. Assassinated.

- AD 759 Ethelred 16th King of Northumber. Dethroned & again restored.

- Tedbald slain by the Scots.

- AD ••• Theoderic 6th King of Bernicia. 〈…〉

- Edric.

- Osmer.

- Theo••dum

- Issue by Concubines.

- Alric.

- Bla•mo•.

- Bo•sa.

- Blen•am

- Eanwin.

- AD. •••. Alured 15th King of Northumber. Dethroned.

- Alcmund slain by Eardulf.

- AD. •91. Osred 18th King of Northumber. Fied.

- AD. 182. Alfwold 17th King of Northumber. Ob. 791.

- Ogga.

- Ead••h•

- E•gwald

- Eata.

- AD. 788. Egbert 12th King of Northumber. Became a Monk.

- AD. 758. Oswulf 13th King of Northumber. 〈◊〉.

- Cuthwine.

- AD. 716. Cenred 9th King of Northumber. Ob 7••.

- AD. 718. Osric the Son of Alfrid 10th King of Northumber. Ob. 7••.

- Cutha.

- AD. 731. Ceolwlf 11th King of Northumber. Became a Monk.

- 〈◊〉.

- Off•••.

- •egota.

- Segothae.

- AD •••. Aelle 1st King of Deira. 〈…〉

- He united the Provinces of Deira and Bernicia, and was 1st King of Northumberland, 587.

- AD 61•. Edwine 4th King of Northumber. Ob. 633.

- 1st Wife. Cwenburga, Daughter of Ceorl King of Mercia.

- Osfrid both slain in the King of

- Egfrid Battle with Penda Mercia.

- 2d Wife. Ethelburga Daughter of Ethelbert King of Kent

- Ethelm died in his Youth.

- Uskfrea died at the Court of France.

- Enfleda married Oswy King of Northumber.

- Ethelrida died in Infancy.

- AD •••. Osric the Son of Elfric. 2d King of Deira. Ob 6••.

- AD. 642. Oswine 2d King of Deira. Ob. •••.

INTRODUCTION.

BEFORE I enter upon the following descriptive View of the county of Northumberland, it appears necessary to take notice of the Roman possession of this territory; and to collect into a separate chronological class, the state of regal authority therein, under the Saxon heptarchy.

The kingdom of Northumberland, as established in the reign of Aelle, comprehended the two British provinces of Bernicia and Deira; and extended from the rivers Mersey and Humber on the south, to Liddisdale, Cheviot Hills, and the river Tweed on the north; and from east to west, from the German Ocean to the Irish Channel.

The etymologies given by Camden of the name of Northumberland, are from the Saxon Norƿanhumbra ric, the kingdom of Northumberland, and Norƿanhumber-lond, lands north of Humber.[*] The provincial name of Bernicia the same author derives from the British appellation given to the inhabitants of Guir Brinaich Mountaineers.[†]

The scene of my attention in this work, is that part only of this extensive territory, which retains the name Northumberland; bounded towards the east by the German Ocean, towards the west by the county of Cumberland, towards the north by the river Tweed and the shire of Roxborough, and towards the south by the county palatine of Durham.

This district, at the time the Romans first entered it, was inhabited by the Otadini towards the east, and the Gadeni on the western and maintainous parts. It is presumed these invaders had not advanced so far northward as Northumberland, before the third year of Agricola's command in Britain. According to Tacitus's account, he came over in the character of Legate, in the year 78, when the summer was far advanced; that this dignity was conferred upon him immediately after his Consulship, which by the Fasti Consulares appears to have been in the year 77: so that the reduction of Northumberland by the Roman ar•s, happened in the year 80. The Romans did not totally desert this island till the middle of the fifth century, and they possessed several stations is Northumberland to the last; consequently their continuance there was for a series of near 370 years.[*]

Agricola, it is well known, in his recession from the business of warfare, studied to introduce the Roman habit and luxury among the Britons: as a good Politician, conceiving that whilst these pleasures fascinated, they also enervated and relaxed, rendering the natives less ferocious, and easier to be conciliated or subdued; and would also promote the future wealth of a province, of which he had the honour to compleat the conquest, by urging the inhabitants to extend their trade: pleasures and luxuries introduce artificial wants, which arts, manufactures, commerce, and navigation must supply.

These new enjoyments were of a short existence, for in the course of the fourth century after Agricola's command, the natives were left exposed to the ravages of barbarous nations, no longer kept in awe by the Roman arms.

The unhappy estate of the northern inhabitants, after they were totally deserted by the Romans, is easily conceived; the perils and miseries to which they were frequently exposed, by the incursions of tribes of Picts and Sco•s, naturally induces a belief, that the principal part of those who were possessed of riches, merchandise, flocks, and herds, would immediately retire, and seek for safer and more peaceful habitations, in the southern parts of the land. The ravagers still advanced, and the wretchedness of the Britons was so greatly increased, that they were driven to seek refuge in the mountains, and conceal themselves in their forests and caverns. Such was the deplorable situation of the natives in the year 449, when they implored the assistance of the Saxons, a brave and warlike people inured to arms.

Our Historians, with a disgraceful partiality, have stigmatized the Saxons with the epithets of cruelty and injustice, in order to extenuate the errors of the Britons, or to palliate their despicable impotence.

It manifestly appears, that under the protection of the Romans, the Britons had sunk into supineness and depravity; public virtues were extinguished, and an abjectness of spirit universally prevailed. They sent Embassadors to the Saxons, thus commissioned:

‘Most noble Saxons. We the wretched and distressed Britons, worn our by the constant incursions of our cruel and merciless enemies, and because we have heard of the fame of those glorious victories which by your valour you have obtained; therefore have we sent our humble suppliants to you, to implore your kind assistance. We have large and plentiful possessions, abounding with every necessary; these with ourselves, we submit to your disposal, if you will generously lend us your succour against our inveterate foes. Long have we enjoyed the sweets of peace, under the powerful protection of the Roman arms, and now we know none second in glory to them, but yourselves: therefore to you we lift up our hands for assistance, and in return are willing to abide whatever service you shall impose upon us.’ [*]

Why should we discredit this Historian, when the former petitions made to the Roman state were equally as abject. ‘To Aetius thrice Consul. The groans of the Britains. The Barbarians drive us to the sea, the sea forces us back again upon the Barbarians; in these dreadful extremities, death awaits us equally on both sides, either we must fall by the hands of our enemies, or else be drowned in the swelling waves.’

The Isle of Thanet was allotted to these new allies, and it was not long before they rendered signal services to the Britons. The northern ravagers, with a mighty band, were advanced into Lincolnshire; the Saxons with alacrity took the field; Historians agree, the victory obtained over the invaders near Stamford, was only to be attributed to the military prowess and skilful dispositions of the Saxons.

A people recovering from a state of despair, are apt to advance to excess in their love and gratitude towards their redeemers. After the ravagers were thus discomfited, and had retired into the north, the Saxons were looked upon with the highest veneration: and in order effectually to repress the northern nations, an additional band of Saxons were petitioned for, and a greater extent of territory granted for their residence[†] So happy were the Britons in their new alliance, that Vortergern their Prince espoused Rowena, the daughter of Hengist the Saxon General.

The circumstances evidently prove, the Saxons were invited hither to partake the land and become settlers, as it doth not appear from any admissible authority, that any other gratuity [‡] was stipulated for their services. The Saxons were not applied to, till the country was almost totally lost or become d•sert; so that providing them settlements, was giving even what the fugitive Britons could not hold. The county of Kent was the second establishment granted to these allies.

So peculiarly frail and instable by nature, were the dispositions of mind possessed by the natives, that no sooner were they relieved from the most abject state, and deplorable calamities and distresses, than, in the moment of ease, they began to regard those who had rescued them with jealousy, to be discontented with their former resolutions, to imagine future evils, and to devise projects of the grossest ingratitude. The heroic Saxons received the intelligence with contempt, and looked upon the ingratitude with abhorrence. The most abject mind the soonest conceives ingratitude: there is a baseness and illiberality in grovelling souls, which detests a sense of obligations; the meanest peasant hath the most ungenerous sentiments; distrust and jealousy are the issue of vicious hearts; selfishness is brutal, and characteristic of ignorance. On the other hand, hero•c minds are fired with virtues, for courage and fortitude are the result of principle. The angry Saxons no sooner beheld the instability of British faith and affection, than they began to devise the means of taking the reigns of government out of the hands of impotence. The name of King was yet unknown among the Saxons, who in emergencies of state chose an Heretogen, or General, who•e power and dignity subsided with the occasion of his election. They knew no obligation to Sovereigns, their liberty was uncontaminated with the appendages of supremacy. The royal dignity of Vortergein was by them esteemed of little importance, and of much less utility.

The abjectness of the Britons was despicable, and the Saxons contemplated it with contempt. The land before their arrival was ravaged by barbarous tribes, even the southern provinces were desolated, and the natives driven to the forests and mountains: they were no longer able to retain, or worthy to rule so fertile a country. Such were the causes which induced the Saxons to devise means of g••ing the government.

Authors who impeach the Saxons of breach of public faith, overlook the terms on which they were invited hither, and the indignities and injuries they sustained before they turned their arms against the natives. Had they from the first intended to make themselves masters of the country, it was foolishly impol• to strengthen the Britons, by the repulsion of the Picts and Scots. The c•mm•• incidents of war are shocking to humanity, and horrid in their detail; the 〈◊〉 were barbarous, and the dispositions of men savage: the miserable scenes, in the re•procation of such warfare, looks terrible indeed in the narrative of the Historian: but men were not more peculiarly brutal and inhuman in these conflicts, than in other countries in the same aera, or among equally barbarous 〈◊〉 in later centuries. Authors, in the warmth of accusation, neglect the consideration of the advantages we finally derived from the Saxons; no less than THE MAXIMS OF OUR COMMON LAW, AND THE ORIGINAL PRINCIPLES OF OUR INESTIMABLE CONSTITUTION. If we inherit any thing from the Britons, it consists of their ferocity, instability, and ingratitude. Without the Saxon arms, this island, like the regions of the east, would have been over-run and desolated by a banditti, worse than Tartars; and become a den of thieves, pirates, and robbers.

The British Prince still lived in a state of confidence and esteem with his new ally; every one but Vortergern could discern the countenance of amity which Hengist now assumed, was a superficial mask which covered his resentment, through which insincerity was easily discovered; and that protection was at length become his most distant object. The Britons conceived, that from the time of Rowena's espousal, the Saxons put on an insolent and contemptuous carriage, which increased their natural jealousy against them.

On the other hand, the Saxons observed the government was involved in anarchy and confusion, the British states were distracted by factions and cabals, and each individual overwhelmed in despondency, and relaxed from all warlike disposition. Hengist foresaw, that if he should withdraw his troops, this fine fertile land must become a desert, under the ravages of those barbarians, who were irresistible by British force: the depopulation of the northern territories, favoured an intention he had formed, as he conceived the possession of Northumberland would facilitate his subjugation of the Britons. In order to effect this purpose, as he possessed the ear of the Prince, he expatiated on the ravages constantly made by the northern nations, who, though lately repressed, were again advancing to the interior parts of the country; he proposed, that a reinforcement of his countrymen should be invited to settle in those desolated districts, at once to subdue the ferocious bands of robbers, and form a safeguard for the southern provinces. The plausibility of the project, the imbecility of Vortergern's political judgment, the abjectness of spirit which possessed the British councils, and the wretchedness of the people, groaning under distress and the miseries consequent to war, together with the implicit confidence with which the Prince listened to the admonitions of his confident, promising a safe and indolent reign under such protection, all concurred to promote the plan.

Octa, the brother of Hengist, and Ebussa his son, after receiving the summons, with the utmost alacrity prepared to collect their adherents, and soon passed over from Germany with a chosen band of warlike Saxons, taking possession of Northumberland in the year of our Lord 454.

The new colony had not settled long in this district, before Hengist, no longer able to endure the indignities put upon him and his people, and the infringements repeatedly made on the lands granted them on their arrival in Britain, brought his troops into the field, and began hostilities.

Be very in the people is seldom observed under an impotent commander;— courage is intimately connected with confidence, and where the leader doth not possess the good opinion of his troops, they act with timidity and reluctance. It was the case with the Britons, when Hengist shewed his hostile intentions, and threw off disguise; the subjects of Vortergern regarded him with shame, their councils were full of confusion, and they were seized with a panic almost bordering upon despair: the resistance they made was weak and fruitless, and at length they fled before the Saxon veterans, to their former places of concealment in the wildernesses and mountains.

The northern band, regarding Hengiss's proceedings as a signal for them to take the field, immediately rose in arms.

I should advance into too large a field, should I follow the Saxon arms through all the conflicts: I am confined to their northern colony, and restrained within the limits of Northumberland, must forsake a general, for a partial view of their actions.

Some modern authors have accused the Northumbrian Saxons of a confederacy with the Picts and Scots; a charge I do not find supported by any valuable authority. The struggles during the course of fifty years and upwards, were many, and various the events; the Britons remained unsubdued, and the Saxons unexpelled. At length, in the year 547, Ida, with twelve sons and a large reinforcement, landed at Flamborough,[*] where they were received by their countrymen with acclamations of joy. In a short time they drove the Britons totally from the province of Bernicia, [†] the natives on every hand flying from their superior power.

From the authority of the Scala Chronica,[‡] it appears, that after Hengist had settled in Kent, Octa and his successors assumed the title of Dukes, until the Northumbrian Saxons, following the example of those of Kent, elected a Sovereign, who yet remained subject to the supreme authority of the Kentish King. They are named in the following order: ‘ Hiring that begat Wodnam, that begat Witeglas, of whom came H•rs the King, that begat Uppa, that begat Heppa, that begat Hermeger, that begat Bernack; all which were before the noble King Ida, and the gestes of them before Ida be little known by chroniques.’

The above account stands alone and unsupported, our best authorities all concurring that Ida was the first who assumed the name of King over the Northrumbrian colony.

The success and safety of the colony being chiefly derived from Ida, no doubt influenced the people to give him the name of King; and from the power of the Hererogen, to advance him to that of Sovereignty. What induced the Saxons to forsake their old constitutional maxims, and give Ida this new authority, ancient authors, by their silence, leave us only conjectures. It is probable they were desirous of imitating the British customs, in order to conciliate the natives to their government.

IDA having ascended the throne of Bernicia, made Beddanborough [*] the place of his residence. By some he is supposed to be the original founder of the castle; by others, that he repaired and enlarged the outworks, and having removed the palisadoes, enclosed the whole with a wall:[†] all authors agree that it was his chief fortress. He held his crown independent of Kent, or any other Potentate of the heptarchy. His reign was full of warfare, for the Britons were continually harrassing his frontiers, issuing from their places of concealment when an opportunity offered to distress the Saxons. Ida reigned twelve years, during which time the Britons never gained any considerable advantage against his people.

He had issue by his Queen six sons; Adda, Ethelric, Theodoric, Edric, Osmer, and Theofredum: and by his Concubines six; Alric, Ogga, Ecca, Osbald, Segora, [‡] and Segothae; all of whom came with him from Germany.[§]

On the demise of Ida, he was succeeded in his kingdom by his eldest son ADDA, who ascended the throne of Bernicia in the year of our Lord 560, and reigned seven years; during which period Aelle, one of the Chieftains who came over with Ida, by some said to be his nephew, conducted the Saxons against the province of Deira, from whence having expelled the Britons, he assumed the sovereignty thereof, and settled there with his adherents.

GLAPPA, a kinsman of Ida, succeeded to the scepter of Bernicia in the year 567: he lived to reign only five years, and of his actions Historians are silent. In his advancement to the throne, we see an example of the ancient elective power of the Saxons, who regarded not any pretensions to hereditary right, as there were living at that time many of the sons of Ida.

THEODWALD, brother to Glappa, ascended the throne in the year 572, and reigned but one year: of his transactions Historians are silent. He was succeeded by FRETHULF, a second brother to Glappa, who assumed the scepter in the year 573, and reigned seven years. Of the transactions of the northern Saxons in this period Historians are silent.[*] On his demise, THEODORIC, the third son of Ida, ascended the throne, and reigned seven years. Here we have a second example of the elective power being retained, and one more striking than the former, as therein was a preference of Theodoric to his elder brother Ethelric, who was then living. Of the transactions of this reign Historians are silent.

AELLE, who had reigned in the province of Deira with great reputation for twenty-seven years, on the death of Theodoric was elected to the sovereignty of Bernicia: the two provinces under him thus becoming united, obtained the name of the kingdom of Northumberland. As by his valour and sage conduct he had secured his territories whilst King of Deira, so the united provinces under his government enjoyed an uninterrupted peace. His reign as King of Northumberland commenced in the year 587, and continued only three years. He had issue, Edwine, who rose to the throne of Northumberland, and Acca, who was the Queen of Ethelfrith. [†] After the death of Aelle, ETHELRIC, the second son of Ida, succeeded to the sovereignty of the united provinces in the year 589: he had spent the greatest part of his life in retirement, and was not called forth to rule before he was far advanced in years. He reigned five years in uninterrupted peace, and left issue two sons, Ethelfrith, who succeeded to the scepter, and Tedbald, who in his brother's reign was slain in a battle against the Scots at a place called Daegstane. [‡]

ETHELFRITH, who from his disposition was surnamed the fierce, [§] succeeded his father in the kingdom of Northumberland in the year 593. The better to conciliate Edwine, the son of Aelle, to his possessing the united crowns of Bernicia and Deira, he espoused Acca his sister, and his reign commenced with great joy and magnificence. He was engaged in a ten years war with the Britons, in which he enlarged his territories and acquired much honour; his arms were deemed irresistible, and many of the natives submitted themselves to his government. He is said to have extended his conquests further, and reaped more laurels than any of his predecessors.[*]

As his fame increased and his dominions were enlarged, his neighbours the Scots began to look on him with a jealous eye, and regard his power as advancing to too great eminence for their security: they seized the first plausible pretext for drawing their forces into the field, and led on by Aegthan their King, approached the frontiers, and prepared to give the Saxons battle. Ethelfrith with all his powers met them at a place called Daegstane, where after a bloody conflict, victory declared for the Saxons. The Scots sustained so great a loss, that they were rendered incapable of renewing the war for a considerable time. The joy of victory was greatly damped by the death of the King's brother Tedbald, a heroic youth, who commanded a large body of Saxons in the engagement.

Perceiving the Scots for four years after this signal victory shewed no hostile intentions, in the year 607 he carried his arms against the Britons, who were again harrassing the borders of his dominions; a battle was fought near Caerleon, where he overthrew his adversaries with a mighty slaughter. As the armies prepared to engage, the Saxon King perceiving a great assembly of religious putting up their fervent prayers for the Britons, and esteeming them as essential enemies as those who bore arms against him, gave orders for their destruction, and stained his arms with the infamous slaughter of twelve hundred naked and defenceless men, Monks of the monastery of Bangor; fifty only of the whole religious assembly surviving, who saved themselves by flight [†]

His important conquests made him so much the terror of the adjoining states, that he remained for some time undisturbed. During the interval of peace, he regarded with a jealous eye the growing virtues of Edwine, the brother of his Queen, and observed his increasing popularity with so much anxiety, that at length he meditated his death; presuming that was the only means to secure the province of Deira to his crown, as Edwine had a natural claim thereto. The young Prince, either from a change in the King's conduct towards him, or by some intimations of the danger he was in, thought it expedient to fly from the dominions of Ethelfrith, and seek refuge in the court of Redwald King of the East Angles.

Ethelfrith, disappointed in his project, burnt with resentment against Redwald, and immediately sent messengers to demand the fugitive to be delivered up as a traitor, or on refusal to denounce war against the state. Redwald considering the power of the Northumbrian King, would have resigned the Prince, but through the entreaties of his Queen, who represented in the most forcible language the disgrace such an action would bring upon him, and prevailed with him not only to continue the protection he had heretofore granted, but also to levy an army, and instantly march against Northumberland, to reprehend the imperious Prince for his insolence.

These measures were pursued with such expedition, that Redwald with his army was on the frontiers, before the Northumbrian Monarch received the returning Embassadors. Alarmed at the sudden danger, he raised such forces as the emergency allowed means to collect, and hastily advanced to stop the rapid progress of his enemies. The armies joined battle on the banks of the river Idle, near to Nottingham, where Ethelfrith was slain, and his forces were routed. This victory, though eminently fortunate for Edwine, as it opened his accession to the throne, was unhappy to Redwald, whose glory was purchased by the death of his son Regenhere.

The sons of Ethelfrith hearing of this great overthrow, and the death of their father, fled the kingdom in terror of the wrath of Edwine, leaving him no competitor for the crown.

Ethelfrith reigned twenty-four years. He left issue by his Queen seven sons, Eanfred, Oswald, Oswine, Oslac, Oswid, Ossa, and Offa; also two daughters, Oswitha and Ebba, who were canonized.[*] By a concubine he had one son named Oswe•. [†]

EDWINE, supported by the arms of Redwald, entered the capital of Northumberland, and in the year 617 assumed the Diadem, having just attained his age of twenty-three years; he possessed a noble and intrepid spirit and conducted his military operations with that skill and fortitude, that in a short time he not only relieved the frontiers of his kingdom from the intrusions of the adjoining nations, but extended his dominions by conquest even as far as the Orchades and Mevaman Islands, now called the Hebrides. [‡]

His wife Cwenburga, the daughter of Ceorl King of Mercia, did not live to see him mount the throne. He had not been settled thereon above eight years, when he thought of a second espousal: the eminent virtues and beauty of Ethelburga, daughter of the King of Kent, had reached his ear, and he sent Embassador• to require her in marriage. She had embraced the Christian faith, but he still retained his national principles; so that conditions were stipulated for the free exercise of her religion, and that she should retain the necessary ministers to officiate therein. These preliminaries being settled, the marriage was celebrated 〈◊〉 the year 625.

At this time Cwichelm, in conjunction with his father Cynegils, ruled over the kingdom of Wessex, a Prince of a dark and jealous mind, who had regarded the growing power and exalted glory of Edwine with envy; and conceiving his intrepid spirit might induce him to disturb the lesser kingdoms of the heptarchy, of which Wessex was then one of the weakest, he determined to take Edwine off by treachery, and by assassination to remove the object of his terror and envy: for this purpose he employed one Eumer, of whom Historians have retained nothing previous to this plot. Edwine's court being then held on the banks of Derwent, the assassin approached him in the character of an Embassador, and being admitted to audience, as he was delivering a feigned address, the specious purport of which claimed the King's particular attention, the villain suddenly drew a poisoned dagger from under his cloak, and attempted to plunge it in Edwine's bosom; but Lilla, a faithful servant of the King, seeing his danger, instantly rushed forward, and in his loyal breast received the fatal blow designed upon his Sovereign. With such resolution the pass was made, that the poinard pierced through the body of Lilla and wounded the King. The desperate assassin, surrounded by the King's guards, was cut to pieces, but not before he had slain another of the attendants in his resolute defence.[*]

The wound the King received was of little consequence in the end, though at the instant, from the poison of the weapon, alarming. This was a proper occasion for Paulinus, who was one of the Queen's ministers, to exhort the King to renounce the errors of his religion: the pious example and love of Ethelburga contributed to move his mind, and render him more susceptible of the arguments which were used for his conversion; at length, with the solemnity of a vow, he declared, ‘That if the Deity which the Christians served, and whom they called the God of Justice, would enable him to punish this violator of the laws of nature, nations, and kings, who had sent forth unprovoked the murderer against him, he would from thenceforth confess his divinity, and worship none other Gods but him.’ As a pledge of his vow, he delivered into the hands of Paulinus his infant daughter Eanfled, who was brought into the world the evening of the day on which the horrid attempt was made against his life, to be baptized.[†]

As soon as his health permitted, he arrayed his troops, and went forth against the West Saxons, whom he overthrew in his first battle, and put to the sword all those who had devised his death by Eumer the assassin.

Historians do not mention, whether he made any political advantages to his kingdom by this war, or sat down satisfied with the issue of his revenge.

In the succeeding year, A. D. 627, with great solemnity and pomp, during the festival of Easter, he embraced the christian faith, and was baptized by the hands of Paulinus, multitudes of his subjects following his pious example.[*]

Such was the excellence of his government, that acts of injustice were seldom heard of among his subjects: national enemies forbore to provoke his arms, and an uninterrupted peace blessed his people for several years. During this interval the internal policy was his chief object, the roads were rendered safe and commodious, and even so minutely, that every spring by the way side was preserved, and provided with a dish for the refreshment of travellers. He frequently perambulated the provinces of his kingdom, putting salutary laws in execution, and dispensing justice; so that no injured person lingered long without redress.[†]

Penda the King of the Mercians, [‡] ambitious to extend his dominions, entered into a league with Cedwell, or, as Camden has his name, Caswallon King of Cumberland, a tributary British Prince, who ruled over one of the districts subdued by Edwine, and under promise of joining him with all his forces, induced Cedwell to shake off his allegiance. The restless Britons were easily provoked to insurrection against their conquerors, and the infatuating name of Liberty fired them with enthusiasm, though its possession was impossible, and the shaking off subjection to Edwine could only give commencement to a subjugation by some less worthy ruler, and a vassalage more severe. Cedwell calling to arms all those whom the name of Freedom could animate or delude, took the field, and began with cruelty and devastation to make his progress in the frontier districts. Edwine prepared to oppose the rebels, whilst Penda, in consequence of his compact, joined his forces with the Britons, and at a place called Hethfield waited the approach of the Northumbrians, to give them battle.

The conflict was dreadful; Edwine and his eldest son Osfrid, with many chiefs, were slain; the loss of their leaders struck the army with a panic, and they turned their backs upon the invaders: Victory dipt her wings in blood, the pursuit was prosecuted with the utmost cruelty;[§] Egfrid, another of Edwine's sons, was taken prisoner, and butchered in cold blood, to gratify the burning wrath of the savage Britons. ‖

Ethelburga, her son Ulkfren, with Paulinus, under the care of Bassus, a faithful chief, fled by sea to the kingdom of Kent, then governed by Eadbald, the brother of Ethelburga. She founded a Monastery at a place called Lymming, on the happy shore where she found refuge, and therein spent the remainder of her life in acts of piety.

Edwine was slain in the month of October, A. D. 633, in the 48th year of his age, having reigned sixteen years. By Cwenburga his first wife, he had issue two sons, Osfrid and Egfrid, who both fell in the fatal battle of Hethfield. By Ethelburga he had issue two sons and two daughters; Ethelm the eldest died in his youth; Ulkfren was sent by his mother to the court of France, where he died; Enfleda the first-born, whose nativity was singularly marked by the day of Edwine's assassination, became the Queen of Oswy King of Northumberland; Ethelrida the youngest daughter died in her infancy.

The calamities of the Northumbrians did not cease till the inhuman ravagers withdrew their forces covered with blood, and overloaden with spoils. On their retreat, Eanfrid the eldest son of Ethelfrith, and Osric the son of Elfric, and uncle of Edwine, came from their retreat in Scotland, and EANFRID assumed the reigns of government in the year 633, in the province of Bernicia, and OSRIC in the province of Deira.

During the time Eanfrid and Osric resided among the Scots, they had become Christians; but no sooner were they settled on their respective thrones, than they renounced their new religion, persecuted the Christians, and consecrated altars and high places to the old idolatry of the Saxons.

Cedwell, though not able to retain the great territories he had subdued, or rather ravaged, assisted by the Mercian arms, was yet jealous of the recovery of those states; and holding an inviolable inveteracy against the Saxon name, levied a great army, and entered the province of Deira. Some authors would cover the infamous actions of the Briton with the delusive countenance of religious zeal, and insinuate that his wrath against these Princes was kindled by their apostacy; but his actions prove the principles by which he was agitated. Osric not able to oppose the torrent was slain, his city [*] was sacked, and his subjects were plundered. ‘The victorious tyrant over-ran Deira, not like a generous warrior, who amidst his conquests would remember mercy, but like a ruthless savage, whose sole delight was blood and carnage.’ [*] Such is the character drawn by a modern writer of this British hero, in the midst of his glory; contrary indeed to the general bias of his pen.

Eanfrid terrified at the horrid massacre committed in the adjoining province, and unable, in the feeble state of his new empire, to raise forces to oppose the progress of the tyrant, who came upon him like the whirlwind with destruction in its wings, he determined to approach Cedwell with submission; and taking only twelve soldiers with him as a guard, he entered the Britons camp unarmed, and bent himself at the tyrant's feet: but unmoved with the humiliation of a King, uninfluenced by justice, clemency, and mercy, and against the common faith of nations (even among savages) he rejoiced himself in the slaughter of those who kneeled for his protection.[†] I would instantly turn from the name of this detested savage, did not the accession of the glorious Oswald render it necessary to be retained, to distinguish the following reign.

The inhabitants would have continued to fly before Cedwell, and in the end have totally deserted the country, had not OSWALD, the son of Ethelfrith, and brother of Eanfrid, stepped forth from the place of his retirement, to head the disconcerted Northumbrians. The attempt was arduous, and few could be brought to enlist under a banner which was displayed even by the very hands of despair; for so powerful was the British tyrant, and so tremendous in his cruelties, that few could be found who had courage to withstand him.

Oswald possessed an excellent knowledge of the art of war, which he had made his study as a science; he had gathered together a select band, and in a fortified situation waited the approach of Cedwell, who fell in the conflict, and his army was totally routed.[‡]

The Northumbrians thus relieved from a savage enemy, raised Oswald to the throne in the year 684, with joyful acclamations: a jealousy which reigned between the provinces of Deira and Bernicia he conciliated, and made them equally happy under his wise government. When peace was restored, he employed himself in reforming the manners of his subjects, and most especially he laboured in their conversion to Christianity. He sent for a teacher from the religious seminary of Mailross, to preach to his people, and founded the Episcopacy of Lindi•farn, as is treated of at large in the course of the following work.

The glory of his arms was not more eminent than the fame of his wisdom; his lenity and benevolence were in that age proverbial; the neighbouring nations regarded him with reverence, and his people obeyed him with love.

These excellencies, together with the fate of Cedwell, irritated the wicked heart of Penda the Mercian, and he levied an army to make war upon Northumberland. Oswald being informed of these military preparations, with alacrity collected his troops, and met his adversary at Maserfield, in Shropshire, on the 5th day of August 642, where after a long and bloody conflict, victory declared for Penda, Oswald being among the slain. The inhuman conqueror caused the limbs of the deceased King, after being horridly mangled, to be suspended on a pole, like a common traitor or infamous malefactor; which caused the name of Maserfield to be changed to that of Oswald's Tree. [*]

Oswald reigned nine years, and died in the 38th year of his age. By his wife Kineburg, the daughter of Cynegils the first Christian King of the West Saxons, whom he married in the third year of his reign, he had an only child, a son named Ethelwald.

OSWEO, the son of Ethelfrith by his concubine, surnamed the Fierce, mounted the throne of Bernicia in the year 642, whilst Oswin the son of Osric, the last King of Deira, seized the scepter of that province.

OSWINE, of a mild disposition, governed his subjects with lenity; and contenting himself with his own dominions, sought only to preserve peace to his subjects. Osweo, of a turbulent and ambitious temper, eager for extent of dominion, and impatient of a rivalship in empire, sought frequent occasions to disturb Oswin, and at length an open rupture took place. Both Kings took the field, but Osweo's military disposition and passion for arms had occasioned him to train and discipline his troops, even in times of peace; whilst Oswin, supinely negligent of all such measures, only cultivated those arts among his people which flourished under the auspices of peace. Osweo's army was abundantly more numerous, and better arrayed than the forces of Oswin: when this was made known to him, willing to spare the effusion of blood, he declined coming to an engagement; and when his people urged him to try the event of battle, he retired from the army, and concealed himself in the house of one Humwald his friend, where he conceived he might abide in safety, and clude the search of his subjects.

The army of Deira, forsaken of their leader, disbanded themselves and retired, leaving the country open to be possessed by Osweo. Humwald, with whom Oswin was in concealment, in hope of reward from Osweo, betrayed his trust, and delivered up the fugitive King, who was immediately put to death. This tragical event happened on the 3d day of September, A. D. 651, in the ninth year of Oswin's reign.

When Osweo had thus removed the obstacle which prevented his uniting the two provinces, he took possession of Deira: but his government had not been established above two years, before Ethelwald the son of Oswald appeared, having attained the age of 16 years, and taking possession of the malecontents in Deira, declared himself a competitor for that crown against his uncle. The people of the province were glad to embrace an opportunity of shaking off the detestable yoke Osweo had subjected them to, as they regarded the man with inveteracy who had polluted his hands in the innocent blood of Oswin, whose memory they revered. Osweo with all his power was not able to dispossess him, though repeated struggles were made, which constantly concluded in Ethelwald's favour.

But these matters were scarce ended, or Osweo had reconciled himself to sit down contented with the loss of the province of Deira, before Penda renewed hostilities against the Northrumbrians in Bernicia; and Osweo, by the invader's success, was soon reduced to extremities. The offers of peace which he made were rejected, for nothing but destruction and extent of empire could satisfy the Mercian. Ethelwald also brought his forces into the field, professing himself Penda's ally. The desperate circumstances which attended Osweo, urged him in the moments of despair, to try the event of battle, for in submission, he saw certain destruction awaited him. He collected a few faithful troops, in whom he could place his confidence, and together with his son Al•fred, led forth the little army, trusting only for success in Him, in whose hand alone is the event of war. The month of December was already advanced, when near to Loidis, (according to Camden, now Leeds) on the banks of the river then called Winwed, the armies engaged: during the heat of the battle a sudden inundation happened, the river overflowed its banks, and swept away mulitudes of the Mercian troops. The circumstance struck the armies with dismay, the Mercians were thrown into confusion, Penda was slain, and the Bernicians triumphed against an host of foes, who were said to exceed them thirty times in number: Ethelwald escaped, and returned to his capital with disgrace.[*]

Osweo pursued his success, and subjugated the kingdom of Mercia. He entertained Peada the son of Penda with great friendship, and discovering in him singular virtues, on his consenting to become a Christian, gave him his daughter Alofleda (whom he had by his concubine) in marriage; resigning to him the government of the southern parts of Mercia.

The blood of Oswin continually hung upon his conscience, to expiate which, he vowed to make a pilgrimage to Rome; but falling sick, Death frustrated his project. He reigned 28 years, and departed this life on the 15th day of February, in the year 670, aged 58 years.

Historians are silent as to the fate of Ethelwald; it is probable that he was deposed by Osweo after the battle of Loidis, and Deira again united with Bernicia: for such union appears upon the opening of the succeeding reign.

Osweo had by Eanfled his Queen, two sons and one daughter: Egfrid his eldest son succeeded to his crown; Elswin the youngest only lived to the age of 18, being slain in battle; Elfleda his daughter, in consequence of her father's vow before the battle with Penda, took on her the veil, and was accordingly committed to the care of the Abbess Hilda, in the monastery of Stainslatch, now Whitby, where she succeeded to be Abbess.

Eanfled after Osweo's decease, retired to the same monastery, where she spent the remainder of her life, and where were interred her remains, with those of Osweo and Elfleda.

Osweo had by his concubines two children, Alcfrid who succeeded his brother Egfrid on the throne, and Alkfleda who was married to Peada, Penda's son.

EGFRID being released from his confinement in Mercia, where he was held as an hostage, returned with his father's victorious army to Northumberland, and on the decease of Osweo ascended the throne in the year 670, and in the 25th year of his age, ruling over the united provinces.

From his turbulent disposition, a war broke out between the Northumbrians and Mercians, which was so far fruitless, that by the interposition of Theodore the Bishop, peace was made, without either party making any acquisitions, through the bloodshed they had occasioned; for on the borders of Trent the armies came to an engagement, in which Elfwin, the Northumbrian King's brother, with many other valiant chiefs and vast hosts were slain. Elfwin was equally lamented by both nations, as well for his excellent qualities, as his alliance with both Princes, he having married Osfrida the sister of the King of Mercia.

Egfrid not satisfied to reign in peace, in the year 684 sent his forces against the Irish, who were represented by Bede as a mild and inoffensive people, constantly desirous of maintaining peace with Britain In this expedition much slaughter ensued, from whence the character of Egfrid became odious.

Restless and disposed to mischief, he turned his arms against the Picts, who bordered on Northumberland, contrary to the earnest solicitations of Cuthbert then Bishop of Lindisfern, and marching into their country in the month of June, 685, he fell into a defile among the mountains, where the enemy lay in ambush, and was slain.[*]

Egfrid died in the 40th year of his age, having reigned near 15 years: he had no issue. He married Etheldreda, a widow, the daughter of Anna King of the East Angles, who had to her first husband, Tonbert, a nobleman of great power in Huntingdonshire and the adjoining counties. She was a most enthusiastic zealot, and during both marriages preserved her virginity, esteeming such religious severities the most acceptable service. She lived with Egfrid 12 years, and then took the veil in the abbey of Coldingham, under Ebba. Afterwards she removed, and founded the monastery of Ely, where she governed as Abbess till her death. For her pious donations and exemplary austerities she was canonized.

ALCFRED, the natural son of Oswes, succeeded to the throne in the year 686. He had spent his youth in Ireland, and according to the humour of those times, had made religion his chief study.

The Picts in the preceding reign had obtained part of the northern territories of his predecessors; the most of which he regained, and maintained his kingdom from further depredations. Though no singular event in warfare distinguished his reign, yet it was famous for his wise government and salutary laws.

He reigned 19 years, and died in the year 705. He married in his youth Kenburg the daughter of Penda the Mercian, and had by her issue one son, OSRED, who succeeded him on the throne, though only eight years of age at the time of his father's death.

The Northumbrians were at war with the Picts, and in the seventh year of this reign, under the conduct of Berthfrid, an able General, obtained a signal victory, with a mighty slaughter.

No sooner had Osred arrived to manhood, than he shewed the most vicious disposition in the gratification of his lust: he despised all restraint, and every crime marked the progress of his brutal passion; the defilement of his marriage bed, the pollution of places most sacred, and the violation of women of all ranks, even of Nuns.

He married Cuthburga the sister of Ina King of the West Saxons, who detesting his repeated adulteries and enormous vices, obtained a divorce, and retired to a nunnery she had founded at Winburn in Dorsetshire. [*]

After reigning 11 years, despised and abhorred by his subjects, he was assassinated by two of his kinsmen, Cenred and Osric, who perceiving the universal hatred which prevailed against him, presumed, by his death, as he had no issue, they should obtain the diadem.[†] Accordingly CENRED, who was descended from Ida, supported by his party, usurped the throne in the year 716, but departed this life after reigning only two years; of the events of which period Historians are silent.

OSRIC, who was the son of Alfrid, on the demise of Cenred, seized the scepter in the year 718; but whether he sat undisturbed on the throne which he had ascended by so heinous a crime, together with the events of nine years reign, remain unnoticed by Historians. All that is recorded of him after his usurpation, is, that he suffered a violent death.[‡]

CEOLWULF was elected by the people in the year 731; he was a lineal descendant of Ida, by Occa his eldest illegitimate son.[*] He was a pious man, and spent his days in devout exercises: letting the reins of government relax, a religious enthusiasm possessed his people, and that abstracted indolence took place, in which neither arts or sciences, cultivation or manufactories advanced. The commonwealth will always suffer under an overheated zeal and enthusiastic religion. The first acceptable service of man, is rectitude of manners; that he do his duty to himself, his family, his neighbour, and the state: a wretch who neglects all these, to be incessantly on his knees, lifting up the hands of idleness to heaven, purchases a heavy condemnation. The King was for ever at his devotions, his Nobles catched the infatuation, and conceiving that self-denial, mortification, and neglect of worldly concerns best pleased the Omnipotent, they founded religious houses, raised churches, and took on them the monastic orders. Those who should have appeared in the several departments of government, were sunk into cells, and the state lost its necessary supports: the influenza extended to the lowest classes of men, and those who should have been found fit for arms and manuel employs, were lifting up long visages and languid looks to heaven, as if the benevolent Being could only be pleased with ugly faces, distortions, and misery. Ethelbald the King of Mercia observing the unhappy condition of the neighbouring empire, determined to make his advantage of it, and with a powerful army entered Northumberland. He ravaged the borders, sacked and laid waste their cities, and loaden with spoils, returned in triumph: whilst the Northumbrians, as idle spectators, received their afflictions as the discipline and scourge of heaven, esteeming them salutary mortifications, wherein they should find salvation. Anarchy and confusion took place, and the state was hastening into dissolution, when the King, in a phrensy of zeal, after having reigned eight years, abdicated the throne, and offered his crown at the high altar in the cathedral church of Lindisfarn, where he assumed the Cowl. [†]

Not having any issue, he is said to have bequeathed his scepter to his cousin-german, Egbert the son of Eata, who succeeded him. The entering into a spiritual character may at that time have been esteemed an extinction of temporal rights, but by what right a Saxon King could dispose of his kingdom to another, I confess myself ignorant.

EGBERT ascended the throne when the realm was in the most relaxed and impotent state; all the adjoining powers were committing continual depredations on his subjects, who, like men of disturbed reason, bowed their simple heads to every affliction, and put their hands in their bosoms void of self-defence: even the tributary states began to declare for freedom and independence; and to perfect the misery of the realm, the Mercians were renewing the war.

How difficult a task it was to rouse the lethargic zealots from their fascination, to take up arms, may easily be conceived: at length Egbert disciplined and led forth a powerful army, and with great military prowess, brought the the malecontents to their duty, subdued the Picts and Britons who were in arms, and beat back the Mercians.

No sooner was he relieved from these troubles, and peace smiled upon his reign, than catching the infatuation of the age, after reigning 21 years, he resigned his sovereignty, and assumed the character of a Monk.[*]

He had one son, OSWULF, who in the year 759, on his father's abdication, ascended the throne. In his reign he did not accomplish one year, being slain by his servant, at a place called Micklewoughton. The cause of this unhappy exit is not mentioned by Historians.[†]

ETHELWALD, surnamed Mollo, a Northumbrian of noble blood, obtained the government: he was opposed by a dangerous faction, headed by Oswin, also of noble descent, who possessing the affections of some partizans, took the field: the insurrection caused Ethelwald to levy an army without delay, and a decisive battle was soon after fought at a place called Edwins-clive, in which Oswin was slain, and his army routed. After this event he reigned for some time in peace, till he fell by assassination; Alured, a nobleman of great power, highly dissatisfied with Ethelwald's being raised to the throne in preference of the royal line of Ida, from whom he was a lineal descendant by Alric, had determined upon his death, as the means of opening his passage to royalty, to which he aspired in right of his ancestors.[‡]

Ethelwalda died in the year 770, leaving one son, Ethelred, but he was succeeded by the traitor ALURED, who usurped the throne. He ruled over a dissatisfied people for ten years, after which he was ignominiously dethroned.[*]

ETHELRED the son of Ethelwald, was chosen to succeed him; but his reign began with factions, either from the interests of those of royal descent, or from the morose disposition which Ethelred displayed in his first maxims of government; perhaps both those causes operated to stir up the succeeding rebellions. His Generals were unfortunate, and his arms unsuccessful against the malecontents; at a place called Kings-cliff his troops were routed by the rebels, and Alduff his General was slain: and in a second battle, at a place called Holy-thorn, the rebels again prevailed.

Ethelred soon saw himself deserted, and the state in the utmost confusion: in consequence of which he thought it prudent to withdraw himself privily, and save his life, which he perceived was in imminent danger.

Edelbald and Herebert, two noblemen of great influence, had headed these factions, and now perceiving there was no obstacle remaining, proceeded to place Alfwold, the brother of Alured, on the throne. [†]

ALFWOLD thus supported, assumed the scepter, no one presuming, in the turbulent estate of the kingdom, to oppose those violent measures. Alfwold was of an excellent disposition, and so far from presuming to act oppressively, in consequence of the power by which he was supported, that he tempered his government with mercy and justice. So unhappy was the removal of the diadem from the royal line, and its disposition on the nobility, that factions soon were kindling in every district, and dissatisfactions breathing from every quarter: all the Nobles regarded themselves as being publicly affronted, and that the election of Alfwold was to be considered as their disparagement. The excellencies and virtues of the King were totally disregarded; they rather aggravated than served to conciliate: at length the people rose up in open rebellion, and a conspiracy was formed against his life. Alfwold had reigned about ten years, when he was treacherously slain by Sigga, a chief of the conspirators, and one whom he retained about his person. This crime was perpetrated at a place called Sythle-cester or Cilchester, in the month of September, 788; and the royal remains were interred at Hexham. [*]

He left two sons, Celf and Celfwin, who were both slain by Ethelred, after his restoration. It does not appear that any one mounted the throne of Northumberland until the year 791, when the prevailing party placed the crown on the head of OSRED, son of Alured, but his reign was very short; the same giddy multitude to whom he owed his diadem, deprived him of it in less than a year, and he fled to conceal his disgrace, and seek security in some foreign country.[†]

ETHELRED conceiving the distraction in the state favoured his return, supported by a few desperate partizans, again ascended the throne. His malevolent disposition retained the darkest principles of revenge, and when he thought himself secured in the government, he began to exercise the utmost severity on those who had appeared against him, whilst he formerly held the scepter; and the chiefs of those factions he put to death. The sons of Alfwold having gained the asylum of York, were regarded with an eye of jealousy, lest in some future day they should lay claim to their father's diadem: by an artful address, and promises of great employments in the state, he seduced them from their place of security, and soon after had them assassinated near Wan-waldermere. His hands were stained with blood, and his heart was hardened with crimes: he had policy enough to ensnare the unfortunate Osred, who fell a sacrifice to his wiles, and was put to death at a place called Cunburge. Trusting that every object was removed which could disturb his government, he thought it would strengthen his authority to make an alliance with Offa King of Mercia: to this end, without any real cause of offence, he divorced his Queen, and married Elfled, Offa's daughter. His tyranny and vices were odious, and all his subjects groaned under their oppressions. At length the enormity of his crimes roused the people, who no longer could support their afflictions; cabals and insurrections were discovered in every quarter of the kingdom, which at length broke out into a general rebellion; and in the tumult Ethelred was slain on the 18th of April, 795, at Corbre, having reigned near four years after his restoration.

From this period the kingdom of Northumberland was rent by innumerable factions, and an universal anarchy prevailed. Kings were placed upon the throne by parties, as they gained the superiority, and were deposed as other parties rose. Among those Monarchs, Oswald and Eardulf are named by Historians, who possessed a short and turbulent reign. In this distraction the kingdom was involved, when Egbert King of the West Saxons, in the year 826, having conquered the Mercians, entered Northumberland, and soon reduced it to subjection.

Notes

*

Et regiones omnes quae trans Humbrum aestuarium ad septentriones jacent, Saxonico nomine Norƿan Humbra ric, i. e. Nordanhumbrorum regnum vocari caeperunt.

Camden Brit. p. 6••.

↵

†

Inde cum regnum Berniciorum, quas Brittanni Guir-a-Brinaich ed est quasi Montanos dicunt.

Camden Brit. p. 623.

↵

*
Horsley Brit. Rom. lib. I. cha. 3.
↵

*

Witichindus Gest. Sax. lib. I.

Some authors say the Saxons were not invited over by the Britons, but being exiled from their own country, landed here. But Mannius, in particular, does not shew any proof for this assertion, from the situation of the German states in that aera.

Verstigan, from the authority of Pomarius, says 9000 Saxons came over. Hector Boethius says they were 10,000 in number, and were transported in 30 ships.

↵

†
The Scotch writers say this reinforcement consisted of 5000 men.
↵

‡
Bede and Ethelwerd are silent, as to any promises of submission made by the natives. Gildas says their first pretence of quarrelling was for a greater allowance. The expression in Gildas is epimenia, a Roman team for the pay of a soldier. In Bede it is a•ionae, which is construed the produce of lands, provisions of corn, &c. From thence the editor of Camden determines they were merely mercenaries.
↵

*
Chron. Sax.—Ethelward, Malms. &c.
↵

†

Inde cum regnum Berniciorum, constutum esset, quod a tesi ad Scoticum fretum pertigit; pars ejus optima fuit paruitque Nordanhumbrorum regib•s, quidum fuam periodum confecissent, quicquid ultra Tuedam erat in Scoticum nomen cessit, &c.

Camden Brit.

↵

‡
Scha. Caron lib. 2.
↵

*
Now called Bambrough.
↵

†
Chron. Sax. Ethelwerd, Malms. Huntington, &c.
↵

‡

Duodecem namque filios habuit Ida, ex quibus Reges Northanhimbrorum exorti sunt; Addas, Ethelricum, Theodericum, Edricum, Theunedheri, Osmer, Alricum, Decam, Osbaldum, Scor, Sceotheri, Ocga.

Symeon Dunelm.

↵

§
These Saxons with their adherants came over in 12 ships.—Math. West.
↵

*
Math. Westm.
↵

†
Ibid.
↵

‡
Chron. Sax. Malms. Hunt. &c.
↵

§
Qui vocatus ferus. H. Hunt. lib. II.
↵

*
Bede, lib. I. H. Hunt. lib. II.
↵

†
Bede, Chron. Sax.
↵

*
Ma
•••
. W

•••

m.
↵

†
Speed.
↵

‡
Bede's Eccles. Hist. lib. II. Malms. lib. I.
↵

*
Bede.
↵

†
Bede, lib. I.—She was the first Christian baptized in Northumberland.
↵

*
Bede, Chron. Sax.
↵

†
Bede.
↵

‡
The Kingdom of Mercia comprehended Gloucestershire, Herefordshire, Cheshire, Staffordshire, Worcestershire, Oxfordsh
•
re, Shropshire, Warwickshire, Derbyshire, Leicestershire, Buckinghamshire, Northamptonshi

•

e, Nothinghamshire, Lincolnshire, Bedfordshire, Rutlandshire, Huntingtonshire, and pa
••
of Herfordshire.
↵

§
In Case Edwine's first wife was the grand-daughter of Crida, as Malms. Hunt. and others alledge,
〈◊〉
P

•

nda was ma
•••
g
••
r against his brother-in-law.
↵

‖
The
〈◊〉
g

•

ven by Caesar and Tacitus, represent the customs of the Britons as barbarous as
〈◊〉
of the Americans and Car
•
t bees: they had no settled internal policy; they lived in hovels in the
〈◊〉
; they do not appear to have known tillage, save only on the coasts, which possibly was made by some settlers from Gaul: they had not even approached so near civilization, as to correct the custom of
〈◊〉
, the common inter
••
rse of sexes, not so much as to avoid incest.
↵

*
The corruption of the name Durham from Deira-ham is so easily conceived, that it renders the conjecture probable this was the capital of Deira. In the neighbourhood of that city is a place called Old Durham; the reason of which name I cannot more plausibly attribute, than to the Deira-ham of the Saxons.
↵

*
Strutt's Chron. p. 1
•
6.

↵

†
Bede Eccl. Hist.
↵

‡
A more particular account of this battle, see title St Oswald's, p. 175.
↵

*

After the departure of Penda, the remains of Oswald (at the command of Osfrida, Penda's Queen and daughter of Oswine) were carefully taken away from the field of battle, and interred in the monastery of Bradney, in Lincolnshire, but were afterwards removed to Gloucester, and interred on the north side of the choir of the cathedral church there.

Bede, lib. III.

"Cujus vitam cum multa laude venerabilis Beda prosecutus esset, "ut multa, inquit, breviter compraehendam, quantem ab eis qui illum novere didicimus, nichil ex omnibus quae in Evangelicis sive Apostolicis, live Propheticis litteris facienda cognoverat praetermittere, sed cuncta pro suis viribus operibus explere curabat." Hujus praesulatus anno 8, regni autem sui IX, sanctissimus ac piissimus Rex Oswaldus primus in tota Berniciorum gente signifer fidei Christianae & fundator ecclesiae Lindisfernensis, ex qua omnium ejusdem provinciae ecclesiarum manarunt primordia, a Paganis in bello prostratus occubuit. Cujus caput in Cimiterio ecclesiae praefatae, manus vero cum brachiis quas Rex interfector a corpore praecidi jusserat, in urbe regia conditae sunt; dextra cum brachio votum benedictionus Aidani Episcopi per incorruptionem praeferente, quae etiam ad nostram usque aetatem utriusque meritum, Regis scilicet & Pontificis, gratia suae incorruptionis ostendit; sicut nostrae, hoc est Dunhelmensis ecclesiae Monachus venerandae caniciei & multae simplicitatis vocabulo Swartebrandus, qui nuper, Willielmo Episcopatum administrante, defunctus est, saepius se vidisse attestatus est. Nam ut Beda narrat, diae sancto Paschae sedente ad mensam Rege, cum discus illi argenteus esset appositus epulis regalibus refertus, subito nuntiatur multitudinem pauperum in platea federe & eleemosinae aliquid a Rege expectare; nec mora, dapes sibimet appositas pa•peribus deferri & cundem discum inter eos praecepit minutatim dividi: quo facto pietatis Pontifex qui affidebat delectatus, apprehendens dexteram ejus, ait, nunquam inceterascat haec manus, Porro assa illius in monasterium, quod in provincia Lindissi situm est, translata sunt.

Symeon Dunel. lib. I. cha. 2.

↵

*
Bede, lib. III.
↵

*

Bede, lib. IV.

At Rex E•gfridus anno quo fecerat hunc venerabilem patrem ordinari Episcopum, cum maxima parte cop•arum quas ad devastandam terram pictorum secum duxerat, secundum prophetiam ejusdem patris Cuthberti, extinctus est apud Nechtanesmere, quod est stagnum Nechta•, die tertio decimo Kalendarum Juniarum, anno regni sa• XV. cujus corpus in Hi• insula Columbae sepultum est.

Symeon Dunel. lib. I. ch. 9.

↵

*
Chron. Sax.
↵

†
Chron. Winton.
↵

‡
Chron. Sax. Chron. Winton. &c.
↵

*

Chron. Sax.

Qui videlicet Ceolwlfus de stirpe quidem Idae primi Regis Northanhymbrorum fuerat, sed non de filio ejus Ethelrico Rege, de quo gloriosissimi Reges Oswaldus & Oswiu descenderant, genealogiam duxit; sed de tratre ipius Ethelrici nomine Ocga originem traxisse invenitur. Fuerat quippe Ceolwlfus filius Cut•ae, cujus pater Cuthwine, cujus pater Liodwald, cujus pa•er Ecgwald, cujus pater Aldhelm, cujus pater Ocga, cujus pater Ida Rex.

Symeon Dunel. lib. I. ch. 13.

↵

†
Bede, lib. V. Malms. Symeon Dunel. &c.
↵

*
Malms. lib. I. Symeon Dunel. p. 83. lib. II. cha. 3.
↵

†

Hen. Hunt. J. Redbourne.

Osulf, cum post patrem uno anno regnasset, impia nece a sua familia peremptus, Aethelwoldum Mol successorem habuit.

Symeon Dunel. lib. II. ch. 3.

↵

‡

In a note to page 147 in Strut's Chronicle, he says, "Simon Dunelm seems to say, that he was not slain, but resigned the government; but whether by force or his own free will does not appear." All that Symeon says, is, "Qui ubi sex annis regnaverat, Alchred de stirpe Ethrici filii Idae Regis in imperium successit."

Symeon Dunel. p. 84. lib. II. ch. 3.

↵

*

Malms. lib. I.

Nono autem anno regni fraude suorum Primatum exilio imperium mutavit, pro quo Aethelred filius Aethelwold• mox in regnum substitutus est. Quo imperi• quarto anno in exilium fugato, Aelfwold filius Ofulfi regnum adeptus Northanhymbrorum X annis tenuit.

Symeon Dunel. lib. II. ch. 4.

↵

†
Malms. lib. I. Symeon Dunel. Hen. Hunt. Hoveden.
↵

*

Chron. Hen. Hunt. Hoveden, &c.

Anno praesulatus ejus sexto, praefatus Rex Aelfwoldus a duce suo Sicga miseranda morte peremptus, in loco qui dicitur Scytlescester juxta murum, sepultus est in Hagustaldensi ecclesia: fuerat quippe pietatis eximiae ac justitiae, unde in loco occisionis ejus lux coelitus emissa saepe a plurimis visa est. Cui suus nepos Osred Alchredi quondam Regis filius successit, sed post annum pulsus regno in Eufoniam insulam, quae Man vocatur, aufugit, & Aethelred de exilio revocatus regnum quod dudum amiserat recepit.

Symeon Dunel. lib. II. ch. 4.

↵

†
J. Redbourne. Chron. Sax. Hoveden, &c.
↵

A Chronological Table of the Kings of Northumberland.

Begun to reign.

Died or Expell.

No.

AD. 547

AD. 559

1

IDA 1st King of Bernicia.

560

589

2

Aelle 1st King of Deira, and afterwards, in the year 597, first King of Northumberland: the provinces of Bernicia and Deira being united by him.

560

567

3

Adda 2d King of Bernicia.

567

572

4

Glappa 3d King of Bernicia.

572

573

5

Theodwald 4th King of Bernicia.

573

580

6

F•ethulf 5th King of Bernicia.

58•

587

7

Theodoric 6th King of Bernicia. After whom Aelle united the provinces in the kingdom of Northumberland.

589

593

8

Ethelric 2d King of Northumberland.

593

617

9

Ethe•it• 3d King of —

617

633

10

Edwine 4th King of — After whom the provinces were again divided.

633

634

11

Eanfrid 7th King of Bernicia.

12

Osric 2d King of Deira.

634

64•

13

Oswald who again united the provinces, and was 5th King of Northumberland, but after him they were again divided.

642

670

14

Osweo 8th King of Bernicia.

642

651

15

Oswine 3d King of Deira.

653

16

Ethelwald 4th King of Deira.

670

685

17

Egfrad united the provinces, and was the 6th King of Northumberland

686

705

18

Alefrid 7th King of Northumberland.

705

716

19

Osred 8th King of —

716

718

20

Cenred 9th King of —

718

731

21

Osric 10th King of —

731

22

Ceolwulf 11th King of —

738

23

Egbert 12th King of —

759

•59

24

Oswulf 13th King of —

759

7•0

25

Ethelwald 14th King of —

••0

26

Alured 15th King of —

••9

27

Et•elred 16th King of —

782

791

28

Alfwold 17th King of —

791

29

Osred 18th King of —

792

Ethelred was restored.

A TABLE of COINS.

EXPLANATION.

- No. 1. This is of gold, and presumed to be a coin of Boadicia, Queen of the Brigantes, whose dominion extended northward to the Tweed; the provinces of the Otadini and Gadeni, by some authors being said to be Tributaries.

- It is the opinion of the learned, that after the Roman Tributes were appointed in Britain-coins were struck with impressions suitable to the imposts: those payable for corn lands were marked with an ear of corn, for forests with a tree, for the larger cattle a horse, and the smaller cattle a hog; the poll-money was impressed with a head. Boadicia complaining of those taxes to her subjects, is said to have used these words: ‘Ye graze and ye plow for the Romans; nay ye pay an annual tribute for your very bodies.’ The Mintmaster has placed the word Tascia on many of the British coins, which signifies Tribute-money. It is remarked, that these several impressions could not be used to denote any distinct nation, province, or tribe, for the same prince and people used them all; as is observed in the coins of Cunobeline, who stamped upon his coins, severally, the figure of a horse, a hog, an car of corn, &c.

- No. 2. A silver coin of Eadbert. There is some doubt whether this is the coin of a Northumbrian Prince, as there were two Kings of Kent of the same name. Sir Andrew Fountain, contrary to the opinion of Speed, attributes it to the Northumbrian.

- No. 3. A coin of Egbert. There were four Kings of this name, one of Northumberland, one of Kent, one of Mercia, and one of the West Saxons. Mr Thoresby places this among the coins of the Northumbrian Monarchs. On the reverse is the name of the Mintmaster, which was usual in those times.

- No. 4. A silver coin of Alured King of Northumberland, No. 26 in the Chronological Table.

- No. 5. A coin of Eandred, by some authors said to be the brother of Edmund, and to be a tributary Prince about the year 968.

- No. 6. This is a brass coin: it is doubted by the learned, whether it belonged to Eandred or Eanfrid. No. 11 in the Chronological Table. Eanfrid built St Peter's church at York, and made Pa•nus Bishop.

- No. 7. A silver coin of Aelfred. Th•s Prince was a very learned person, to shew which, it is presumed he used the Al•gram on the reverse of his coin. This Monogram has been construed to imply Civitas N•rt•cam, which would fix the coin upon Alfred the Great: Norwich being a place of little note in the time of Aelfred of Northumberland.

- No. 8. A silver coin of Ceolwulf. By the letter M in the legend, it is doubtful this coin belonged to the Mercian King Ceonulf.

- No. 9. A coin of Egbert, under whom the Saxon principalities were united into one kingdom. He was a Prince of extraordinary wisdom and valour.

- No. 10. A coin of Ethelred, No. 27 in the Chronological Table. There was another Ethelred, son of Eandred, a tributary King of Northumberland, but no coin of his is extant. On this coin the name is spelled Edilred.

- No. 11. A silver coin of Oswulf, No. 24 in the Table, by some called Ethelwulf: he was the son of Egbert.

- No. 12. A silver coin of Alfred the Great; by the reverse it appears to have been struck in honour of St Cuthbert.

- No. 13. A silver coin of Ed•a•d, brother of Athelstan.

- No. 14. A silver coin of Eadred. He died about the year 955. after compleating the reduction of Northumberland, and settling Osulf the first Earl.

- No. 15. A silver coin of St Edwinus.

- No. 16. A silver coin of Canute the Dane.

- No. 17. A silver coin of Si•tri•, a Danish King of Northumberland, odious for his tyranny and pride.

- No 18. A silver coin of Edwene, No. 10 in the Chronological Table.

- No. 19. A silver coin of King Athelstan.

ALDSTON

is a small market town, meanly built, hanging on the declivity of a steep hill, inhabited by miners. The fatigue of passing bad roads, in a mountainous, barren, and inhospitable country, was in no wise alleviated by the scene which presented itself here. Pent in a narrow valley, over which mountains frowned with a melancholy sterility and nakedness; the wind tempestuous, impending clouds stretching forth a dark and disconsolate curtain over the face of morning; rain beating vehemently against the windows, which were not able to resist the storm; a few trees standing near the Inn tossed by the heavy blasts which howled down the valley; whilst the accommodations within doors were even comfortless, rendered such a frontispiece to a pursuit of pleasure, as would have given a check to any thing but insatiable curiosity.

We were under the influence of the highest lands in this part of the island, and could not avail ourselves of the name of summer against such a climate; for I presume two fair days together are seldom known in this country.

We passed over the south branch of the river Tyne, by a stone bridge, and entered the county of Northumberland on the Maiden Way, a Roman military road, near

WHITLEY,

which bears at present the name of WHITLEY CASTLE, though only the remains of the Roman station called in Dean Gales Antoninus, Alione: [*] situate on the brook of Gilderdale, the southern boundary of this part of Northumberland.

Whitley lays on an irregular descent, inclining to the east, is an oblong square with obtuse angles, 140 paces from east to west, and 110 from north to south: the ground falls swiftly from the eastern side of this station, but to the west the hills over look it, from whence it was easily assailed.—In order to fortify it on this weak quarter, it is slanked on the north-west and south-west angles, with several trenches and breastworks of earth; and on the west with seven several trenches and breastworks, running out to a kind of semicircle: the entrance is on the south. As a sketch of Whitley will give the reader a general idea of those stations I visited in this county, I have subjoined an Etching.[†]

The Maiden Way before spoken of, extends from a small fort, called Maiden Castle, on Stainmore, by Kirby Thore, in Westmoreland, and Whitley to Caer Voran, in this county; guarded by a chain of stations. This military road was repaired by part of the twentieth legion, as is denoted by a centurial stone discovered thereon, inscribed, VEXILLATIO LEGIONIS VICESIMAE V. V. REFICIT.[*] The Notitia places at Alione the third cohort of the Nervii. In Mr Horsley's B. Romana [†] we find two altars inscribed to the Emperor Caracalla, which prove this matter. It is contended by some, that Alione was held up and garrisoned by the Romans to the latest date of their abode in this country. This was a wretched place for the subsistence of a cohort; cultivation (even in this age) has only crept down the skirts of the valleys, and hung upon the margins of the rivers; even where her steps have imprinted the narrow shores, corn has not hitherto blessed the labour of the husbandman.

Mr Camden says, that ‘Whitley Castle retained the marks of a great and antient town, enclosed towards the north with a fourfold rampier.’ This description convinces me Camden never visited the place, it is so inconsistent with the true state of it. He gives us one of the inscriptions discovered there in the following form, being one of those in Mr. Horsley's B. Romana:

IMP. CAES. Lucii Septimi Severi Ara

BICI, ADIABENICI, PARTHICI

MAX. FIL. DIVI ANTONINI Pii Germanici

SARMA. NEP. DIVI ANTONINI PII PRON.

DIVI HADRIANI ABN. DIVI TRAIANI

PARTH. ET DIVI NERVAE ADNEPOTI

M. AVRELIO ANTONINO PIO

FEL. AVG. GERMANICO. PONT. MAX.

TR. POT — X — IMP — COS. IIII. P. p —

PRO PIETATE AEDE — VOTO —

COMMVNI CVRANTE —

— LEGATO AVG.

PR — COH. III. NERVIO —

RVM — G. R. POS.

which Camden says shews that a temple was erected there to Antoninus the Emperor.
[*]
There are not the least traces to be found at this day of any such edifice.

On the opposite side of the Tyne, as we passed down the valley, we had a view of KIRKHAUGH. When Mr Horsley visited the place, he found in the church-yard, a Roman altar, inscribed DEAE MINERVAE ET HERCVLI VICTORI;[*] but on enquiry, we were informed it was lately removed.

We passed down the vale, a wild and uncultivated scene, till we approached

Notes

*
H
••
er p. 111.

↵

†
It is
〈…〉
Mr H

•

rsley should represent this station so all in his plates:—it is delineated as being
〈…〉
to the no
•

•
nded by three trenches and v
•
lums or rampiers, and on all the
〈…〉
by four, with an e
•••
ance on each side.
↵

*

CXI.

Vexillatio legionis vicesimae valentis victricis refecit.

‘This and the three following belong to the Roman station which has been at Whitley Castle, near Kirkhaugh, in the south-west corner of the county of Northumberland. It is only the old Roman station that goes by the name of the Castle. This station is upon the military way usually called the maiden way: and this inscription is in the custody of Mr Henry Wallace of Whitley, the proprietor of the ground in which the station has been. The stone is manifestly of that sort that are usually inserted in the face of the walls or other works built or rebuilt by the soldiers: and nothing more can be inferred from this inscription, but that a vexillation of the 20th legion had rebuilt this station, or somewhat about it.’

Horsley, p. 250.

↵

†

CXII.

Maximo Germanico pontifici maximo tribunitiae potestatis decimum nonum consuli quartum patri patriae—milites cohortis tertiae nerviorum

‘This inscription is in a house that stands just at the south entry of the station, and is called Castle Nook. It is a great pity it should be so imperfect and broken, since probably it has been much of the same nature with that of which Camden has given us the original, and which I shall next describe. I have set the reading under this inscription, which I take to be right. I know not whether the character like a Greek Φ, in the third line, be only an ornamental stop, or designed for Pio, or that the P has been effaced, and this put only for 10•, according to the like contraction in the inscription now in the library at Edinburgh. Nor am I able to determine, whether the first letters in the 4th line can have been P. R. for Proconsul, a title that Caracalla also assumed, or for Praefectus, the name of the commander having been at the end of the preceding line.’

Horsley, p. 250.

↵

*

CXIII.

Imper•tor's Caesaris Lucii Severi Arabici Adiabenici Parthici maximi filio divi Antonini Pii Sa•mat•• nepoti divi Antonini Pii pro nepoti divi Hadriani ab nepoti divi Trajani Parthici, et d•vi Nervae adnepoti Marco Aurelio Antonino Pio Felici Augusto Germanico pontifici Maximo tribuntiae potestatis decimum—imperatori—consuli quartum patri patriae pro pietate Aedem ex V••o communi curante Legato Augu•tali cohors tertia Nerviorum Genio Romae posuit.

‘Sir Robert Cotton would doubtless have procured and removed this stone, if possible, whatever 〈◊〉 now become of it, for it is not to be seen at Conington. There is yet remaining at App•eby, in Westmoreland, what I at first supposed had been the original. There is at this place another copy or two cut out as this on stone, the originals of which I know are at Con•ngton, which increases my jealousy about this, as does likewise a memorandum at the bottom of the stone on which this inscription is cut, namely, de Astonmore. signifying the p•ace from whence it came, which is undoubtedly modern, though this might be added when the stone was removed to Appleby, and so the Roman inscription, notwithstanding, be gen••ne. However, from this and Camden•s copy diligently compared, I have given such a reading to it, as appeared to me the most probable. Camden tells us, "that the inscription was imperfect, and compendiously written, with the letters linked one in another," yet he has given it only in plain Roman capitals; but by the help of the stone at Appleby. I have brought it nearer to the true form. The inscription is manifestly to Caracalla, and the titles given to his predecessors are agreeable to the Roman history. All that Camden says in relation to it, by way of explication, is, "that the third cohort of the Nervii built a temple here to Antoninus the Emperor, the son of Severus."—But in order to make some se•e of the latter part of the inscription, we must consider it more nicely. In the ninth line there have been most probably some numeral letters after IMP. and more after TR. POT, and these may be determined by consulting history and the inscriptions on coins, in order to know how oft he en•oyed the tribunitial power, and been saluted Imperator, when he was the fourth time Consul, which was the second year after his father's death, and his leaving Britain I find one Roman coin, which seems to determine the whole; in which we have TR. P. XVI. IMP. II. COS. IIII; so that the ninth line has probably been the like, as above. 'Tis true he had often, during the same consulate, the tribunitial power, and was oftener saluted Imperator, but the vacant spaces seem not to admit any larger numbers. The P. P. at the end of the line is Patri Patriae. In the next line I apprehend there is only an X wanting before Voto, thus, AED EX VOTO, adem ex Voto, &c. PR. PR. for Propraetor, seems also to be effaced in the last line but one. But I am apt to think there has been nothing more in the last line, and that no letters are wanting between the M and G (though so represented in Camden as if there were) and that we are to read Genio Romae Posuit. So that if this temple has been erected to Caracalla, it has been dedicated to him as the Genius of Rome, or of the Roman people, a flattering compliment too often paid by the Roman people to their Emperors. Perhaps the name of the Propraetor has been designedly struck out; but who he was cannot be known from any other inscriptions: and as for the Roman historians, they are entirely silent with respect to any affairs in Britain at this time, and for a great while after. To remove the difficulty that may seem to arise from Caracalla's being called the grandson of M. Aurelius Antoninus, to whom his father Severus was no ways related, nor ever adopted by him, it may not be amiss to repeat what I observed before from X•philine, "that after the death of Albinus, Severus called himself the son of Marcus, and brother of Commodus: hence his son Caracalla is called the grandson of Marcus Antoninus. But there is another difficulty in the words of the inscription, and that is, how Caracalla could be adnepos or atnepos both to Trajan and Nerva: for if he was so to the former, as the regular series of the preceding Emperors requires, he must have been trinepos to Nerva. Perhaps therefore the word et in the sixth line should be fil. and we ought to read Divi Trajani Parthici filii divi Nervae, adnepoti. This will make the genealogy consistent; and the manner of expression is not improper, and in effect the same as Trajani adnepoti, Nervae trinepoti." This inscription was erected in the year 213, when Caracalla was the fourth time Consul. I have described and explained it next to number CXII, because I think these two are somewhat of a like nature.’

Horsley, p. 251.

IMP. CAES LV —

BIG ADIA —

M•. FIL •V. ANTONINI —

SARM. •P. •V. •TONI. P. •ON

DIVI HA•. AB NEP •V. TRAIAN.

PARTH. ET •V N• •DNEP —

MAVR. A•O•NO PIO —

FEL. AVG —

TR. POTX — IMP. COS. IIII. PP

•O PIETATE AEDE VOTO

COMMVNI CVRANTE

LEG. AVG

COH. III NERVIO

RVM GR POS.

↵

*

CXIV.

D• Minervae et Herculi victori.

‘This altar is now in the church-yard of Kirkhaugh. 'Tis erected to Minerva and Hercules Victor, but by whom or on what occasion does not appear. The Greek writers call those de•es who were worshipped together at the same altar 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and these two, Minerva and Hercules, might perhaps be joined on this altar, to intimate that the Roman arms were conducted with equal skill and fortitude.’ Horsley, p. 252.

↵

KNARESDALE,

where some narrow inclosures, by the brink of the river, cheered the eye, which for some miles had laboured over a sameness of unpleasing objects with languor. Here the meads, and some little woods which hang upon the declivities, were contrasted by the brown heath and grey rocks of the mountains, and made the landskip picturesque.

As I now leave the Maiden Way, or Roman military road, and found in this uncultivated country the most perfect remains I ever saw; to give the reader a general idea, it may not be improper to introduce a description of this; as it is to be presumed all the Roman roads bore a similarity thereto in their construction, though not in their breadth. The Maiden Way [†] is near six yards wide, the sides are formed by lines of very large pebbles, from whence in an easy bow the interior pavement rises to a crown. Where the road lays down steep descents, the pavement is formed of flat thin stones, placed on their edges, and laid transversely. It passes many brooks, and I examined whether any bridges of mason work had been thrown over them, but could find no remains of such; which leads me to determine, that these places were passed by means of platforms formed of timber or trunks of trees. The rocks to which the pavement adjoined, would certainly have retained some testimony of mason work, if any had been used.

Notes

†
In the Gentleman's Magazine of the year 1755, the origin of the name Maiden Way is learnedly defined by the great antiquary Mr Pegg
•
under his feigned signiture of P Gemsege, particularly he says,

to •que a conjecture upon a p•• so obscure, perhaps it may come from the British word •a• p•er, or beautiful; hence possibly may come the Anglo Saxon word Mai•o and Ma•en virgo, which in that case answers exactly to our present expressions, a fair one, and 〈…〉 a sense undoubtedly very well accommodated to all the three places, •h to the road and the two fortifications,

Maiden Castle, Maiden Way, and Maiden Hold.
↵

KNARESDALE HALL

is ruinous and neglected. It was the seat of one of the Prats in the reign of Edward I. who forfeited the same; after which it was granted to Sir Robert de Swinburn: it came to Wallace of Copeland Castle, by marriage of Eleanor second daughter of John Swinburn of Edlingham; and Ralph Wallace his descendant, sold it to Mr Alderman Stephenson of Newcastle upon Tyne.

We passed by a stone bridge over the river Tyne, below Knaresdale, and from the opposite heights had a view of

LAMBLEY,

now consisting of a small chapel, with a few scattered cottages. Here was formerly a house founded for Benedictine Nuns, dedicated to God, St Mary, and St Patrick. Authors differ touching the foundation; Speed and Camden attribute it to the Lucys, Tanner to Adam de Tynedale, and others to King John. By deed of confirmation of the second year of King John,[*] certain endowments made by Adam de Tynedale, and others of that family, were confirmed to this religious house. At the suppression it consisted of six Nuns, and was valued at 5l. 15s. 8d. The scite of the convent is not now to be discovered: in Camden's day, ‘it was for the most part undermined by the floodings of the Tyne, and fallen down.’ John Duke of Northumberland had Lambley, by the grant of Edward VI. it was afterwards in the Featherstonhaughs of Featherston Castle, and now is the estate of Sir Lancelot Allgood. This place suffered in an incursion of the Scots in the reign of Edward I. AD. 1296, when passing down Redesdale and Tindale, burning and laying waste the country, and committing horrid cruelties on the inhabitants, they destroyed Corbridge, burnt the town, monastry, and church of Hexham, and also this small nunnery. The wretched nuns suffering the common fate of captives in those savage invasions, torture and ravishment.

The river being rough, and the fords not known to us, we left the vale, and traversing the heights, approached

Notes

*
Johannes Dei gratia, &c Dat per Manum S Wellensis Archidiaconi apud Hextoldesham XIV die Februarii, regni nostri anno Secundo.
↵

FEATHERSTON CASTLE,

which lays in a little sequestered valley, concealed by the surrounding hills. From the eminence over which we travelled, we could command a view for several miles on every hand; but almost the whole scene was one vast expanse of waste and barrenness, hill arising beyond hill in dreary succession of broken crags or brown heath: at the feet of the mountains here and there, a little verdure was perceived, a narrow valley, and a solitary cottage. The inhabitants are shepherds, and languish out a life of indigence, and laziness. As we descended into the vale where the castle stands, some pretty plains of meadow ground on the margin of Tyne were revealed to us, which, whilst we remained on the heights, lay concealed from our view.

The castle is little more than a square tower, calculated for defence against those tribes of robbers the Moss Troopers. Every chief mansion in the county of Northumberland, in former times was obliged to be thus defended; so that the number of those small castles is very great. Featherston tower hath two exploratory turrets: it is vaulted underneath for the purpose of securing flocks and herds in the time of assault.

The family of Featherstonhaugh possessed this place for several ages: the first upon record is Thomas de Featherstonhaugh, in the first year of Edward I. who held it as a member of the barony of Tynedale;[*] after whom it remained in that family till the latter end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth: it afterwards was sold to Lord Carlisle, and is now the possession of Sir Matthew Featherstonhaugh.[†]

The prospects from the tower are narrow, composed of some cultivated lands on the skirts of the hills, little groves hanging over the brink of the river, grassy plains forming the depth of the vale, through which the Tyne rushes, and a few scattered cottages; over which solemn and gloomy mountains on every hand impend.

We pursued our way to Bellister Castle by a winding road, on the banks of Tyne, the vale widening as we proceeded, and the progress of cultivation encreasing upon us—a most happy change to a traveller.

The situation of

Notes

*
Excheat, 1 Edward I.
↵

†

Mr Wallis who wrote the Antiquities of Northumberland, with infinite industry acquired genealogical tables of almost all the Northumbrian families.—From his publication I will make extracts, as the best authority extant, from whence I can lay before the reader, an account of those antient houses this county boasts.

- Thomas de Featherston Haugh 1 King Edward I. 2 King Edward II.

- Alexander — 39 King Edward III.

- Thomas — 42 same.

- Sir Albany —, High Sheriff of Northumb. 2 Queen Elizabeth.

- Alexander —, High Sheriff of Northumb. 32 same.

↵

BELLISTER CASTLE

is beautiful, a rich vale intervenes between it and the river; at the time of our passage covered with an abundant crop of wheat. The Tyne here, a formidable stream, shews many broad canals as it winds down the valley: the banks are wooded, and the rising grounds on every side are rich and well cultivated.—The town of Haltwezell is a great ornament to the landskip, as it is seen hanging on the opposite eminence.

This castle is a rude structure, of an irregular form as it now lays in ruins, placed on an artificial mount, defended by a moat; the whole a ragged and confused pile of mouldering walls, without any ornament or beauty; and rendered more gloomy by the branches of large oaks, which have surmounted the building, and shade great part of its remains.

This was the seat of the Blenkinsops[*]—(Wallis says) a younger branch of the family of Blenkinsop Castle. It is now the property of John Blenkinsop Coulson, Esq of Jesmond; but the manor appertains to the Ellisons of Park-house.

We proceeded towards Haltwezell, in hopes to pass the river by the ferry-boat; but the boatman, who thinks himself a competent judge of the necessity there is for his attendance, was not to be found; and we were obliged to pass the ford, which is broad and deep, with a bottom of very large stones, over which a horse, breast deep in the water, unaccustomed to the passage, incessantly faulters or stumbles. Those circumstances would have been greatly aggravated by our ignorance of the place, had we not met with a person to conduct us.—Instances of well applied charity characterize this age: it would not be one of the least, to give a stipend to an attendant at such fords as these, by which many valuable lives would be saved.—Is it not shocking, that a traveller should be exposed to infinite perils, by the stupidity or folly of a boatman, who presumes to determine on a matter of such moment, as the fate of his fellow creature! a wretch whose character, perhaps, is one of those humiliating subjects, which serve to reduce self-estimation and human vanity, by shewing how near, man in the lowest class, is to the brute creation.

Notes

*

- Them 〈◊〉 •erkinsop, •ner of •e•stor 6 King Edward VI.

- George — 10 Queen Elizabeth.

Wallis.

↵

HALTWEZELL

is a pleasant village, holding a market on Thursdays; the situation is lofty; the church-yard, on the south side of the town, commands a fine prospect over the vale, where Tyne flowing in meanders, shews itself variously upon the Landskip, which is bounded by Bellister Castle and the adjoining woods on the one hand, and extends to Haydon bridge on the other; at the instant of our view, varied with all the rich temts of summer, and the happy effects of cultivation.

The church contains little that is remarkable: within the altar rails is the tomb-stone of an ecclesiastic, sculptured with a crosier of excellent work, and highly ornamented, a pilgrim's scrip and staff, with a coat armour, party per fesse, and three garbs: the personage interred not known.

The following rude epitaph marks one of the Riddle family:

John — Redel

That — sum

tim did be

then Laird of the Walton

Gon is he out of this val of Mesre

His bons lies under this stons

1562

A mutilated effigy of a knight templar, who had made the crusade, lays here; his legs across, and hands elevated; said to be one of the Blenkinsops of Blenkinsop Castle.

The Scots plundered this place, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, but being pursued by the then Lord Warden of the Middle Marches, they suffered severely for their temerity.—Here is an infant manufactory of coarse baize, to which the situation promises prosperity.—A small endowment was made by Lady Capel, for a master to teach reading and writing.

At the east end of the town is an eminence, called Castle Banks, of an oval figure; in the centre of which is a fine spring. On the east and west end, four distinct terraces, bankings, or gradations are cut; arising one above another. The crown of the hill, is defended by a breastwork of earth, towards the town; and on the south by an inaccessible precipice, at whose foot the river runs. To what people this fortification belonged is not known, no memorable action having made it remarkable in history. Mr Wallis's opinion appears to be a very just one, that these eminences thus terraced, were occupied by the militia when an enemy had penetrated the country; where they not only had a powerful appearance in such arrangement, but also could fight with great advantage when an attack was made upon them.

This county bears innumerable memorials of warfare, several of which are not now to be ascribed to any particular people, either from their form, materials, or construction. It was the mode of all contending parties, in ancient times to entrench, and throw up breastworks, which were frequently formed to suit the situation, without regard to any singular model common to themselves: This was the practice, only in times of immediate emergency; the permanent camps or stations, were fortified in a mode peculiar to each people: Such as are remarkable will be particularly noticed in the following pages.

From Haltwezell we proceeded to

CARR-VORAN,

a Roman station, situate on a declivity, which descends swiftly towards the south-west, about a hundred yards distant from the Picts Wall, of a square figure with obtuse angles, each side being 120 paces. The Pretorium is very distinguishable, about seven paces from the southern side, commanding a very extensive prospect. Mr Carrick, who farms the ground, is raising the foundations of the Pretorium, and will no doubt discover some valuable antiquities. I procured here a fine silver coin of Antoninus Pius, well preserved, which was found on this station.

In Warburton's Vallum Romanum, this station is numbered eleven, his treatise beginning at Segedunum. With Mr Horsley, he presumes there is no doubt but this was the ancient Magna, where the Cohors Secunda Dalmatarum was quartered, according to the Notitia. Whether the ancient name Magna was British or purely Roman, is difficult to determine.[*]

Mr Horsley's description is chiefly, that Carr-Voran is placed about 12 or 13 chains to the south of both the walls (which are here very near to each other) and has a peat moss before it. This may both be the reason of the modern name, and why the walls approach no nearer to it. The ramparts round this fort are very conspicuous, and the whole ditch remains distinguishable: the buildings without the fort, have been on the south and west sides, on the descent towards the river Tippal. This is one of the forts entirely within Hadrian's Vallum. The military way called Maiden Way, passes through this place, and, as is said, goes to Beau Castle, which is about six miles from it: and the other military way, which comes from Walwick Chesters, passes a little to the south of this fort, or enters and terminates in the Roman town here. It is very visible upon the moor south-east of, and not far from Carr-Voran.

A small altar was formerly found here, dedicated to Vitirinaeus, a tutelar God.[*]

DEO

VITI

RINE—

— LIMEO

‡In consequence of a vow.

— ROV —

§Posuit libens merito.

P. L. M.

A small brass image of one of the Lares—a ring engraven with the figure of Victory on a rough cornelian—a curious effigy in relief of a Roman soldier, on a white rag stone, were found here in the year 1760.[†] The figure is about 14 inches in height, is helmetted, cloathed in a pallium or light robe, flowing to his feet, clasped on the breast with a fibula; in his right hand he is armed with the hasta, and rests his left on a parma or shield, supported on a pedestal: above his shoulder are the figures of a stag seized by a lion. Abundance of stags' horns have been dug up here, the bones and ashes of animals, and many millstones.[**]

On the walls about the farm-house, stand innumerable Roman remains, fragments of Inscriptions, broken Effigies, Millstones, and other things: a bench is raised at the door of the house, and covered with a large flat stone, on which a small altar is cut in relief, with the inscription shewn in the plate. In the yard lays another fragment, which I conceive is inscribed to Numerianus; and in the aperture (left to admit the light into a hay-loft) are two fragments of inscriptions; one reversed, and rendered not legible; the other represented in the plate, together with some small inscriptions built up in the walls of the out-houses, and which have never before been published.

Camden says, he could not discover the ancient name of this station, no lights being given thereto either by inscriptions or otherwise.

We passed down by Glenwelt to

Notes

*
Horsley's Br. Ro. p. 107.
↵

*
Camden.
↵

†
Wallis.
↵

**

Mr Horsley has the following inscriptions in his Brit. Rom.

LXVI. Solvit libentissime merito.

‘This I found lying in the court before the house: it is an altar, and has a praesericulum on one side, and a patera with a crocked handle on the other; but I could discern no letters at all on the face of the altar, though the four on the base were visible.’

LXVII. Deo Vitiri Menius Dada votum solvit libens merito.

‘Abundance of antiquities of various sorts have been dug up in this Roman station and town. When I was last there, I purchased a Roman ring with a Victory on a cornelian, but coarse; as also a small altar lately found, with the above very plain inscription upon it, dedicated by one Menius Dada to the God Vitires.’

LXVIII. DIS Manibus Aurelia Pubeo Voma vixit annos .... Aurelius Pubeo Naso Pientissimae filiae dicat.

‘These stones are used for two steps in the stairs of a house; the letters are very visible, but part of them, especially on one of the stones, is covered by the next step above, which rests upon this. I soon perceived that both of them must have originally belonged to one and the same stone. The whole stone appears plainly to have been a funeral monument, erected by Aurelius Pubeo Naso for his daughter Aurelia Pubeo Voma. Neither this nor the preceding stones have been published before, unless a small altar, in Mr Warburton's Map of Northumberland, with the same letters SLLM on the base of No. LXVI, though there is little resemblance between the two draughts.’

LXIX. Dirus Vitirious Deccius votum solvit libens merito.

‘This is a small altar found here by Mr Gordon, and presented by him to Baron Clerk, in whose collection it now is. Mr Gordon supposes it to be the same with that which was discovered by Mr Camden, dedicated to the tutelar God Vitorinus; but according to his own representation it must be Dirus Vitirieus Deccius, though what this gentleman took for an E. is a B in the original; so that the name is Vitiribus, and so it was read to me by the learned Baron himself: besides, it is quite different from that in Camden. It seems plain from other inscriptions, that Vitires, and not Vitirinus, was the name of the tutelar God; for we meet with Vitir• in the dative Dirus Vitiribus Deccius is evidently the name of the person who erected this altar: it founds more like the name of a foreigner than a Roman, and therefore this person was probably among the auxiliaries, by whom these stations upon the wall were garrisoned.’

(N. B. On one side of this altar a Dolphin is delineated.)

‘The learned Baron has observes, with relation to the Dolphin, that this was a figure much in use about the time that the Roman walls were made in Britain, and even before: the ancients denoted by it dispatch of business; and Vespasian, who was very fond of the proverb used by Augustus Caesar, Fe•ina lente, ordered on some of his coins, a Dolphin to be represented twisting about an anchor, importing both Tarditas and Festinatio: the Dolphin was likewise accounted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Plutarch and others: it is probable that some such thing was understood by the erector of this altar. There is a Boar on the other side of th•s altar, which is frequently to be met with on ancient sculptures in Britain.’

‘S•••h from this station, at less than a mile distance, stands Blenkinsop Castle, near the side of the river T•ppal; at which place was formerly the following inscription.’

LXX. De•hus Nymphis Vetia mansueta, et Claudia Turbivella filia votum solverunt libentes.

‘The late Dr Ca• of Newcastle sent a copy of this inscription to the late Mr Thoresby of Leeds, who published it in the Transactions. It is also in Camden's Britannia. No doubt it had been found some way hereabouts, and probably near the river: it is now at Dryburn Haugh, near the Spittle, fixed at the stable door. Who these nymphs were, may be difficult to determine, because they were of various sorts, and supposed to reside almost in all places both by land and water.’ There is a fine address to the water nymphs in Virgil:

"Nymphae, Laurentes Nymphae, genus amnibus unde est,

"Tuque, O Tybri, tuo genitor cum flumine sancto

"Acc•pite Aeneam, et tandem arcete periclis."

Mr Warburton has published, in his Map of Northumberland, two small altars. On the face of one is Veteres, and on the base of the other DM, for Dis Manibus on the base of an altar. These, Mr Warburton says, were at Thirlwell Castle, or near it; but I could not find the originals.

LXXI Imperatori Caesari Flavio Valerio Constantino Pio Nobilissimo Caesari.

‘This was also found here, and carried from hence by Mr Warburton, but has come since into my possession. Mr Warburton takes some notice of it in his Map of Northumberland, the only place I know of wherein it has ever been published before. The inscription is cu•icus, and needs no explanation. It has been erected to the honour of Constantine the Great. The letters in the name Constantino, are crowded for want of room on the stone. The repetition of the word Caesari at the beginning and end renders it very curious, and perhaps singular in its kind. Spanheim takes notice of the like on two coins; one of Carinus, and the other of Numerinus; but represents them as peculiar, and contrary to the usual custom. In the letters IMR at the beginning, the R which is very plain on the stone, is either a mistake for P, or else a designed contraction of IMPER. for Imperatori: so we have NBL for Nobilis, and CS for Caesar; as likewise CT for Caput or Civitas, as Manutius reads them; with several others of the like nature, which if attended to, may in some cases remove the suspicion of an error in the Workmen This monument must have been erected to Constantine, after the death of his father Constantius, who died in Britain: for the title of Imperator was not given him till then. As to the title Nobilis or Nobilissimus Caesar, it was sometimes assumed by the Emperors themselves, and usually given to their sons.’

LXXII. —Du—Stireu—Betro—

‘At Wall End just by Thirlwell Castle, I discovered this inscription; it is upon a fragment of a stone, and so imperfect that it is very difficult to make any thing of it. The stone is coarse, but the letters that remain, fair and well enough cut. By the shape and ornament of the stone, I incline to think it has been sepulchral. DVI put me in mind of the God Dui in a Yorkshire inscription. If this should be so (sepulchral) I know not but the last word may have been Bretonum; that is, Cohors quarta Bretonum; and then the word in the second line, Stireus, may be the name of a soldier or commander of this cohort; but this is only conjecture.’

LXXIII. Jovi Optimo Maximo.

‘This is now a trough in a stable at Thirlwell. It seems plainly to have been the body of an altar (the capital and base being struck off) erected to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, but by whom cannot now be discovered.’

LXXIIII. Centurio Munax solvit Votum.

‘At Glenwhelt, which is about a quarter of a mile south of Carr-Voran, I saw a centurial inscription which reads Centurio Munax solvit Votum. The V that was joined to the M was turned somewhat round at the bottom. The stone is very long, and tapering almost pyramidal, and only square in that face which bears the inscription. An old man here remembered it was brought from the face of the wall near Thirlwall Castle, which very well agrees with the figure of it.’

LXXV. Cohortis Primae Centurio Libonius Posuit.

‘This is now in the fore wall of a barn at Greenfoot, which is just on the other side of the water, over-against Glenwhelt: it is centurial too, and needs no explicat•on.’

LXXV. Centuria Munatii Maximi.

‘Under this number are comprehended two of the common centurial inscriptions, the former of which was found near Walton, cast from Carr-Voran, and the latter near Foultown, about a mile west from it.’

From the Manuscripts of the late R. Gale, Esq Extract of a Letter from Mr John Horsley to Roger Gale, Esq 21st July, 1729.

SIR.

Since my last to you I have received some inscriptions lately discovered in one or two of the stations on the wall, viz Great Chesters and Carr-Voran: two of them are of the common sepulchral kind, the other would, I believe, have been curious, had it not been imperfect▪ The inscription is on the face of an altar, under a human figure sacrificing; but the arms of the figure are broken off, and there remains no more of the inscription than MATRI, which must have been Matribus; the rest is lost with part of the altar, which has been •ct•red

‘I find the altar with the Greek inscription still remaining at C•r•ridge. exposed to the in • 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉; through a gentleman that has a considerable interest there promised me it should be taken more care of. If I am not mistaken, that town and 〈…〉 considerable dependance upon the Duke of Somerset; perhaps my Lord Hert • 〈…〉 find 〈◊〉 some way or other to get it into his possession, which every body should w• 〈◊〉, that wishes well to antiquity.’

SIR, &c.
JOHN HORSLEY."

↵

BLENKINSOP CASTLE,

situate on the southern banks of the brook Tippal. By the remains, it appears this Castle has consisted of a square tower, built on an artificial mount, surrounded by an outward wall, at the distance only of four paces, of equal height with the interior building; defended towards the north by a very deep ditch and outward mound. The out wall towards the west has been removed of late years, and lays the tower open on that side. Three vaults support the building, one of which is 18 feet wide. This Castle is the property of J. Blenkinsop Coulson, Esq has been in the family of Blenkinsops for many centuries,[*] and held of the Manor of Langley.

A general account of the

Notes

*

- Ralph de Blenkinsop 1 K. Edward I.

- Thomas— 39. 42. K. Edward III.

- William— 10 Queen Elizabeth.

Wallis.

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PICTS WALL

the most remarkable piece of Roman Antiquity in this country, may not be disagreeable in this place, before we enter on the more populous parts of the county. It was built as a barrier against the incursions of the northern inhabitants, who were continually harrassing the Romans, by attacking them in sundry places at one time, or by small bodies of ravagers, who swept away the cattle and flocks of the country. The Romans called it Vallum Barbaricum, Pretentatura, and Clausura. Hadrian's vallum was constructed of earth, and bears date about the year 123 of the christian aera. Severus's is supposed by many to be of masonry, and built about the year 210;[†] but of the materials it was constructed, the Roman authorities are very vague and doubtful. Bede says, ‘Severus having been victorious at home in the civil war, which was attended with many dangers, was drawn into Britain upon an almost general revolt of the allies there; where after many conflicts, having recovered part of the island, he thought it expedient to sever it from the barbarous states; not with a wall, as some think, but with a rampier; for a wall is made of stone, but a rampier, whereby camps are fortified to repel the force of an enemy, is made of turfs cut out of the earth, and raised in the manner of a wall, so that there be a ditch or trench in front whereout the turfs are gotten; upon which were pitched piles of very strong timber. And so Severus cast a great ditch, and raised a most strong rampier, strengthened with many turrets thereupon, from sea to sea.’ Here we have a perfect description of one of the Roman fortifications, which Bede by mistake attributes to Severus—an outward ditch, a rampier of earth fortified with a strong palisado, and guarded by turrets; from whence, with missile weapons, the defenders could flank the vallum, and command the ditch upon an assault. The third and last vallum is by many authors said to be the work of the Britons, aided by the Romans, under the third consulate of Aetius, about the year 444, who upon receiving a second embassy, complaining of the hardships they laboured under from the frequent inroads and invasions of the northern nations, and their inability to resist them, a legion was sent into Britain, who, with the assistance of the natives, built, (or rather rebuilt and reinstated) the wall of stone, in length 68 miles, from the point of land at Boulness, on Solway Firth, to the mouth of the Tyne. Gildas says, ‘the Romans erected a wall after their usual manner of building, not like unto the other (meaning the vallum of earth or turf) or at the common charge of the empire, but aided by the poor and miserable natives; this was carried from sea to sea, between the cities, which were placed there as fortifications against the enemy.’ Bede adds,
which wall, that was heretofore famous and conspicuous, they, with public and private cost, having with them the helping hand of the Britons, built eight feet broad and twelve feet high, in a direct line from east to west."[*] Camden says, "it had many towers or fortresses, each about a mile distant, which are called Castle-steeds; and within, little fenced towns, in these days called Chesters. Also turrets standing between these, from whence the soldiers might discover the approach of an enemy at a considerable distance, wherein the Areani might have their stations.
These Areani were spies, and men swift of foot, to give alarms upon approaching danger. Camden says, in his time there was a traditionary tale, that a brazen trumpet ran through the wall, by which an alarm might be communicated from tower to tower. This report he reconciles by an ancient service attendant on the border lands OF CORNAGE, for which to this day a money payment issues out of many of the Northumbrian estates. This service of Cornage was a kind of tenure in grand serjeantry, the nature of which was to alarm the country by the sound of a horn when any invasion of the Scots was perceived. The wall then was a formidable defence, 12 feet high, guarded by castles and exploratory turrets.[*] I examined the foundations of some of those castle-steads with attention, where the military roads approached the wall, and they appeared to me the remains of gate-ways, over which, perhaps, there were towers for their defence. No other apertures are seen in the wall but at the stations, which is singular, as the Romans, when they found it necessary to scour the outward frontiers, or make a sally on a sudden attack, had no sally-ports, or other means to depart their own fortification than by descending the wall, or making an egress at one of these stations or military ways, which indeed seems strangely inconsistent. It is very probable, that the Chesters were defended in the same manner as the wall described by Bede, and perhaps the vallum was surmounted with a palisado, of which the Corona Vallaris, I presume, is a model not to be denied. The obtuse angles of the stations encourage an apprehension that they were guarded by exploratory turrets.

The highest part of the wall now standing, is near Carr-Voran, where it runs upon the brink of a cliff, to the summit of some eminences: it is there near nine feet high, the outward facing of free stone, not totally removed. Where the foundation was not good, or the wall had to pass a morass, it is built on piles of oak: the interstice between the two facings of the wall, is filled with broad thin stones, placed obliquely, and filled with run lime. Camden says, the wall near Carr-Voran in his time was 15 feet high, and 9 feet thick, built on both sides of four-square ashler stones; which greatly exceeds Bede's description. At some little distance from Walwick, the remains of the turf or earth fence, are to be seen in three distinct bankings, or rampiers; the principal one about the height of 9 feet, and 33 feet at the base: at the distance of 24 feet to the south, is a trench 21 feet wide, from the southern brink of which arises a rampier of earth, about 10 feet at its base, and 6 feet in height: 16 feet distant from this is another rampier of equal height, and 19 feet at its base; these two last on the south side of the trench, forming a perfect covered way, in breadth 16 feet. The most northern of these rampiers, in this part, is distant from the stone wall 30 paces; the present military road passing between them.

The particular description of these fortifications of the Romans, given by Mr Horsley, in his Brit Rom. and Mr Warburton, in his Vallum Rom. would be too tedious to be inserted here, and inconsistent with my plan. Their more general observations, together with my own, must suffice.

It is evident there have been three different Praetenturae erected here at different times, and by different persons: the first of which was a series of stations or forts, placed quite cross the country; and this, it is presumed, was done chiefly by Julius Agricola, and is the most ancient of the three. Next to this was erected Hadrian's vallum, and its appurtenances; after which the aforesaid stations might probably go by the name of Stationes per Liniam Valli. The last and strongest fence of all was (as most learned antiquaries agree) built by Severus, which is a stone wall, that lays north of the rampiers of earth.

Hadrian's vallum was the second Praetentatura, and seems rather to have given the former the name of Stations per Liniam Valli, than the wall of Severus. What Bede says of the wall's being rebuilt afterwards by the Romans, is applicable to this: ‘that it is carried on from town to town much in a strait line.’ What belongs to this work, is the Vallum on the brink of the ditch, having the ditch on the north, another Vallum southward, distant from the former about 16 feet, and a large Vallum on the north of the ditch. The south Vallum has either been made for an inner defence, in case the enemy might beat them from any part of the principal vallum, or to protect the soldiers against a sudden attack from the provincial Britons. These four works keep all the way a constant regular parallelism one to another. The third Praetentatura was Severus's stone wall. We have the express testimony of some ancient writers, concerning this Emperor's building a wall cross our island; which will be explained hereafter. To this work belongs a paved military way, which has attended the wall on the south side, though it be not always parallel to it. It sometimes coincides with Hadrian's north vallum; but whenever this is too distant, or perhaps has been too ruinous, or in any other respect inconvenient, the new military way (which is a reparation of the old Roman road made by order of government) always accompanies Severus's wall, and comes up near to every Castellum upon it; and therefore it is to be presumed the Roman military road has been a work cotemporary with the wall, and directly for its service. It is apprehended there has been also a lesser military way near to the wall, for the convenience of small parties passing from turret to turret. There is also belonging to this work, a large ditch on the north side of the wall; but there are no remains, to prove that there was any breastwork or Agger of earth on its northern brink. Upon this wall certain castles and turrets have been regularly placed, and at proper distances one from another; and in order to form a general idea of the wall, and its original state, it will be necessary to have some knowledge of these.

All these castles, except one near Harlow Hill, (which may have been built before the wall) are 66 feet square, the wall itself falling in with and forming the north side of them. The intervals between these castles are not always exactly the same, but excepting two or three at the east end of the wall, always less than a mile, that is, from six furlongs and a half to seven. They are constantly called castles or castle-steads by the country people, (which seems to make it probable that the latin word has been castellum) and by the form and use of them, seem to have been a smaller sort of a castle for a small garrison. So likewise they call the Castra Stativa, or Aestiva usually Chesters, from the Latin: and this is a usual criterion whereby to discover a Roman encampment or station. These Castella seem to have stood closest, where the stations are widest, and are by some modern authors called mile castles, or milliary Castella. In the last edition of Camden, they are, through mistake, said to be of a very different shape and size. Perhaps the remaining ruins of two or three castle-steads, that do not join the walls, and of one that does, which are all plainly of another sort, have occasioned this error. It is not improbable, that there may also have been some exploratory castles belonging to Hadrian's work, though there be little appearance of such at present, unless the small remains at Chapel Houses, near Newburn, and those near Heddon on the Wall, which are Castle-Steads, be of this sort. But be that as it will, (in relation to Hadrian's vallum) above two-thirds of these castella are yet very visible upon the wall of Severus, and for a long way together, especially about the middle of the wall, they have their distinct vestiges remaining without interruption. But the original number and situation of these castella may be best known by the following table, taken from Mr Warburton's Vall. Rom. and Mr Horsley's Brit. Rom.

Castles coinciding with the stations.

Castles whose remains are visible.

Castles quite destroyed.

Sum total of castles.

Miles.

Furlongs.

Chains.

From Segedunum Wall's End to Pons Aelii Newcastle

3

5

1½

1

4

1

6

Pons Aelii to Condercum Benwell

2

0

9

0

6

2

8

Condercum to Vindobala Rutchester

6

6

5

0

9

0

9

Vindobala to Hunnum Halton Chesters

7

0

3½

0

5

1

6

Hunnum to Cilurnum Walwick Chesters

5

1

7

1

8

0

9

Cilurnum to Procolitia Carrawbrugh

3

1

8

Procolitia to Borcovicus House-steads

4

5

3½

Borcovicus to Vindolana Little Chesters

1

3

8

1

9

0

10

Vindolana to Aesica Great Chesters

3

6

4

Aesica to Magna Carr-Voran

2

1

6½

0

10

0

10

Magna to Amboglanna Burdoswald

2

6

0

Amboglanna to Petriana Cambeckfort

6

2

8

0

5

4

9

Petriana to Aballaba Scaleby Castle

2

6

6

Aballaba to Congavata Stanwicks

5

1

9

Congavata to Axelodunum Brugh

3

3

4

1

1

12

14

Axelodunum to Gabrosentum Drumburgh

4

0

9

Gabrosentum to Tunnocelum Boulness

3

4

1

4

57

20

81

68

3

3

The small turrets (in Latin, Turres) have been more generally and entirely ruined than the Castella; so that it is hard to find three of them any where together with certainty. The distance between two, where it was thought surest, was measured, and found to be near 14 chains, or 308 yards. It therefore seems most probable, that there have been four of these between every two Castella, at equal distances from the Castella and one another; for thus five intervals will be found between every two Castella, each consisting of 14 chains; which five intervals will just amount to 7 furlongs, the usual or mean distance between the Castella. And this scheme answers with a good deal of exactness to the situation of all the turrets, that have yet been discovered. These exploratory turrets, or watch towers, seem to have been only about four yards square at the bottom; and by placing centinels at each of these, who must have been within call of one another, the communication quite along the wall might be kept up, without having recourse to the fiction of a sounding trumpet, or pipes laid under ground, from one end of the wall to the other, though this seems to be credited by Mr Echard and others.

There have also been several larger forts or stations upon the wall, or near it, whose distances from each other will be particularly shewn hereafter, and may be seen in the foregoing table.

Whilst I am giving a general view of the ancient state of the wall, it may not be improper to observe, that there have been 18 of these stations upon it, with 17 intervals between them: the wall is in length 68 miles and three furlongs; this divided by 17, gives the mean distance, which is very little more than four miles: but the stations are much closer and thicker at each end, and in the middle, than in the intermediate spaces, between the middle and the extremities; which is not disagreeable to reason, or the usual rules of fortification. Besides, if according to the common tradition, the inroads of the enemy were in, or near the middle, it was necessary to make it stronger, and guard it more; especially since the advanced stations were fewest, if any, where those upon the wall were closest.

This wall runs generally upon the top or ridge of the higher ground, keeping a descent on the north or enemy's side, and hath thereby both a greater strength, and better prospect; for the sake of which, it often forms an angle. In Hadrian's vallum it is different, but both in the main seem to have been carried on pretty much in a straight line, from station to station: there is indeed now and then a gentle turn in crossing a rivulet, or at a station, and sometimes too in passing a height; but this last happens usually at coming within sight of a station, and perhaps in order to reach it. Hadrian's vallum keeps more in a straight line than Severus's wall, as much as the nature of the ground and other circumstances would admit. It is plain, a military way has constantly attended Severus's wall, and no doubt was made at the same time with it: this always keeps nigh to the wall, and never coincides with the north vallum of Hadrian, but when the two works approach one another. When they part, and go at a distance one from the other, the way leaves the vallum to accompany the stone wall; but where the wall passes along the brink of precipices, the way does not follow every little turn, but in these lesser windings, is like the string of a bow, and keeps upon the sides of the hill, in order to avoid, as much as possible, the sudden ascent or descent in passing from hill to hill, and yet so as at the same time never to be at a great distance from the wall. The rule therefore by which this way seems to have been conducted, is in general by keeping pretty close to the wall, and and at the same time going on a line from Castellum to Castellum, and shunning the ascent of hills as much as possible. And as the smaller military way went from turret to turret close by the wall, so this greater way attended the Castella, falling in with Hadrian's north vallum (which Mr Warburton conceives was the old military way, though north of the ditch, vallums, and covered way) when that did not take too much out of the road, or was not too ruinous to be made use of. The old military way, as Mr Warburton calls it, has been the best and most direct passage from station to station, and when the line of the stations fetched a compass, another distinct military way, and shorter, was laid; not from one station to the next, but between two stations more remote.

This was certainly done in Northumberland, from Walwick to Carr-Voran; and I have reason to apprehend the like was done also in Cumberland, from Carr-Voran, or at least from Cambeck, to Stanwicks. The military way of Severus seems to have been well paved, but not raised so high as what Mr Warburton calls the old military way.

Mr Warburton says, he was not able to discover any gates in this wall, or passes through it, except just in the stations, or where the grand military roads have crossed it: where the Ermin-street (not the Watling-street, as Mr Horsley calls it) passes the wall near Halton, there is a visible track of a square gate, and the ditch belonging to the wall manifestly goes about the half of it, the inner half not being now so visible. This gate seems to be much of the same size with one of the Castella, 66 feet square; only these are wholly within the wall, and the gate half within, and half without. Mr Warburton says, he expected to have found some other gates of the same form, or some passes through the wall in the Castella, but could not. The other two military ways which cross the wall, seem to have passed at the stations of Carr-Voran and Stanwicks.

What the several dimensions of the walls, ditches, Vallums, and military ways have originally been, may not be easy to determine with exactness; but the length of Severus's wall is certainly known, it having been three times measured of late; once by Mr Gordon, a second time by order of Mr Warburton, and a third by the Board of Ordnance, A. D. 1750; and as there is little difference between the three measures, it is a proof there is no material mistake in either. Mr Gordon gives a summary account of his work in these words: ‘The number of stations taken in my actual survey from sea to sea, were in all 159, wherein I made Severus's wall the principal line of the said stationary distances; the total amount of which was 73959 Roman paces, equal to 73 Roman miles and 959 Roman paces, equal to 68 English miles and 169 paces.’

The number of stations (or places of observation) upon the same principal stationary line, in the survey Mr Warburton ordered to be made, were 164; the length of the wall, 68 miles and 3 furlongs, including the length of the stations at each end. In this account English measured miles and furlongs are retained, in order to make it more plain and intelligible. It is easy to reduce an English mile to a Roman one, by considering that 1000 Roman paces, that is, 5000 Roman feet, make a Roman mile; and allowing for the inequality between the Roman foot and the English, an English mile is nearly equal to a Roman mile and one-thirtieth; so that 13 English miles will be much about 14 Roman.

From what has been said, it appears to be a mistake to suppose Hadrian's vallum longer than Severus's wall, as Mr Gordon seems to have done. It is certain the former has gone more in a right line than the latter, and it seems probable, that Severus's wall has at each end been carried further than Hadrian's: so that the very exact agreement, which Mr Gordon supposes between ‘the actual survey of the wall, and the account given of it by the Romans themselves,’ is in a great measure imaginary. For according to Spartian, Hadrian's vallum was 80 Roman miles long; but the actual mensuration cannot stretch Severus's wall up to 73, and Hadrian's vallum is certainly two or three miles shorter, upon account of its being straighter. There had just been 81 milliary Castella upon Severus's wall, and consequently just 80 intervals between the castella. So that if the Romans, in a general way, called every interval a mile, one with another, and Hadrian's vallum was near the same length with Severus's, this might be looked upon as a plausible reason, why the historian should say it was 80 miles long.

According to Bede, the wall was eight feet in breadth, and twelve feet in height (as probably there was a parapet or palisado at the top, so this would first go to ruin; Bede's measure is most likely to be exclusive of these): the thickness of Severus's wall has been measured several times of late, and by several persons, without any great variation; and by the measures taken in different parts, it seems not to have been every where equal. Near Harlow-hill, it measured seven feet four inches near the foundation; and at another place, where the wall is two yards high, it was at that height about seven feet thick; which shews that the usual breadth near the foundation was a Roman pace and an half. Near Boulness on the Solway Firth, at a place called Kirklands, it measures near nine feet: and there seems to be an obvious reason why it should be stronger here; for at full sea, the water has certainly flowed up to it.

The breadth of Hadrian's ditch, at a lime-stone quarry west of Harlow-hill, where the original breadth and depth is apparent, and may be exactly ascertained, it measured near nine feet deep and eleven feet over; it was wider at the top than at the bottom, the sides being sloping. The ditch belonging to Severus's wall, was in all places both wider and deeper than that which belonged to Hadrian's vallum.

The distances between the several parts of these works seem, some of them, to have all the way been constantly the same; others of them vary. Among these variable distances, is that between the two walls, which sometimes come very near within a chain of each other, but at other times are at 50 chains distance. The distance also between Severus's wall, and the military way belonging to it, is, as I have said, not always the same, though generally about two or three chains: upon some particular occasions, it may run at the distance of five or six chains from it, or considerably more, as between the two Castella west of Shewen Sheels, where the distance of the military way from the wall, is at one part 15 chains or more; but the distance between Hadrian's Vallum, ditch, and north mound, are every where the same, and so are constantly parallel one to the other. The north mound is about 24 feet on a medium from the ditch; and of the two mounds of the Vallum, one arises on the very brink of the ditch, and the other is about the distance of 16 feet. The materials of which these fortifications were constructed, are certainly known. Hadrian's is of earth, though sometimes mixed with stone; but I could discover no appearance of timber. Severus's was of free stone, as is certain from what is yet visible of it: in some places, where the foundation was not good, they seem to have made use of oaken piles. The inner part of this wall is filled after a remarkable manner; the filling stones are generally pretty large, and mostly broad and thin. These are always set edge-ways, and usually not erect, but obliquely: upon these the running mortar or cement, has been poured, and by this contrivance (together with the great strength of their cement, in most places) the whole has been bound as firm, as a rock. People are much at a loss to know, from whence the Romans had the stones which they used in building the wall in several parts, and for other occasions. In some places, particularly in Cumberland, no free stone is to be had, but from a very great distance; and in other places, where some might have been had, the Romans seem not to have used it, but stone of a very different grit. This appears more particularly in the station, at the end of the wall, near Cousins House; where the Roman stone is of a very coarse grit, so as to be easily distinguished from others: and both the learned authors before me, say, they were assured, that there was no such stone, nor any quarry of such a grit, in the neighbourhood. The devil's arrows at Boroughbridge, in Yorkshire, are yet of a coarser nature, and seem to be artificial stone.[*] Some particular places, from whence they were furnished with stone, may be guessed at with probability. Such, for instance, are the rocks between Walwick and Carraw, through part of which Hadrian's ditch was cut: and in the late edition of Camden, it is supposed, that stones were got at Hellbeck Scar, on the Gelt, and Leugh Cragg; the truth of which Mr Horsley proves in his remarks on the inscriptions there.

Some have wondered, how this work could be carried on, in the face of the enemy, supposing the wall to be the very boundary at the time it was built: but there appears no reason to entertain this opinion; for when the Romans had advanced their conquests in Scotland, beyond the Firth of Tay, they only fortified the other isthmus, between Forth and Clyde, which might be 30 miles, or more, south from the utmost extent of their conquest, as appears from Tacitus's account of that matter: so that they kept their Pretenturae, or series of fortifications, cross the country, a good way within the bounds of their conquest; and probably when the walls were erected here, the Romans were possessed of part of the country beyond them, and of son• advanced stations there, as may be concluded from the inscriptions yet extant; so that this wall might probably not be built, till Severus had driven the enemy so far to the north, as to render them incapable of giving any interruption to the Romans, when carrying on the work.

At which end they began the several Pretenturae, may be another enquiry. The Pretentura of stations, was most probably begun from the west; because Julius Agricola first conquered the western parts of the northern country: and Hadrian, I believe, in erecting his vallum, began there too, as seems probable from the inscriptions. Severus, it is likely, did so too with his wall, which is much confirmed by the situation of the Castella, that are at a regular distance, if we begin our reckoning from the west; but if we begin to reckon from the east end of the wall, the first Castellum appears within less than three furlongs of the Station there.

It is the opinion of some ingenious persons, that both the walls, with all their appurtenances, and the Stations upon them, were the work of the same time, and the same person; and that the one is only an interior Vallum or foss to the other. But that this was not the original design of the Vallum, though it might be so used by Severus, appears plain from the testimonies of the Roman historians; nor does this notion suit the circumstances of the work itself, as they yet appear. The coincidence of Severus's military way, with the north Vallum without the ditch; the exact parallelism of all the parts of Hadrian's work, and the very unequal distances, that are between the two walls themselves, are convincing arguments, that the walls have been erected at different times. It is also the opinion of some, to whose judgment I pay a great regard, that Severus's wall was built upon the same foundation with Hadrian's principal Vallum. This conjecture is supported by plausible reasons; for if the north eminence or line has been an old military way, the supposition of a rampart, and ditch to the north of that way, would remove the difficulty of the soldiers being exposed to the enemy, whilst they were on their march, since then the way would have been defended on both sides. Again, the stations too, as well as this supposed military way, are generally (though not always) included between the two walls and ditches; (or between the works of Severus and Hadrian, as they are now called) the stone wall of Severus frequently falling in, within the north rampart of the station, as the turf wall of Hadrian does with the southern.

Besides this, the advantageous ground is often left on the north side of Hadrian's Vallum, which in one place, near Halton Chesters, is just carried round the south skirt of a tumulus, or small hill, making a sudden turn, seemingly, with a design to avoid passing over it. Now if this was intended to be the most northerly fortification, and to be a fence against the northern enemies, this conduct seems to offend against right reason, as well as against the rule of Vigetius, ‘that care should be taken to have no neighbouring hill higher than the fortification; which being seized by the enemy, might be of ill consequence.’ And it must be owned, that the southern prospect of Hadrian's work, and the defence on that side, is generally better than on the north; whereas the northern prospect and defence, have been principally or solely taken care of in the wall of Severus. Such considerations as these have in¦duced some to believe, that what now goes by the name of Hadrian's work, was originally designed for a fence against any sudden insurrection of the provincial Britons, and particularly of the Brigantes; whilst others look upon it as a Fossa Interior, for the soldiers to retreat to, after they had been beaten off, by the northern enemy from their principal Vallum. Both agree in this, that Hadrian must have built a more northerly Vallum, than those which now bear his name; and that this must have stood upon the same track, where Severus afterwards erected his wall. This, according to their opinion, would render the whole fortification rational, and regular; whereas, without this, it must have been in many places very weak, and open to the inroads of the Caledonians. But on the other hand, plausible conjectures and speculative arguments, must give way to stronger proofs on the contrary side; though at this distance of time, we cannot see into the designs of the Romans, nor account for every particular part of their conduct in this affair. Mr Horsley conceives, that what is now called Hadrian's north Agger or Vallum, was the most ancient military way, leading from Station to Station; and that Hadrian's work, after this, was guided and limited by it, as it keeps a constant parallelism to it. The north Agger, considered as a military way, is conducted according to the Roman art and rules, in every part of it. It is carried on, in the shortest line, from Station to Station; and this, without doubt, is the true reason why it runs so much upon the southern skirts of the northern hills, the shortest line leading that way. This is particularly remarkable, in the small hill near Halton Chesters, before observed. The direct line of the way would have lead over the hill; but to avoid climbing it, a small turn is made to carry it round the skirt; and it passes on the south side rather than the north; because, this is the shorter and more convenient way to the Station, to which it is tending. The other parts of Hadrian's work, keep their due distance and parallelism, bending exactly in the same manner, as the north Agger or Vallum does, and so running at a few yards distance to the south of the hill. In a word, the north Vallum, or as Mr Horsley terms it, the old military way, keeps just such a course, and runs through such grounds, as one would expect such a Roman way should do. And if it was determined, that Hadrian's work should strictly accompany this, and keep all along an exact parallelism to it, they must then by this rule, be tied down to these seeming irregularities and misconduct, which appear in this work. It may be said, that they might at least have made the fortification on the north side of the military way, if there was no other more northerly fence; but to this it is replied, that it was scarce practicable to carry on the work on the north side of the way, so as to be near and parallel to it; and such is the situation of the ground, that if they had done so, it would have been generally weaker than it is, running along the very sides of the hills; unless they had made it where Severus's wall stands, and where, as has been said, some suppose Hadrian's principal Vallum to have stood; but that in fact Hadrian had no Vallum here, and that the whole of his work was comprehended, in what still goes by his name, appears most probable from the following considerations.

Among all the historians that mention the building of such a wall by Severus, there is not the least hint to be met with, of his building it upon the same foundation with Hadrian's Vallum. The expression of Spartian, "apud Vallum," looks the likest it of any; but it is certainly more agreeable to this expression, to suppose it to be only near the Vallum, and not directly upon it: and to build a stone wall upon the foundation of an earth one, does not appear very probable. If I am not greatly mistaken, it would be more laborious and expensive to build such a wall upon the ruinous Vallum, than to erect it upon ground that was entirely clear; and there is not at present the least evidence of such a Vallum; yet it seems hard to suppose, that the mound of earth has been every where so entirely removed, as to leave no visible remains of it, any where, along the whole tract of the wall. Again, Severus's wall passes over large spaces, where the erecting of an earthen rampart seems almost impracticable: in some places it passes, for a considerable way, along the tops of precipices, and sometimes, down the steep declivities of a bare rock; and in these places there is no ditch. In one place too, the wall is carried through a small morass, near Bleatarn, in Cumberland. Here, it is presumed, the foundation is formed by piles of wood; but Hadrian's work shuns it, and runs at ten chains distance from the wall of Severus. No circumstances appear in the two works of Severus's wall and Hadrian's Vallum, that argue them to be done at the same time, or to have any necessary relation one to the other. The constant parallelism of the north Vallum, the ditch, and the two southern Vallums of Hadrian's work, is a shrewd argument of their mutual relation: but this parallelism does not hold in the wall of Severus. Where they are most distant, there are no visible branches of any military way leading from one to the other, whereby the communication between them might be more easily preserved. In some places there is a morass between the two walls, which must make a retreat from one wall to the other inconvenient, and is improper for a body of men to stand on. The military way that now attends Severus's wall, is agreed to have been made at the same time with the wall itself: if then Hadrian's principal Vallum was on the same ground, where the wall of Severus has stood; how comes it to pass, that there has been no military way accompanying it? If Hadrian's work is supposed to have been designed for a defence against an attack from the south, difficulties of the same kind will arise, perhaps not easy to be removed; for sometimes the advantageous ground is left on the south, where it might easily have been otherwise ordered, if their design had been only to secure themselves against assailants from the south, and the course of their fortification had not been previously determined by some other rule. In one place the Vallum runs between higher ground on each side. Besides, if it was designed against an enemy from the south, the ditch is on the wrong side, being to the north of two ramparts: and why may we not suppose the most southerly rampart to have been, either a slight fence against an attack from the south, or an interior defence to retreat to, if the ditch should be carried by an assault from the north? There was no occasion to draw such a line of defence, in order to prevent their making an attack upon the Stations, for they are stronger on all sides than this Vallum. It is to be observed, that at each end of the wall, Severus's work is continued beyond Hadrian's. This part then of Severus's wall at least, was not erected upon Hadrian's Vallum; and yet Mr Horsley says he see no difference between the appearance of this work here, and in the other parts of it.

The legionary soldiers were the persons employed in building this wall, as they were generally in all considerable works of this nature; and that the three Legions, which were at that time in Britain, built Antoninus's wall in Scotland, is clear from a great number of inscriptions found in that wall, which expressly declare it. The 20th Legion had no concern in building the wall of Severus; it was wholly done by the other two; namely, the Legio Secunda Augusta, and Legio Sexta Victrix; for these Legions only (as far as appears) erected the inscriptions, which will be given in the course of this work. If therefore 20 Cohorts, the number in two Legions, built the whole wall, it will be easy to determine the share which belonged to each Cohort: for there being 81 Castella upon the whole wall, and so 80 milliary intervals; just four of these intervals would fall to the share of every cohort. It may not be amiss to try, how far we can find out the several Cohorts, belonging to the respective Legions, and on what part of the wall each Legion and Cohort seems to have been employed.

If we divide the wall into four equal parts, the 1st and 3d quarters reckoning from the east, seem to have been built by the Legio Secunda Augusta, and the 2d, and last, by the Legio Sexta Victrix; for at the east end of the wall, we have express mention of the Legio Secunda Augusta, in the stone at Denton, which is about six miles from the end of it; and we have six, if not seven Cohorts of this Legion, mentioned in those centurial stones found in this quarter, viz. I, II, III, V, VIII, IX; besides there is a seeming appearance of the 6th at Wallbottle. This quarter reaches near to Halton Sheels, or to the next Castellum east of it; which is above two miles east of Halton Chesters. In the second quarter, which reaches from hence, to the second Castellum west of the House-steeds, we have the Legio Sexta Victrix, on a centurial stone, about four or five miles from the beginning of this quarter; and at House-steeds and Little Chesters, just at the end of it, the same legion is mentioned upon two altars and two bricks: but the Legio Secunda Augusta does not occur in this space, at least not on any stone that can be relied on. There are no Cohorts upon any stones in this place, distinct and visible, except the 6th and 10th; but no doubt several others have been mentioned upon the many stones found here, though the numbers are now quite effaced. In the third quarter, which reaches to Old Wall, near Watch Cross, in the county of Cumberland, we have Legio Secunda Augusta mentioned again several times. Indeed the Legio Sexta Victrix occurs upon a stone in Cambeck fort, but probably it has been inserted in the face of that fort, when it was repaired upon some other occasion. The Cohorts of this space, are the 1st, 6th, 7th, and 9th, which I believe have all belonged to the Legio Secunda Augusta. In the last quarter, which I believe was built by the Legio Sexta Victrix, I meet with no centurial stones, except one at Draw-dikes, which seems to have belonged to a cohort of another kind. The Legio Sexta Victrix is upon fine stone at Carlisle, but no particular Cohorts appear in this space.

Julius Caesar, when he made his first descent upon Britain, brought over only two Legions with him, which were the 7th and 10th. This latter was his favourite legion, and both together made but an army of 12,000 foot at the most. The horse belonging to these legions never reached this island, and the foot the same year were transported back again to Gaul.

The next year, when Caesar made his second descent, he brought over five Legions with him, and 2000 horse, which seem to be all the horse that belonged to these Legions. There is nothing in the history whereby it can be known, what Legions these were, except the 7th, which is mentioned by Caesar. These likewise returned back again to Gaul, the same year in which they came over, as the two Legions had done the year before.

During the three succeeding reigns of Augustus, Tiberius, and Caligula, it is plain the Romans had no footing in Britain.

Under Claudius (who applied himself in good earnest to the reduction of Britain) a considerable army was sent to this island; the Emperor himself afterwards coming over in person. This army consisted of Roman Legions and other Auxiliaries, though the historians have not told us expressly what they were, either as to their number or names: but considering the small success of Julius Caesar before, and the much greater conquests this army made, it is highly reasonable to suppose it was superior in number to the greater of Caesar's, which consisted (if the Legions were compleat) of above 30,000 men. It is presumed, that the army sent over by Claudius consisted of four Legions, with their proper auxilia, and the usual number of horse belonging both to one and the other; and this army so composed would amount to more than 50,000 men. Any conjecture, as to the number or names of the auxiliary Cohorts, must be uncertain and doubtful: but both the number and names of the Legions may be certainly collected from some incidental passages of Tacitus. They were the second, called Augusta, the 9th, 14th, and the 20th, usually called Valens Victrix; each of which are mentioned in the inscriptions inserted in this work.

As we have no evidence from history, that any new Legions were transported by Nero, but that the same continued, which had been sent over at first by Claudius; so it is plain, from the relation of the battle with Queen Boadicea, that the four Legions last mentioned were here under Nero, in whose reign this battle happened: for according to Tacitus's account of this matter, the 9th Legion was surprized and destroyed by this Queen. The 14th, and the Vexillarii of the 20th, were in the battle, and the second, though in Britain, was absent from the fight, through the fault of Poenius Posthumus, their Commander, who fell upon his own sword, when he heard of the glory the troops had acquired in that engagement.

Of these four Legions, one continued very late, and another to the last. The Legio XX. VV. though it continued very long here, yet it seems to have been recalled before the Romans had entirely abandoned the island; for it is not mentioned in the Notitia. The Legio Secunda Augusta is mentioned there, and so seems to have continued here to the last, and to have been the only one that was kept here during the whole time: for though the Legio Sexta Victrix did also continue to the last, yet this came not over till the reign of the Emperor Hadrian. The ninth Legion seems to have dwindled away entirely, or else the small remains of it were incorporated with the Legion sent over by Hadrian.

It is remarkable, that the Legions which continued long in Britain, seem for the most part to have been jointly employed in carrying on the most considerable works or wars that have been in this island. Thus they were jointly engaged in building the wall in Scotland, and most or all of them, in erecting those in the north of England: and the Legions and legionary Cohorts seem to have been the only soldiers who were employed usually in erecting forts or raising fences. Auxiliary Cohorts appear by inscriptions to have been concerned in some other buildings; but forts and fences seem to have been the province of the Legionaries, agreeable to that passage in Tacitus, ‘the Praefectus Castrorum, and legionary Cohorts, who had been left among the Silures for erecting fortifications.’ Thus among all the inscriptions found upon the Roman wall in Scotland, there is but one that mentions any auxiliary Cohort as having a hand in the work, but always either a Legion or a Vexillation of a Legion. And I take it for granted, that all the centurial inscriptions upon the face of the wall in the north of England, and which probably were inserted there at the time of building it, respect only the Legions and legionary Cohorts, and yet the Stations upon the wall, as well as most of them elsewhere, were garrisoned by the Auxiliaries. The Legio Secunda Augusta came into Britain in the reign of Claudius, under the command of Vespasian, and continued in it as long as the Romans had the least footing here. In Hadrian's time this Legion was in Cumberland, at Netherby and Beau-castle, and in the western side of Northumberland, and so probably had their share in the work of Hadrian's Vallum; or when in the advanced Stations of Netherby and Beau-castle, they might be posted there to secure those who were employed in that work. In the beginning of the reign of Antoninus Pius, they were most probably upon the eastern part of the Roman wall in Northumberland. In Severus's time, it is very probable, they were employed upon the wall that goes by his name.

The Legio Sexta Victrix is usually thus expressed, LEG. VI. V. to which is often added, P. F. that is, Pia fidelis; for that it is to be read so rather than Pia felix. It is certain, from a great number of inscriptions and other testimonies, that this Legion was a long time in Britain; and it is equally certain, that it came not over so soon as the others. The account of this Legion whilst in Britain, must be taken chiefly from such hints as ancient inscriptions afford us. I do not find it is mentioned in any inscription belonging to the southern parts of this island. It is probable that they made no stop in the south, but marched directly by the usual rout to the west end of the Vallum, and had their share in raising that work. We have several inscriptions on the wall, and near it, in Northumberland and Cumberland, wherein this Legion is mentioned; as at Stanwicks, Cambeck fort, Burdoswald, Little Chesters, House-steeds, and other places; some of which, from the character and other circumstances, may be supposed as ancient as Hadrian's reign; the most of them do certainly belong to the time of Severus. In the former part of the reign of Antoninus Pius, they were in Scotland, and had their share in building the wall there. Probably they marched along our Watling-street in the north, either to Scotland or from it, or both; and in their march the sepulchral inscription might be erected for a soldier of this Legion which was found near Richester, in Northumberland. Whether this Legion had taken up its stated quarters at York, before the reign of Antoninus Pius, and continued there between the time of building the Vallum and their march into Scotland, I cannot certainly determine: however, after their return from Scotland, and about the middle of Antoninus Pius's reign, they were settled at York; for Ptolemy places them there: and there, I believe, they statedly quartered, till the very last, though they marched at a distance from this place, upon special occasions. Thus, for instance, this Legion was certainly employed upon the stone wall of Severus, as appears, from several of the centurial inscriptions found on that wall, which bear the name of this Legion: perhaps several of its Cohorts might be dispersed into some neighbouring Stations, though York was still the place of its stated quarters. Thus, according to Mr Gale's conjecture, by the Legio Gordiana, in the inscriptions at Lanchester, in the county of Durham, we are to understand the Legio Sexta Victrix. The first Cohort of this Legion must then, in all probability, have been detached at that time from the Legion at York, to assist in building the works mentioned in these inscriptions. This was in the reign of Gordian, and so after this Legion was settled at York.

The Legion called Valeria, or Valeriana, according to some, or Valens Victrix, according to most, is another of these Legions, which were at the first sent over into Britain by Claudius. In the Roman inscriptions it is thus expressed, LEG. XX. VV. but Critics and Antiquaries are not well agreed in reading the former V; some will have it to stand for Valens, and others for Valeria or Valeriana. The motions and employments of this Legion, seem to have been much the same with the Legio Secunda Augusta. It is probable they were jointly concerned in erecting Hadrian's Vallum, though we have no inscriptions to prove it. That this Legion was employed in building the Roman wall in Scotland, under Antoninus Pius, is clear from several inscriptions found on the wall, mentioning this Legion or their Vexillatio, and the quantity of the wall which they built. If the altar found at Benwell fort was erected by a Centurion of this Legion, at the same time as the other was, by a Centurion of the Legio Secunda Augusta, this legion must probably have been thereabout in the former part of Antoninus Pius's reign, either doing somewhat upon Hadrian's Vallum, or in their march against the Caledonians.

One would expect, that this Legion bore its part in building Severus's wall; but among all the centurial inscriptions upon the face of this wall, there is not one of this Legion, or of any Cohort said to belong to it: and yet it appears by an inscription, that this Legion was employed in some work at the Station at Whitley Castle, the ancient Alone or Alione.

In the beginning of the fifth century, about the year 402, Theodosius the Second, when but two years old, was made Emperor, and joined to Arcadius, and Honorius. This Theodosius reigned half a century; and it is evident, that in his reign the Romans quite abandoned this island. It must have been much about this time those usurpers started up in Britain. Echard says, ‘the inhabitants and troops that were quartered in Britain, fearing least the Vandals should pass over the sea, and subdue them with the rest, revolted from their obedience to Honorius, and set up one Mark, whom they declared Emperor: but they soon deprived him of his life and dignity, and placed Gratian in his room, who was a countryman of their own. Within four months they murdered him too, and conferred the sovereignty upon one Constantine, not so much in respect to his courage or quality, for he was a very inconsiderable man in the army; but in regard to his name, which they looked on as fortunate; hoping he would do as much as Constantine the Great had done, who was of the same name, and had been advanced to the imperial dignity in the same island. This new prince, immediately after his promotion, passed over into Gaul, and taking with him the very flower of the British youth, so utterly exhausted the military force of the island, that it was wholly broken, and the island left naked to new invaders.’

Britain being thus drained and exhausted both of the Roman soldiers and its own youth, was, according to Gildas, and Bede after him, much harrassed by the Picts and Scots, and other invaders; upon which they applied to the Romans for help, who sent a Legion to their assistance. But the last certain account of the Romans' footing in Britain, I believe, is in the Notitia, if it hold true, that this part of it which relates to Britain, was wrote before the middle of the fifth century, or under the reign of Theodosius the Second, at which time the Roman force was much abated, though their soldiers were not yet finally withdrawn from Britain; for besides a considerable number of auxiliary forces, there were yet two Legions at least remaining in this island; and the Romans seem still to have been in possession of that part of the island which lays to the South of Severus's wall, though of no part beyond it. The Stations upon the wall were well garrisoned at that time; but excepting the Kentish coast, and the northern frontiers, the garrisons in the other parts of Britain were very thin, and widely dispersed, and the rest of England was entirely naked. On the other hand, it is certain (to use Echard's words) that under the reign of Valentinian the Third, ‘Africk, Spain, Great Britain, and almost all Gaul, Germany, and Illyricum, were dismembered from the western Empire.’ Now Valentinian the Third began to reign with Theodosius about the year 425, and died in 455; so that we may safely affirm, that in the beginning of the fifth century, the Roman Power was become low in Britain; and near the middle of that century, the Romans had entirely quitted the island.

I have dwelt long on this subject; Mr Warburton in his preface says, ‘All antiquaries that I have conversed with, who have made the accustomed tour of Europe, allow the Picts Wall to be the most superb remains of Roman grandeur, that is now to be seen on this side the Alps." And he adds, "The venerable remains of Monasteries and Castles, with other Monuments of Antiquity, are not to be equalled in any nation or country whatsoever.’
[*]
In our way to Thirlwall Castle, we viewed the intrenchments mentioned by Mr Wallis, called the Black Dykes, where he says lead bullets have frequently been found: an occasional and temporary defence, cast up for a small force, of modern date, and in no wise resembling those which fortified an ancient camp.

Notes

†
Spartian, p. 363, calls Severus's work a Stone Wall.
↵

*
The
•
auth

•

have a
•
uted the
〈◊〉
to wrong personages, it being allowed by the most learned
〈◊〉
that the
〈…〉
was the w
•
rk of Severus, which opinion is sounded on
〈…〉
Severus was a
•
ded in the work by the Bri
•
in
〈…〉

•
pplies of necessaries for the artificers in the progress of it.
↵

*

‘Whereas the Roman Empire, by the providence of Dioclesian, was in the most distant marches securely fortified with towns, castles, and burghs. All the military forces were stationed there, so that the barbarous nations could not enter the country without opposition at every pass. Constantine abolishing this order of garrison, removed his troops from the marches to cities and towns not needful of armed force: so that he left the marches open to the barbarians, ungarrisoned, and distressed the cities with the maintenance of troops, where there was a settled peace. The frontier stations became desolate, the soldiers addicted to theatrical entertainments and other pleasures, became debauched. In a word, he it was who brought the first cause of ruin to the empire.’

Zosimus.

↵

*
The composition of the devil's arrows prove them to be artificial, pieces of brick being intermixed with the small pebbles and granules of spar. They appear to have been formed in a mould, the tops of the columns being channelled as the flowing in of the liquidated composition might be conceived to occasion.
↵

*

From the Manuscripts of the late Roger Gale, Esq Extract of a Letter from Mr John Horsley to Roger Gale, Esq 24th March, 1728-9.

‘Had we an accurate Map of England, and a faithful and impartial account of matter of fact, where there are stations and military ways, and where there are none, I am fully convinced that many difficulties might be removed, and the time and situation of several ancient places be determined with a great deal of certainty, about which at present we are much at a loss.’

‘This was the method I took in the northern counties; first, to be well assured from occular demonstration, where there were any visible remains or certain proofs of Roman settlements, and then to compare this account with that in the Itinerary and Notitia Imperii. The success of this method was not only answerable to my expectation, but vastly beyond it.—After this manner I have settled, I humbly think beyond exception, the Stations per Lineam Valli, and the 10th and part of the 2d Iters in Antoninus, and at the same time perfectly reconciled that Itinerary and the Notitia Imperii to one another.’

JOHN HORSLEY."

Extract of a Letter from Mr Horsley to Roger Gale, Esq 23d June 1729.

SIR,

I acknowledge the receipt of another most agreeable letter from you, which came last night, and return you my hearty thanks for it. I am sorry that you, who have so many affairs upon your hands, should give yourself the least concern to make a speedy return to mine: I only beg leave to communicate to you any thing that occurs, and that you would at any time honour me with a line or two at your convenience and leisure.

I have nothing more to add with relation to the antiquated Cup, unless it be to beg leave to ask, whether the size, shape, and loose bottom, if any at all,

The bottom, which had been of thinner metal than the rest, was consumed and worn out by time and rust.
R. G.

favour its being a common Patera? If it be admitted a Patera, I despair of seeing any conjecture more plausible and ingenious than your own.

I have sent you inclosed a hasty sketch of my scheme concerning the Stations ad Lineam Valli, that you may better understand what I have said with respect to the places mentioned on this scale; your great candour will excuse any marks of haste and inadvertence. I take the stations rigorously upon the line of the wall, to end with Tunocellum, and other five to have been a kind of secondary series proceeding regularly from east to west, viz. Glanoventa (Lanchester) Alone (Whitley Castle confirmed by an old inscription) Brementuracum (Brampton if not Old Perith) Olenacum (Old Carlisle) and Virosidum (Elenborough); or if we suppose a transposition of the two last places, then Virosidum may be Old Carlisle upon the river Wiza, and Olenacum, Elenborough upon the river Elen.

I hope to get all the stones that have been discovered at Riechester into my possession, and then I shall re-examine them all, with the greatest care and attention I can, and if I discover any thing more, I shall be sure to acquaint you with it.

You must be right with respect to the Vardii, and therefore I thank you again for having been my Apollo.

The altar with the inscription DEAE SYRIAE is yet at Connington, but the latter part of the inscription, together with the upper stratum of the stone, is quite gone. I guessed it might be Gallorum, but Vardiorum will suit the vacant interval better, if that can be relied on as exactly represented.

My representation of the inscription at Lanchester, was not in my last so just as it ought to be.

VARDIOR / —REQ

I cannot find the copy, though I have sought for it, and therefore may not be exact in the position of the letters, but the upper line which goes before in the inscription, is upon one piece of an altar, and the lower line with the following part on another piece, that was lying separate from the other: when I put them together, they tallied with so much seeming exactness, that I concluded they had made one and the same altar; but if we suppose them to have been fragments of two different altars, the difficulty you mention will entirely vanish.

I am much obliged to you for your account of the Military Ways: if I can make any improvements upon it, I shall presume to communicate them to you.

Salmon I have, but found it was not safe to follow or trust him too far.

I think it was in the Monthly Atlas, that I read of a Roman inscription at St John's chapel at Shattesbury, in the wall; but though I use that author, as having made a collection or abstract of some principal matters, yet he has no great authority or esteem with.

SIR, Yours, &c.
JOHN HORSLEY.

Stationes ad Lineam Valli.

- Segedunum Station at the east end of the wall near Cousins's House.

- Pons Aelii Newcastle, where there must have been a considerable bridge over the river Tyne, upon the bank of which the ancient station has been, and here Hadrian's Vallum has terminated.

- Condercum Station on Be•well Hill, confirmed now by an inscription.

- Vindobala Rutchester.

- Hunnum Chesters near Halton and Audon Castle, confirmed by several inscriptions.

- Cilurnum Chesters near Walwick and Chollerton, favoured by a sculpture.

- Procolitia Carrowbrough, proved by an inscription.

- Borcovicus House-steads, proved by many inscriptions.

- Vindolana Little Chesters, confirmed by an inscription.

- Aesica Great Chesters.

- Magna Carr-Voran.

- Amboglana Bird Oswald, proved by a vast number and great variety of inscriptions.

- Petriana Cambeck Fort, called Castle-steads.

- Aballaba Watch Cross, near Old Wall and Bleatern.

- Congavata Stanwicks.

- Axelodunum Brugh on the Sands.

- Gabrosentum Drumburgh.

- Tunnocellum Boulness, which is in fact Promentoriotum Itunae impendens.

↵

THIRLWALL CASTLE

is seated on the edge of a rock, above the little river Tippal; a dark and melancholy fortress, much in ruin. It may be called, with propriety, the stronghold, rather than seat, of the family of Thirlwalls.[*] It was vaulted within, and defended by a strong wall without. The
THRILWALL CASTLE

floor of one of the apartments was lately cleared, and discovered to be of singular construction; consisting of three tiers of flags, laid upon stratas of sand. Some of the walls are nine feet thick: the casing in many places has been taken away, to erect the adjoining tenements. The builder has even been afraid of the light, for the apertures are no larger than those in the stair-cases of ancient castles. The whole carries the appearance of a horrid gloomy dungeon, where its ancient tyrants dealt in deeds of darkness. The last of the Thirlwall family, Eleanora, sold this castle, with its demesnes, to the Earl of Carlisle.

Under the south front of this castle the Roman wall crosses the Tippal, and stretches up the opposite eminences. The name of Thirlwall, by some authors, has been derived from those breaches made in the wall by the Scots, in their incursions.

Spelman's calculation of the Roman forces stationed on the wall, makes them amount to the number 13,800, allowing 600 to a cohort; exclusive of a whole legion, and 13 detachments of horse and foot, on other stations, and attendants on the Emperor. Constantine created an officer stiled "Comes Spectabilis Litoris Saxonici," who commanded seven companies of foot, two troops of horse, the second legion, and a cohort to guard the coasts. In the reign of Nero, some authors alledge, the Roman army in Britain consisted of 70,000.[*]

In passing down the road below Thirlwall Castle, we perceived a large stone lay in the way, which bore marks of the sculptor. We had curiosity to examine it, and found it the head of a Colossian statue, measuring in circumference near five feet, cut on a rag-stone. It seemed to appertain to some statue of Jupiter, and probably was rolled down the steeps from Carr-Voran, and lodged in the river Tippal.

A mile from Thirlwall, lays

Notes

*

- John de Thirlwall 7 King Edward III.

- Robert — 10 Queen Elizabeth.

- Eleanora married Matthew Swinburn, Esq

Wallis.

↵

*
Ph. Trans. No. 337.
↵

WARDREW,

famous for its Spaw. The waters have been analized, and require not my pen to repeat their virtues, so well known to the public. The conveniences for a few visitors are narrow, but commodious enough; the situation is retired, not much of the romantic; the walks are solemn, and the whole scene befits a mind that carries its ideas and meditations to distant regions; for there are few objects present which either elevate or entertain. Calmness and tranquillity are the effects such sameness of subject insinuates to the mind; and indolence, with that degree of ease stiled negligence, succeed to take the place of pleasure.

We now proceeded by the military road, and made a little excursion to the left to

WALLTOWN,

formerly the seat of the Ridleys, part of the ruins of the old castle remaining. Travellers are shewn a well among the cliffs, where it is said Paulinus baptized King Egbert;[*] but it is more probable it was Edwin King of Northumberland. Such spectacles gratify the religious enthusiast, who would be in transports on viewing this hallowed font.

From thence to

Notes

*
Wallis
↵

GREAT CHESTERS

is little more than a mile: the Vallum of this station is very distinguishable, of an oblong square, near the dimensions of Carr-Voran; the interior parts rugged, from the ruins of many buildings. In the course of the Notitia, this station is called Aesica. It was garrisoned by the Cohors Prima Astorum, but no inscriptions have been found here, that mention this or any other cohort.

Great Chesters must be reckoned, Mr Horsley says, among the forts that have been well preserved: the ramparts about it are very visible; some part of the original stone wall is standing a good height; the ditch is also to be seen on all sides, but towards the east, where it is somewhat flat. On the west side there is a double Agger and ditch. The ruins of the rampart on this side are very high: several regular courses of stones are to be seen in this side of the rampart, where the ruins have been cleared out. The Praetorium is very visible, being about 50 yards from east to west, and 40 from north to south. To this is joined another parallelogram at the east end, of the same breadth with the Praetorium, and 26 yards from east to west. This I take to have been the Questorum. On the north side of the Praetorium are large ruins of some considerable building, which probably was a temple. On the south side of the fort has been a regular entry. Part of the jambs and some other stones are remaining entire; which may shew for what purpose such stones must have been, which are found in other Roman forts. Some pieces of an iron gate and hinges have been found in the ruins not long ago. From this gate there goes a paved military way to Hadrian's Vallum, which is distant about 15 chains, which way is also continued till it joins the other military way. The out-buildings are most considerable on the south side, though there are also some on the east. There are vast ruins of buildings in this field, which, as usual, has a gentle descent, and is open to the south.

The distance between this station and Little Chesters, the next in my rout, is about three miles and three quarters; and here again all the Castella are visible, being four in number, besides one more which seems to have fallen in with the station at Great Chesters. The interval here again between the Castella is seven furlongs.

A little to the west of Great Chesters, near a house called Cockmount Hill, the Picts wall begins again to ascend the rocks. From Great Chesters to this place the ditch is but faint, except for two or three chains, where it is distinct.

A little to the west of Walltown, and between that and Carr-Voran, there is a part of the wall which is in the greatest perfection of any now remaining in the whole track: it is about three yards high, as I before observed, has about 14 regular courses, and at one part 16, of the facing stones entire.

As for Hadrian's Vallum, it is visible all the way till it comes near Carr-Voran. It passes near Low Town, just on the south of it; and particularly the vallum or rampart on the south brink of the ditch, is here very visible. Mr Horsley says he was informed there were the ruins of some Roman works at Low Town, but upon viewing them, nothing like it appeared. They look (he says) somewhat like the houses of Moss Troopers, which seems confirmed by what Camden says, ‘that he durst venture no further this way for fear of them.’ He mentions Carr-Voran on the one side, and Carraw on the other; so that the two Chesters and the House-steads must have been the stations that he was afraid to visit.

The distance between Great Chesters and Carr-Voran is almost two miles and a quarter. In this space there are three Castella, and all of them visible.

The remains of broken altars and some effigies are scattered on the eastern side of this station, but of no significance to the antiquary, as the inscriptions are totally obliterated.—The following fragment was dug up here, and is thus given in Camden:

I•. CAS. M. AVR. SEVE

RVS. MECANDER. PFE

AUG. HORREVM. VETV

STATE. CO•. AR. SVMM

COH. II. ASTVRVM SA

A SOLO RESTITVERI•

PROVINCV. ARECNT

MAXIMO LEG. W GPRP

SAL MARTI MED LEGA

TVS CO. II. ET DEXT.

Near a mile on the south side of this station, is a monumental stone about three feet high, with the effigy of a man in a nich, cut in relief, with the inscription as represented in the plate.

Mr Horsley, No. 64, gives a monument very like this in figure, but the inscription varies greatly:

DIS M

PERVICAE FILIA F

which he reads, dis manibus Pervicae filia fecit.—A funeral monument erected for one Pervica, by her daughter who is not named.

I took the drawing and inscription with great attention, and am induced to believe the whole monument is here represented with truth.

At the mill gate a stone placed upside-down has this inscription:

D. M.

AEL. MERCVR

RIAE CoRNICVL

VACIA SOROR

FECIT.

Mr. Horsley gives this inscription in the same manner, but his drawing of the stone has a man's head above the inscription. This might be sunk in the earth, as the stone now serves for a gate-post, and is reversed. Dis manibus Aelio Mercuriali, Corniculario Vacia soror fecit. This is a funeral monument erected for Aelis Mercurialis, by his sister Vacia. A Cornicularius was an inferior officer under the Tribune. Mention is made of the Cornicularius, by M. Laetorius Mergus the Tribune by Valerius Maximus; and Suetonius, speaking of Orbilius the grammarian, says, "In Macedonio Corniculo mox equo meruit." The name of this officer is upon several monuments in Gruter, and occurs frequently in the Notitia: he was a kind of a clerk or secretary, and in the lower times of the empire, he was rather of higher rank or quality than before.

Camden says, this was the second Station of the Dalmatians, called in the old book of Notices MAGNA; and that Sir Robert Cotton took from hence the two following inscriptions:

PRO SALUTE

DESIDIENIAE

—LIANI PRE

ET SVA. S.

POSVIT VOT

—AO. SOLVIT LIBE

NS TVSCO ET BASSO

COSS

From these consular names, the date of this inscription is 259 in the christian aera.

DEAE SVRI

AE. SVB CALP

VRNIO AG—

ICOLA. LEG. AVG

PR. PR. A LICINIVS

— LEMENS. PRAEF

—III—A—IOR— [*] Cohortis primae Hamiorum.

Camden gives the following reading: Deae Suriae sub Calphurnio Agricola Legato Augusti Propretore Licinius Clemens Prefect. Unto the goddess Suria under Calphurinus Agricola, Lieutenant of Augustus and Propraetor, Licinius Clemens the Captain. This Calphurinus Agricola was sent by Antoninus, philosopher, against the Britons, about the year of our Lord 170; at which time some cohort under his command erected this altar. Mr Horsley has treated of this inscription as being found at Little Chesters, under which head I have inserted it in the notes. Lucian describes the goddess Suria with a turretted crown on her head, a tabor in her hand, set in a car drawn by lions. This was the favourite divinity of Nero, till he grew so weary of his devotions, that, as the translator of Camden has it, ‘he defiled her with his urine.’ [†]

We passed a monument on the left hand, placed on a hill, consisting of three large erect stones or pillars, two of which seem broken off in the midst. They are called the Mare and her Foals, appearing to be monuments of some memorable action, and not druidical, as has been conjectured; their figure and position in no wise corresponding with any monuments of the Druids.

At a little distance from the Chesters, and ne• the 35th mile stone, are four Tumuli placed in a square figure, which Mr Wallis says were cut through by one Curry, a dissenting minister, whose curiosity disturbed the ashes of the dead, reaping nothing but the Salina which had consecrated the remains of the interred, without being able, from this undertaking, to discover to what age or people these monuments appertained.
[*]

Notes

*
This by some antiquaries is supposed to be dedicated to the Syrian goddess Astarte. Mr Horsley has objected to Camden's reading: but Dr Stukeley, in his Carausius, thinks it is confirmed by the altar in Mr Graham
•
s collection at Netherby, inscribed to that goddess in the Greek character and language.

↵

†

Besides the inscriptions before mentioned, Mr Horsley's work contains the following:

LXI. Dis man•bus dicatum Sabinae Hinae Regulus Duilius.

‘The inscription itself is thought to be sepulchral, and I have given a reading of it suitable to this opinion. But I must own, that the seemingly plain appearance of an O at the first, rather than a D, and the manifest deficiency in the stone and inscription at the beginning of the lines, have raised a strong jealousy in me that it has been I O. M. D. for Jovi Optimo Max•mo dicatum; though i• this be the truth, I know not why the following name Sabini or Sab•ae should be in the ge•ive. The last word is uncertain, and very probably the greater part of the inscription is broken off, for otherwise the plane of the altar does not seem to bear any 〈◊〉 proportion to the capital. The figures at the top are so much defaced, that I know not what to make of them. The first looks almost like a toad, which we find upon another altar or two in this collection: the other perhaps is a dog or wolf, but very obscure. Mr Wa•b•rtes, imagining this inscription to have some reference to the Ae• Sabinia•, because of the word Sabin•e, as I suppose, concludes this •ce to be Hunnum.’

Now in the Dean and Chapter's Library at Durham.

LXIII.

‘Not far from Great Chesters, near a wicket or hatch at Cockmount Hill, lies a curious sculpture exposed to all the injuries of the weather, by which and barbarous hands, it has suffered too much already. Mr Gordon was the first, I believe, who discovered or took any notice of it; but his draught has several defects in it, the most considerable of which is the omission of the two eagles, on whose wings the victories stand that support the vexillum: each eagle rests upon the branch of a tree; and the boar on the right plainly appears to take hold of the stock of the tree on that side, as if he endeavoured to tear it up: the other boar attacks the vexillum, and lays hold of the tree, on which the other eagle is perched, with both his feet. I think there can be no doubt but the boars and trees were designed to represent this wild and woody country, as it then was; and the Roman ensigns often signify a Roman settlement: this sculpture therefore plainly denotes the Roman conquest of this country, their victories over the inhabitants, and their making a settlement here, in opposition to all the attempts of their enemies. The heads of the eagles are both broken off, but the rest of them is very distinct.’

LXIV. Centuria cohortis Septimae Maximiana posuit.

‘Under this number are expressed two centurial stones, now placed in the sore wall of a cow-house, adjoining to a house called Allaley, almost half way between Great Chesters and Carr-Voran. One has the centurial mark and the number of the cohort tolerably plain; the name of the century is obscure, but it must, I think, been Maximiana. Nothing more is certain about the other, but that it has been erected by some cohort or century.’

LXIV. Centuria Valerii Maximi.

‘This is of the common centurial kind, and has nothing remarkable in it: it was found at a small rivulet called Haltwhistle Burn, near Great Chesters.’

An urn was also found at this mill.

↵

*

Mr Wallis has the following remarks on the Interment of the Antients:

The Romans were not very careful to separate the human ashes from the rest, but sometimes put coals and other things into the urn. Their urns were of gold, silver, and other metal, of glass, stone, and marble, but most generally of potters earth. Trajan's was of gold. They were of all figures, but commonly round and bellied; those of metal generally embellished with sculpture and bass relief. Urns for persons of distinction, were either set under marble monuments, or in niches of sepulchral chambers. Severus provided his before his death: it is said to have been of porphyry or of alabaster. The ashes of persons of quality were usually sprinkled with wine, before they were collected into an urn.

Postquam collapsi cineres, et flamma quievit,

Riliquias vino et bibulam lavere favillam;

Assaque lecta cado texit Chorinaeus aheno. Virg. Aen.

Soon as the pile, subsiding flames no more,

With wine the heap they sprinkled o'er:

Then Chorinaeus took the charge to place

The bones selected in a brazen vase. Pitt.

Salt was used in their solemn sacrifices, as well as in urn burial.

Dant fruges manibus salsas.
Virg. Aen.

Urn burial is not so ancient as the present mode of interment: burning the dead is first attributed to the Greeks, and Herculus is said to be the first of the Greeks who used it. This he did to free himself from the obligation of an oath. He had sworn to bring back a youth to his father from the siege of Troy, and he had no way of doing it but by presenting him with his ashes. From the Greeks this custom passed to the Romans, but it was not general among them. From the authority of Pliny it appears, that it was not used in many families, and that Sylla the Dictator was the first of the Cornelii whose body was burnt; which is the reason assigned by Antiquaries, why we find Roman bones both burnt and unburnt. It was the choice of some, because they would preserve their bodies from the resentment of their enemies. Th•s probably was Sylla's motive. It is supposed the Gauls had it from the Romans, the Celtics or ancient Brito•s from the Gauls; but it is not so easily accounted for how the Danes, and other nations called Juli and Angli, Saxons and Germans came by it. It is believed they had it from the Graecian customs and learning, and that they all laid it aside on the introduction of Christianity.

To distinguish which are Roman, Danish, or British Tumuli, has been observed to be difficult. Some Antiquaries pretend to fix them from their shape; but that is reckoned guess-work, unless inscriptions, arms, or coins be found in them; the latter of gold, silver, or copper, but neither of them of brass. Instruments and coins of that metal, belonging to the northern nations, and where they are found in Tumuli unquestionably Roman, they are supposed to have been taken from the enemy, and thrown into it in honour of the deceased. The Roman Tumuli were cespititious or mounts of earth like those here. Such was Hector's ‘viridi cespite,’ Virg. Such was Dercennus's "terreno ex aggere bustom," Virg. Such was that made by Aeneas:

— "Pius Aeneas ingenti mole sepulchrum,

"Imponet, suaque arma viro, remumque, tubamque;

"Monte sub aërio." Virg.

No greater misfortune could happen to a Roman, than to be denied the "Hono• Tumuli," the "Solamen Humandi." The Atheist Mezentius could not die in peace, without begging it of his enemy with his last breath.

Corpus humo patiaro legi—

Et me consortem nati concede sepulchro. Virg.

If a vanquish'd foe this grace may crave,

Oh let me find the refuge of a grave.

— guard my coarse, and lay me by my son:

Grant, grant that pleasure, ere I yield my breath,

To share this dear society in Death. Pitt.

↵

WILLIMOTESWICK

laying at a little distance, induces the traveller to quit his direct road. —This was the ancient house of the Ridleys, from whence descended many eminent men, amongst whom was Nicholas Ridley, Bishop of London, who suffered at Oxford with Bishop Latimer Oct. 16, 1555; also Lancelot Ridley, D. D. Fellow of King's Hall, Cambridge, and the great Civilian, Sir Thomas Ridley, Knt. L. L. D.

From thence we passed to

LITTLE CHESTERS,

a small Roman station, laying on the western side of Bardon Burn, now called the Bowers, on account of the trees which cover it. It doth not contain above three acres of land in its inclosure, the Vallum of which is very distinguishable, forming an oblong square with obtuse angles. The Via Vacinalis from Carr-Voran to Walwick Chesters, passeth close by its northern side, near which a Roman military guide stone is standing; and at a mile west another; and again, another mile further west, a third, in a direct line. These stones are cylindrical, six feet four inches in circumference, and near six feet above ground. On one of these is the following inscription: BONO REIpVBLICAE NATO, the letters large and coarse. No doubt this was a compliment to the Emperor then reigning, and not an uncommon one.

Little Chesters was the Vindolana of the Romans, where the Legio Sexta Victrix kept garrison; as also the Cohors Quarta Gallorum, as the inscriptions found here prove.

Mr Horsley's description of this station is as follows:

‘This station is south from both the walls near a mile and three quarters, but stands on the military way before mentioned, which is very visible for a considerable space from this station: so that Little Chesters must be reckoned among those which belong to the wall, it being in this rout, and the only military way, which belongs to it, coming from the wall and returning to it.’

‘There are two or three Forts more, as Carr-Voran and Cambeck Fort, detached to the south of the wall, though none so far as this; yet this is not above half a mile from Hadrian's Vallum.’

‘This is one of the least Stations on the wall. It is only seven chains long from north to south, and four broad from east to west. The ramparts are visible quite round, and very large, but the ditch is near filled up. The town or out-buildings here have been chiefly to the west and south-west of the fort; there being a small brook to the south-east, and a descent from the Station to it. The Praetorium may be distinguished; and there seems to have been some towers at the corners of the fort, and perhaps two in the sides of the ramparts.’

‘Severus's wall, which keeps upon the precipices all the way, is almost at a mile distant from this Station.’

The Royal Society received a few years ago some Roman Sandals found here. A Roman Hypocaustum or Sudatory was discovered here, of which Dr Hunter gave the following description:—‘It was a square room vaulted above, and paved with large square stones set in lime: under which was a lower apartment supported by rows of square pillars, about half a yard high—the upper room had 16 flues in the walls then open, and appearing as niches; the pavement and roof were tinged with smoak.’ These sudatories, from this description, were certainly heated by flues in the wall like the modern stoves. Mr Horsley speaking of it, says it looks very like a Balneum with the Hypocaustum below it: and somewhat of this nature I saw at Lanchester and Risingham; at the latter place it was not far from the Praetorium. —An engraving is given by Mr Horsley of a sculpture found here; the principal figure of which represents Mercury. He gives the following description of it. Mercury is represented with his caduceus in his left hand, and purse in his right. Above his right arm is somewhat like a petasus, or perhaps a cap of liberty. The head of the figure and upper part of the stone is broken and confused, so that we cannot be certain, whether or no Mercury has had his petasus on. If we could be sure that he was here represented, as wearing his petasus on his head, I should then have thought it more probable, that this other figure was the cap of liberty. Mercury's loose and flying chlamys is visible; and beside him an altar with this inscription upon it: DEO MERCVRIO. A Camillus lays the incense on the altar. Mercury is usually represented with a juvenile briskness, according to the poet's description:

Omnia Mercurio similis, vocemque coloremque,

Et crines flavos, et membra decora juvente.

Virg. Aen. IV. 558.
It is well known what sort of people were peculiarly devoted to Mercury. "Callidum, quicquid placuit jocoso condere furto." Hor. Carm. —Whether the ancient inhabitants of this part, had the same disposition with their posterity, who dwelt hereabouts in Camden's time, and to whom we owe the good laws for preventing of theft, upon the northern borders, I shall not determine.

Mr Warburton presented this stone to the Royal Society, in whose Musaeum it now is.

It is observable, that the trading inhabitants of this country held a solemn festival to Mercury, on the 25th of October.

A centurial stone (now at Ridley Hall) was found at this Station inscribed

IMP. CAES. TRAIAN

HADRIANI AVG

LEG. II. AVG

A PLATORIO NEPOTE LEG. PR. PR.

A large stone lately found here, now placed in a field at Archy Flat, as a rubbing-stone for cattle, is rudely sculptured with the figure of a deer under the shade of a tree, with two fauns at his feet. This seems to have been an ornament to some small temple of Diana, which perhaps stood near this place, as pilasters and capitals, of the Doric order, were dug up some few years ago, with multitudes of stags horns, the remains of the sacrifices to that goddess, on the 13th of August, when the hunters held their festival, and offered the devoted stag.[*]

The reader will pardon a short digression, which the subject of Roman Sacrifices necessarily leads me to. When we read of piles of stags horns, bones of sacrificed animals, and such remains of religious acts; or of hecatombs and mighty slaughters, which stained the altars of Roman devotees, we might conceive the country abounded in cattle, or the havoc and waste of such a profuse gift to the gods would endanger a famine. The first impressions of the unlettered reader on these acts of devotion, would mislead him into an idea, that these sacrifices were only a lavish destruction of animal beings, under the irrational presumption, that the gods delighted in the service of burning carcasses: but by attending to the ceremony, we are relieved from this mistake, and acquit this learned and polished people of such an error against common sense. —From national prejudices they had assigned persons to the attributes of the Great Creator, whom they universally confessed; and presumed to depict them, as being distinct emanations from the supreme, by the figures of Apollo, Bacchus, Pallas, Ceres, and all the multitude of their divine personages; yet by the intelligent and wise, the religious services paid to the images of those attributes, were in fact, and from the heart, addressed to the God of Nature. Seneca says, ‘'tis of very little consequence by what name you call the first Nature, and the Divine Reason which presides over the universe, and fills all the parts of it; he is still the same God. He is called Jupiter Stator, not as historians say, because he stopped the flying armies of the Romans, but because he is the constant support of all beings—they call him Fate, because he is the first Cause on which all others depend. We Stoics sometimes call him Father Bacchus, because he is the universal Life that animates nature—Hercules, because his Power is invincible—Mercury, because he is the eternal Wisdom, Order, and Reason—you may give him as many names as you please, provided you allow but one sole Principle every where present.’—Thus, if the Roman devotee petitioned for success in war, he resorted to the temple of Mars, or raised to him an altar; and so on, through the chain of those images, with which their pantheon was crowded.

This error arose very early in the world; and before letters communicated wisdom and science, it is no wonder it prevailed almost universally among mankind—the eye carries images to the mind most immediately—the mind thus impressed was warmed into an energy, which nothing but outward objects could convey to the ignorant. Besides, we find those personages, who had rendered themselves important to their country, and by their superior talents and virtues, won the love of the people, in commemoration of such their excellencies, had their images erected, and became representatives of the divine attributes.— Here we trace a strong influence to promote devotion; the love borne to the very person whose image was so erected. The danger to religion among the vulgar is obvious, and was proved in the event: the great architype was forgotten, and the smoaky and inanimate statue became the idol of the vulgar worship.

Let us now examine the sacrificial rites.—The altars which remain in Britain, are chiefly formed of one stone, like the pedestal of a column: above the cornice are two rolls, commonly called the horns of the altar; the centre rises in a conical figure, in which is an aperture, wherein was placed the charcoal and embers for the ceremony. These altars were fixed before the statue of the God to whom the devotee paid his rites, or at the Ostium of the temple, which during the time had its gates thrown open; or otherwise, they were erected in groves, consecrated to the Divinity: the Priest, together with the devotee, dressed in white garments (emblematical of purity and innocence, characteristics presumed most acceptable to heaven) went foremost in the procession. The animal ordered for sacrifice had its horns gilt, or its forehead bound with white fillets, decked with garlands, and crowned with the leaves of that tree, which it was supposed the Deity most affected; but in fact, that which was esteemed emblematical of the peculiar virtue of the Deity then addressed. Several attendants walked in the procession, amongst whom were the public Crier, the Musicians, the Aruspex or Diviner, and all those whose office it was to slaughter and dress the animal. As soon as the Victim was brought, the Priest, laying one hand on the horns of the altar, began the ceremony with a most solemn and devout prayer, either for the public weal, or the private prosperity of the devotee offering sacrifice, as the occasion required. The sacred fire being placed in the aperture of the altar, the Priest strewed corn and frankincense, meal and salt, upon the head of the animal; then taking the Patera, (a shallow bason) in which was contained the wine, he touched it with his lips, and after giving it to those who stood near him to do the same, poured it between the horns of the beast; then plucking some hair from between them, he cast it into the fire, and turning his face to the east, drew his knife along the animal's spine, from head to tail, as the ensign or mark of consecration: after which, the inferior officers performed the slaughter. The carcass being opened, the Aruspex examined the intestines, and if deformed, deficient, or diseased, he pronounced the omens inauspicious: if on the contrary, healthy and vigorous, the heart large, and the animal parts strong, the indications were propitious. After this ceremony, particular small parts were placed on the embers, to occasion a pleasant savour, and the rest was dressed for a solemn festival. Here we view the ceremony in its proper light: the sacrificial rites were no more than a public exhibition of the cattle, given on some singular occasion, when they were presented before heaven with prayers, the Priest imploring a blessing. It is a doubt with me, whether, by men of enlightened minds, whose understanding overlooked the idol, and whose religion spiritually addressed the only true God, these were not acts of piety and fervent devotion, equal to most we find in this age.[*] We have avoided Scylla, and sunk in Charybdis. To reform the abuses of the heathen world, we have too much abolished ceremony; and from fervour, have fallen into a slovenly lethargic indolence, which comprehends so little of piety, that men often find their minds, even during the act of kneeling, abstracted from the Divinity, and wandering in worldly occupations. We have taken away the idol, which betrayed the vulgar, but have left them in such jeopardy, that few even remember there is a God. Religious rites warm the mind: pure and sentimental devotion only befits the most enlightened, and most learned: ceremonies catch attention, as it were in wiles; and those who would think little of prayer, may sometimes be induced thereto almost involuntarily, by joining in, or being present at religious rites. The soul full of wisdom, worships in silence; but wayward minds soon sink away from such spiritual service. The contemplation of the Deity, by the enlightened and wise, is so replete with wonder, and inspires such reverence, that silence becomes it best: but the ignorant mind conceives little more than its wants; and the God of miracles, with such, is concluded in the God of daily bread. I reverence the Roman in his sacrifice: it was a noble exhibition of piety; an august mode of supplicating the Deity. The solemnity of craving a grace on the appointed festival in these rites, was strikingly devout. In this boasted age of christianity, where is the devotion attendant on the hecatombs of a Lord Mayor's Feast. The hecatombs of the Ancients, were festivals on great and memorable events, and were preceded by the most solemn rites of consecration;—a commencement of festivity, worthy the imitation of the most enlightened nations.

Dr Stukeley, in his Carausius, says, ‘In reading the Roman history, we see such a spirit of Religion, breathing in general, upon every occasion, through all they did, as a nation, as is no where else to be found in the least comparable. To enumerate particulars, would make an agreeable volume. I can only take notice, that it makes a great part of their story. So honest, so warm, so grateful was their zeal to heaven, at every public act, that providence could not but look favourably upon them, wink at what they were ignorant of, as the the Apostle professes, Acts xvii. 30. and prosper them accordingly. Every single person, of any note, had a part of his house consecrated, like as our private chapels, called the Lararium. Upon every success, we read of their vowing temples. On occasion of misfortune, pestilence, floods, thunder, and the like, they consult the oracles, order public lustrations, supplications, and sacrifices. Even their theatrical spectacles began with an act of religion; many altars in their circs and places of games. They never began or ended a war, took up the military standards every morning, without an act of religion, a libation of incense. In their kalendar, most days in the year have some religious solemnity. Look into their sculptures and monuments, and observe the extravagant expence and pomp of their religious processions: even their coins are counter-signed with some Deity, and innumerable sculptures of their Emperors sacrificing, incensing. They never began their harvest, their vintage, without a sacrifice: without the Flamen Dialis gathering the first bunch. The genius of the people and city were ever represented with a Patera in its hand, before an altar incensing. In short, religion makes the greatest part of the history; the greatest part of those authors that write of their customs; the greatest part of the monuments, coins, and sculptures, which are now come to our hands, of this truly magnanimous and virtuous people. And if we read Polybius particularly, we obtain a just idea of the noble spirit, the honour, and uprightness of the Roman senate, which made them courted by all the world. Religion cannot be separated from Roman history, because, in their way, they were the most religious of all people; and for that reason, Providence gave them the Empire of the World.’

To return.—In the wall of Mr Smith's house, at the west end of the Station of Little Chesters, an altar is preserved, inscribed

MARTI VICTORI

COH. III. NERVIORVM

PRAEFECT. I. CANINVS

I have seen a brass coin, struck in honour of the festival of Mars, held on the 1st of March.—Mr Wallis says, the late Rev. Mr Walton was possessed of one, upon which was the figure of Mars, armed and helmeted, a shield on his left arm, and a sprig of olive in his right hand.

The distance between the Stations of Great and Little Chesters, is about three miles and three quarters: in that space there are four Castella visible, and one which seems to have fallen in with the Station at Great Chesters: the interval between each is seven furlongs.[*]

Returning to the military road, we passed a Tumulus of considerable magnitude:[*] it has been called an exploratory Mount; but its situation contradicts this appellation, as it commands no extensive country, or important pass.

The Roman Station now called

Notes

*

Besides the inscriptions already mentioned, Mr Horsley's Work has the several following ones.

LII. Gallorum vota numini ejus Principis Optimi turribus fundamenta posuerunt sub Claudio Xenophonte Legato Augustali Propraetore curante.

Great numbers of inscriptions have been found here, but most of them are now lost or destroyed: there is one which seems to have been the most curious and useful, the inscription whereof is now quite destroyed. This stone was some years ago removed from Little Chesters to Beltingham, where the masons wrought it up for a grave-stone, and utterly destroyed the inscription.

Dr Hunter published the inscription in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 278, from the orig•al• the inscription is curious and useful upon a double account, both as it has probably contained the name of the C•hors Quarta Gallorum, and so proves this place to be Vindolana, and al•o it seems to me to mention a new Propraetor, Claudius Xenophon, whose name I remember not to have met with elsewhere, either in the inscriptions or history; for I am persuaded that the three last words in the fifth line have been LEG. AVG. PR. PR. and what is wanting in the last l•ne, has been the name of the person who took care of the work. The to•rs here mentioned, might be some of those upon the ramparts of the Station, which are still very v•sible. Dr Hunter says, the field where this inscription was found goes by the name of the Bower. The title Optimo Principi, together with the name of a new Legate, who does not occur in any hi•tory, would incline me to ascribe the monument to Trajan, during whose reign the Roman historians are silent as to Britain; but as there is nothing in this inconsistent with several of the succeeding reigns, and it is doubted whether the Romans had any considerable footing here in Trajan's time, we cannot fix the date of this inscription with any certainty.

The two following inscriptions Camden places at Great Chesters. In these notes I follow Mr Horsley's course and numbers, for the sake of the reader's readier reference to his works.

LIII. Deae Su• suo Calpornio Agricola Legato Augustali Propraetore Aulus Licinius Clemens Praefectus C•hortis Primae Hamiorum vel Cohortis Quartae Gallorum).

It is plain from Camden's own account of his journey, that he went no further along the wall eastward, than a little beyond Carr-Voran. The altar now before us was erected to the Syrian goddess. Lucian among the ancients, and Selden among the moderns, have professedly treated on the subject of this deity: and Sir Isaac Newton says, it is one of the names of Venus. It is very certain, that what is physically the same, is often represented by several deities; and the same deity has several names considered under different relations, or as confering different benefits. Thus Cybele, Ceres, Ve•ta, Rhea, and Tellus, all signify the earth; and Dea Syria is only another of Cybele•s names, who is usually called the mother of the gods. The like may be said of Apollo and several others. As for the inscription, the letters in the first line, and CALP in the second, and part of the AG in the third, are yet very plain and distinct, though the rest of it s•ce Camden's time is entirely gone, together with the outer or upper Stratum of this part of the stone, deeper than the cut of the letters, which obliges me to take most of the inscription from Camden•s copy: and this I have observed to happen frequently when the inscription is cut along the plane of the Stratum; but when it is cut across, or through the several Strata, the letters are more lasting, and much better secured; and thus the Romans u•y cut their inscriptions. There is at the end of the first line something like a cross, which Camden has omitted; but with what design this was done, I am unable to say. Calphurnius Ag• was Propraetor or Lieutenant here, under Marcus Aurelius The inscription confirms and il•u•trates the historian's testimony. ‘Adversus Brittannos quidem Calphurnius Agricola m•ssus e•t.’ Capitol. in Vet. Script. Hist. Aug. p. 169. as this determines the time, or at least the reign under which this altar was erected. What Cohort this Licinius Clemens commanded, is not so clear to me from the inscription: I know some read it Cohors Prima Hamiorum at large, and have so represented it; but this I doubt has been mere conjecture: it is plain that the letters in the last line are not placed at a due distance, and that the letters on each side should be farther removed from the four, and the same room which is sufficient for Harniorum, will do as well or better for Gallorum; and I cannot but suspect this to be the true reading. The former inscription favours this conjecture, and so I read it at first sight of the copy, without considering where it was found. If this conjecture should be admitted, this inscription does further confirm the Station at Little Chesters to be Vindolana.

LIV. Pro salute Desidieni Aeliani Praefecti et sua sacrum posuit voto solvit lib•ns Tusco & Basso Consulibus.

This, after the authority of Camden, I also presented to the reader, as belonging to Great Chesters.—‘It is an altar erected by some person, whose name is not expressed, for the safety of Desidienus Aelianus the Praefect, and for his own.’ The letters are but meanly cut, and of the later and ruder form. There is a small break in the right side of the altar, whereby a letter or two is defaced, but the rest still continues legible. I think voto in the fifth line must be ex voto, as usual, and then there is no difficulty as to the meaning. The writing part of the word libens, upon the plane of the altar, and part upon the base, is observable, but the S. for sacrum, in the end of the fourth line, is not uncommon. The express date of this inscription adds to its value; namely, when Tuscus and Bassus were Consuls, that is, according to Camden, in the year 259, but in the Fasti Consulares 258, where the former name is Fuscus instead of Tuscus.

LV. Fortunae Populi Romani Caius Julius Raticus Centurio Legionis Sextae Victricis.

To this place also belongs, as I suppose, that noble altar erected to the fortune of the Roman people by Cajus Julius. I find no centurial mark in the inscription, unless the C at the beginning of the last line, which Mr Gordon overlooked, be supposed to stand for Centurio; or else the mark before LEG, through mistake turned the wrong way. But I rather take this to be only a stop, and the C to be the Praenomen of the person. There is nothing very peculiar in manner of this inscription, unless it be the humour of making the size of the letters in the different lines so very unequal.

This altar is deposited in the Dean and Chapter's Library at Durham.

LVI. Legio Sexta Victrix.

This is the impression of the Legio Sexta Victrix, in the usual manner upon two Roman bricks, which were found here.

LVII. Antoni — Pio—

This is an imperfect inscription upon the fragment of a very curious and beautiful stone, the nature and grit of which is finer than usual, and the remaining letters very fair, and well cut. I can only guess that the inscription may have been to the honour of one Antonines, and that the word in the second line may have been Pio, and perhaps Pra in the last for Praesectus.

LX. This is a small but fine stone, and a curious sculpture. It came from Little Chesters, but is now in the jamb of a door at Ramshaw Field, a single house, about a mile or more south-west from this station. It has not been observed or published before, though it very well deserves a place in such a collection. The sculpture manifestly represents a Roman Verillum, with a Pegasus on one side, and a Sea-goat on the other; and in the Vexillum, an inscription, in very small letters,

III CH

VEXI

as I have given it. The first line, except the cross stroke of the H. was very visible. Vegetius tells us, it was the ancient custom of the Romans, to put the number of the Cohort or Century upon the Vexillum, which was a square piece of cloth fastened upon a transverse piece of wood. This after Constantine had the name of Labarum.

↵

*

T• 〈…〉 more places than 〈◊〉 contemplating with amazement the 〈…〉 the ••te, and the 〈◊〉 even of th• 〈◊〉, so that him• It could 〈…〉 of the military princi • 〈…〉 all other people? ‘The 〈…〉 the Gauls more strong; truly 〈…〉 way they 〈◊〉 be more vic• than o• nations, but that they •re 〈…〉.’

D. S•y's Ca•••, p. 9.

↵

*

From the Manuscripts of the late Roger Gale, Esq

Extract of a Letter from Mr John Warburton to Roger Gale, Esq 21st Nov. 1717.

I cannot possibly recover your essay upon the four great Roman roads, unless you think fit to favour me with it. It is strange there should be but four recorded, when there are such numbers of them; and more, that the greatest of them all should want a name,
* This is the Erning-street. R. G.
viz. that which comes from the Roman Wall near Dunbritt• Fryth, in Scotland, to Rochester, in Northumberland, where Antoninus begins his first journey, and from thence continues its course by Corbridge, E•chester, Langchester, Binchester, Piersbridge, Caterick, Aldborough, and I believe might be thence traced directly forward through London to Dover; and this without interfering with any of the four great roads mentioned, except where they cross or accompany it for a few miles.

‘It is well if Higden, or whoever was the first describer of these ways, was not mistaken in his placing the Watling-street. The course he hath taken for it, seems too short and out of the way, and I rather agree with Talbott, who thinks that Antoninus's second journey was along it, (viz.) from the west end of the Picts Wall to Southampton, which I think much more probable, as it enters this county on Gatherley Moor. ’

‘I was surprized to see so visible a Roman Station in the Yorkshire Dales, as that of Ethelburg ••l, near A••rigg, and for some time could not imagine what it had been, but now begin to have hopes of proving it to be the fourth Station of Antonine's 10th Iter Bremetonacis, and that it stands on the military way I discovered in Northumberland, called the Devil's Ca•s•way. ’

I have observed a military way to range along the road from Thirst to Eafingwold, but where it should come from, or lead to,
* It comes from Cataractonium, and leads through Thirsk, Easingwo•d, Aldby, Der• and Wigh¦ton (Delg•) to Brough, over-against Wintringham upon the Humber. R. G.
am yet at a loss, but look upon it to have been the direct road from Cataractonium to Eboracum, without going by Isurium, and seems to be more entire, and of a newer form than the others I have observed in the north, as if it had been erected nearer the declension of the Empire.

‘I have below given you the sketch of an altar, which some workmen found in a vault, as they were lately digging, by my order, in the platform of a Roman Castrum by the Picts Wall, which as it is the beautifullest and most entire I have ever seen, am thinking to present it to the King, to be set up in St James's Gardens. Mr Wanley, my Lord Oxford's Library-keeper, was treating with me about it, and several others in my possession, in order to have them placed in the new Library at Wimple, but we could not agree about the price.’

Found at Chester in the Wood, 1717. FORTUNAIE P. R. C. IVL. RAT. LE. VI. VV. Alt. p. 4 Lab. p. 1½ Fortunae Populi Romani Coius Julius Rationalis Legionis VI. Valentis Victricis.

This altar I have since seen at Durham, and a print of it is in Mr Gordon's Iter Septentrionale, by both which it appears that the third word in the last line is RAET. and therefore should read Caius Jul. Raticus.

R. G.

I am well assured the third word in the last line is Rat, but as it is in Northumberland. I have not had an opportunity of a strict examination, as you desired me to make. The place where I dug it up, is by Mr Camden called Magna, but by the Vulgar, Chester in the Wood: its situation is on a very entire raised military way, that runs from Carr-Veran to Newbrugh, on the inside of the Picts Wall. but for the most part at two miles distant from it. My workmen had not dug above two yards in the area of the platform, before they struck into a cault of a very irregular figure, three quarters of a yard in height, and three or four in breadth and length, all blacked on the inside with smoke, and at the first opening smelt like burnt straw: this great altar lay with its face downwards, and by it another of the same size, but broke in pieces, and the inscription imperfect.

Bedale, 21st Nov. 1717.
J. WARBURTON.

The vault wherein the above mentioned altar was found, seems to have been made originally for receiving the offal of the sacrifices, and sweepings of the altar, the smoke with which it was blacked proceeding from the hot ashes that had been thrown into it, as did also the smell like that of burnt straw. I was told, when I was at Cirencester, of much such another vault, with ashes and burnt bones in it. When the Romans were forced to quit this country, they might very probably throw these two altars into the vault, and cover them up, to preserve them from being prophaned by the Barbarians that possessed themselves of it upon their retreat; and they were effectually concealed from them by their lying bid so many hundred years as they did.

There is nothing difficult in the inscription, the word Rationalis is not very common, it being more usual to stile an Accemptant (the officer here denoted) a Rationibus. It proves also by the VI. V. V. that the Legio Sexta was called Valens Victras, as well as the Vicefima.

R. G.

↵

*
There are several Laws, Barrows, or Tumuli, near the military way, particularly four where the way goes off to Great Chesters, called the Four Laws.
↵

HOUSE-STEADS

presents itself in a confusion of ruins, laying on an easy descent.—This was the Borcovicus of the Romans.

The first Cohort of Tungrians appears, by several inscriptions under different Prefects, to have been stationed here. Some inscriptions prove this Cohort was also in other places; but the number, and variety of monuments erected here, plainly shew, that their settled quarters were at this place, and continued here the latest.

Mr Horsley says, ‘I cannot say that Hadrian's Vallum has made the south rampart of this Station, but I think it has passed not much to the south, and seems to have made a small turn just at the brook, in order to come near, if not up to it. The southern boundary of this Station is uncertain, though the other limits are distinct. The ditch about the Station is also flat and obscure. Severus's wall makes the north rampart. From south to north it is about five chains, and from east to west about seven. The area of the most northerly part of the Station is nearly plain; but the south part is more upon a descent than any other Station that I remember. I think the Praetorium is visible, and the ruins of a temple near it. The vast ruins of the Roman Station and Town are truly wonderful; and a great number of inscriptions and sculptures have been found, and many yet remain at this place. The town or out-buildings have stood upon a gentle declivity, to the south and south-east of the Station, where there are streets, or somewhat that looks like terrasses.’

‘The best view of the walls, and the greatest variety, is between Walwick and House-steads.’

‘From this Station there seems to have gone a military way to Little Chesters, some faint vestiges of which I thought I observed, but was not certain. As such a military way might be of service for marching forces from one of these Stations to the other, so it might also be further useful, for a more convenient passage from House-steads to Carr-Voran, or to any other Stations along the wall more westerly. Near to this way, and to that part of House-steads where a temple is supposed to have stood, are some old wrought quarries, now grown over with grass.’

‘The distance between Little Chesters and House-steads is about a mile and three quarters, and the distance between House-steads and that part of the wall which is directly opposite to Little Chesters is about a mile and three furlongs; and in this space there are two visible Castella, the interval between which seems to be just about six furlongs. This is the least interval between any two Castella upon the whole track of the wall; the reason of which may be the distance of the Station at Little Chesters from the wall.’

The headless effigies of the Deae Matres remain on the spot (they are said to be the tutelary Deities of the Forest of Lowes); are represented attired in a short robe to the knee, each holding something circular between their hands; supposed to be the work of the Thracian or Syrian Auxiliaries; and are of rude and ill-proportioned sculpture. Mr Wallis says, on Chapel Hill, a place not far distant, the Romans had a temple on the eminence, where fragments of Doric capitals were found not many years ago, one consisting of two torusses plain, and many broken columns.
[*]

The next remarkable place we arrived at was

Notes

*

Mr Horsley's work contains the following Inscriptions and Sculptures found at this Station.

XXXVI. Jovi Optimo Maximo et Numinibus Augusti Cohors Prima Tungrorum militum cui praeest Quintus Virius Superstes Praefectus.

This and the following altars were dug up at a place now called the Chapel Hill, supposed to be the ruins of a considerable temple. The inscriptions were, not long after the discovery of them, published in the Philosophical Transactions, by Dr Hunter, by Mr Warburton, and lately again by Mr Gordon: they are also in Camden's Britannia. The unusual shape of the I in the capital is remarkable: the Tungri mentioned in this and the following inscriptions, were a people of Belgic Gaul. The next thing which deserves consideration is, what we are to understand by Numina Augusti in this and other inscriptions, where those words occur: Writers are not agreed as to this, and probably it has not always the same meaning: here and in some other instances, it should seem, as if those Deities were meant, to which the Emperor was peculiarly devoted; and that they who erected the altars, complimented the Emperor, by paying honour and professing their devotion to the same Deities. We find several inscriptions in Gruter, that are consecrated Numinibus Augusti, and one like this I. O. M. et Numinibus Augusti: and that addresses were made to the Gods in behalf of the Emperors, notwithstanding they were often complimented as Deities themselves, is likewise evident from many of their coins, on which we have Jovi, Apollini, Marti, Mercurio, consevatori Augusti, with several others of a like nature: however some have thought, that if this interpretation should be admitted, Jupiter Optimus Maximus would be excluded from the number of the Emperors Deities; but in answer to this it may be said, that either the words may be so understood as if it had been expressed, Jovi Optimo Maximo et (ceteris) Numinibus Augusti, or else that Jupiter is by way of eminency, distinguished from the Lares or tutelar Gods of the Emperor, which were often many in number, and made up partly of deceased persons, as well as other fictitious Deities. So Flavius Vopiscus, in his life of Aurelius, speaking of his going into the temple of Heliogabalus, says, ‘There he found that image of the Deity which he saw favouring him in the war:’ and Julius Capitolinus, in the life of Aurelius, addressed to the Emperor Dioclesian, says, ‘The statues of Marcus Antoninus are to this day set up in many houses among the family Deities;’ and soon after, ‘He is to this time esteemed a God, as you always thought, and do think, most sacred Emperor Dioclesian, who worship him among your Deities, not as the rest, but in a peculiar manner.’ But in some other inscriptions the word Numina, in the plural, is applied to a particular Deity; so we have Numina Dianae in Horace, and in Virgil, Numina Phoebi; and what comes nearer to our purpose, the same poet, when speaking of Augustus himself, and by his sordid flattery ranking him among the Gods; but uncertain where to place him, uses these words:

Au Deus immensi venias maris, actua nautae

Numina sola colant.

On the other hand, Numen in the singular is sometimes joined to a plurality of Deities, as in Virgil: ‘Non haec sine Numine deorum eveniunt.’

XXXVII. Jovi Optimo Maximo et Numinibus Augusti, Cohors Prima Tungrorum cui praeest Quintus Julius Maximus Praefectus.

It is plain by the tenor of this inscription, the I. O. M. Jovi Optimo Maximo, was placed in the capital, as well as it appears to be in that of the former, though nothing of this nature appears in any of the copies which have been published before; but upon a close view of the original, I plainly discovered the I. but could not perceive neither O. nor M. This however inclines me to charge this defect rather on time and the weather, than upon the workmen; but without these letters, it is evident that the sense of the inscription is not compleat, the ET with which it beg as on the plane of the altar, necessarily supposing somewhat on the capital. On one side of this altar is a Praefericulum, and on the other a Patera, each included in a waved ornament. I dare not venture positively to say, these inscriptions are as old as Antoninus Pius, though I know of no other in this form but these here at House-steads, and one upon the altar at Benwell, which last expressly mentions this Emperor; nor do I think, that any objection, against this antiquity of them, can be taken from the cut of the letters, or the numeral stroke above the I, which have nothing in them that favours the lower times: I only add, that some gentlemen choose to read these inscriptions Cohortis Primae Tungrorum Milites.

XXXVIII.

This is a large and very fine altar, but the inscription entirely gone: I have given a representation of one side of it, because the Patera and ornaments about it seemed to be singular: perhaps the circle and cross line at the bottom, may represent the place of the Patera in the temple. Mr Gordon says, there were five or six altars within the ruins of this temple. I saw no more here but the two preceding; the rest which that gentleman describes, with a good many more sculptures and altars lying at the bottom of a field, south-east of the Station, in which field remain the visible ruins of streets and buildings

XXXIX. Jovi Optimo Maximo, et Numinibus Augusti. Cohors Prima Tungrorum cui praeest Quintus Ju•s Maximus Praef•ctus

Th•s w•th the nine follow•ng inscriptions and sculptures, were lying, as I said before, at the foot of the field where the Roman town stood, and most of them were also erected by the same Cohort of the Tungrians, and this in particular, when under the same Praefect, or at least one of the same name as No. 37, Quintus Julius Maximus. The letters I. O. M at the top were obscure, and have been overlooked by Mr Gordon. The VS in the fifth line were visible enough, and no doubt are the last letters in the word Maximus; and probably the word Praefect• has followed, but this is effaced The letters are not so large, or so well cut as in the •o••er inscriptions.

XL. Deo Ma•i• Quintus Flav•s Maternus Praefectus Cohortis Primae Tungrorum votum so •ens merito

This is erected to the God 〈◊〉, by Quintus Florius Matermus, Praefect of the same Cohort. The globe on the base of the altar is remarkable, and the letter A is without a transverse. The inscription is well cut, and has nothing of the lower Empire in it.

XLI. Herculi Cohors Prima Tungrorum Militum cui praeest Publius Aelius Modestus Praefectus.

Probably this may be later than the former; it is dedicated to Hercules, by the same Cohort, under a new Commander, Publius Aelius Modestus. Nothing more is remarkable in it.

XLII. Matribus. Cohors Prima Tungrorum.

This is to the Deae Matres. The name of the Cohort is very plain and distinct, and part of the word Matribus, but the rest is obliterated, only half of a V appears in the under line, which I take to be the V in the last syllable of Tungrorum: but the Commander's name, if it ever has been mentioned, is not now visible. These Matres are supposed to have been local Deities, and worshipped at this place.

XLIII. Jovi Optimo Maximo, and at the bottom, Praefectus.

This is another fine altar here, erected to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, and I believe by the same Cohort; though the names both of the Commander and Cohort are now destroyed by the weather, and only part of the word Praefectus left visible upon the plane of the stone. I cannot find that this altar has been published before.

Mr Warburton has given us a funeral inscription at this place, in his Map of Northumberland, which I could no where meet with upon the strictest enquiry. According to his representation, it is thus:

DM

HVRMIO

LE. VBASNI

MIL CoH I

TVNGROR

BE PRAEF

CAPURIS

HER. E. C.

This copy is without doubt incorrect, though the main design is obvious enough. The same Cohort of the Tungrians is plainly mentioned, and enough beside to shew, that it was now under a different Commander, from any of those whose names occur in the former inscriptions. I imagine we must read it, D•s manibus Hurmio Leubasinus miles Cohortis Primae Tungrorum cui praeest (perhaps Capurnus or Capurnius) haeredes secerunt. It is plain that this may justly be reckoned among the inscriptions, in which the name of this Cohort distinctly appears, under five different Commanders, besides two or three more which are doubtful, by reason of their being defaced. These inscriptions strongly prove this place to be Borcovius, the station upon the wall where, according to the Notitia, this Cohort was in garrison.

XLIV. Centurio Legionis Sextae Victricis Piae Fidelis votum solvit libentissime merito.

This inscription is upon a piece of an altar, the upper part being broken off and lost. It has been published in the Philos Transactions by Dr Hunter, and more lately by Mr Gordon. But in both, the remains of two imperfect letters in the break at the top are neglected: and yet I take these to be material, because the last is plainly the half of an inverted C, the usual mark of a Century or Centurion. But the name of this Centurion of the 6th Legion, and the God to whom the altar was dedicated, are gone. The inscription, as to that part of the form of it, may be compared to the altars and inscriptions upon them at Benwell. I read LL libentissime, because it is supported by the best authorities, and seems also the most easy and natural. Some chuse to read Libens Lubens, as the words occur at length in some inscriptions; and others read Libens Laetus, from the expression of Cloanthus in his vow.

Di, quibus imperium pelagi, quorum aequora curro,

Vobis Laetus ego hoc candentem in littore Taurum,

Constituam ante aras voti reus.

But I keep to the usual reading. Sometimes we have MM, which must be read Meritissimo.

XLV.

At this place also are several curious sculptures, most of which are described by Mr Gordon, and in the main very justly. But the account we have of them in Camden's Britannia, seems to me not so exact. For what is there called a Mercury, is plainly a Victory. And we are told of the statues of Jupiter, Bacchus, and a Flamen, which by all I can possibly discern, are only the figures of two Roman soldiers, and three female figures, supposed to be the Deae Matres or Campestres. The first is a Victory standing upon a globe on the right foot, the left being cast behind in the attitude of alighting, or of taking flight. On her head is a cap of a Conic figure; she is naked to the waist, from a girdle a vest hangs in plaits to near the knee, and from thence a flowing robe, open before, which shews the right leg: the arms are broken off by the wrists: the wings are half elevated. The sculpture is good, in alto relievo, and the figure is placed in a nich.

XLVI.

This is also in alto relie•o, being the figure of a Roman soldier at length, in the usual military dress; his bow in his left resting one end on the ground, and his poinard in his right; his sword hung by his side at his girdle, and his quiver with arrows behind his right shoulder. This figure also stands within a n•ch.

XLVII.

This is the figure of another soldier in his accoutrements, but somewhat imperfect His two belts are vis••le, crossing each other agreeable to the description of Ajax's armour in Homer. The broader belt over the right shoulder must have been that of the shield, as we learn from the same poet.

XLVIII.

These are three female figures seated. The draught given by Mr Horsley, he says, was taken from the originals. They are naked to the waist, and their legs naked up to the knees, and therefore (he says) I know not the reason why Mr Gordon, who published them before, has drawn them with their legs covered down to the ancles. The figures have lost their heads. These are not improbably supposed to be local Goddesses, or the Deae Matres or Campestres. We have three female figures represented together at two other places in this Roman Station, which I shall describe in their order. The vessels which these three have in their hands, appear not unlike the Colathus or Modius, on the heads of Sorapis and Fortune, and oft upon the heads of the Roman Emperors; which may favour the opinion of their being the Deae Campestres, who in these parts had the care of corn and country affairs, and were supposed to give plenty. Whether these vessels be of that sort, or whether they represent those in which the sortes or lo•s were cast, (which also might be a proper attribute of the Deae Matres) and whether there being three in number has any relation to the number of the Parcae, I shall leave to others to explain. Perhaps their savage dress may have some reference to that madness which was always ascribed to the Matres, or ancient Prophetesses.

XLIX.

About a furlong or less to the east, near the side of a brook, and close to a hedge, are three other female figures, seated, each in a separate chair. Mr Gordon takes notice of two only, but a third was also lying near the others, covered with grass and bushes. The heads and hands are broken off from all the three, and the drapery is somewhat different in all of them. They are intended to be represented as sitting. The first in the plate is naked to the waist, her vest makes several folds above the knee, and falls about half way down to her ancles; the rest of the legs covered with a kind of stockings. The second is naked to the waist, the garment also forms many folds about the knees, and falls about half way down the legs, which are naked to the feet. The chair in which this figure is placed, has two side feet and a center foot, round which a cord is twisted, passing thrice round each leg, as binding the figure to the chair. The third figure has its vest up so as to conceal the breasts, the robe descends a little below the knees, from whence the lower parts of the legs are naked. Mr Ward subjoins, ‘I am inclined to think these six figures were originally placed in some temple, built in the Roman town adjoining to this Station, together with the three following, whom I do not take to be Deities, but rather Priestesses, two of which hold some sort of vessel in their right hands, as a symbol of their office. The difference of their habit seems to favour this opinion, likewise that of their posture; for they are standing, which is the posture of attendants, but the others sit, which was always esteemed a posture of Majesty.’

At this place there lies a broken altar of the largest size, but no visible letters upon it.

L.

In the Station itself, and against a hedge, were three other female figures, but standing, which are published likewise by Mr Gordon. The Sea Goat and two fishes above, must probably have some reference to Britain's being an island. The Sea Goat occurs in some other sculptures found in the north.

The vessels which these hold in their hands, do not appear like the Patera. They may possibly be intended for Vases of the same sort with those in the hands of the three sitting, only in another position. If they are vessels into which the Sortes were put, these figures may represent the action of throwing them out. It may not be amiss to observe here, that Virgil in the Prophecy of Helenus, uses the expression sortiri fata for the decrees of heaven.

"Sic fata deum Rex

"Sortitur."

In the sculpture inscribed Deabus Mairabus in Montsaucon, the Goddesses are represented standing, in an attitude not very unlike these. The middle figure there holds fruit, either in a vessel or in the folding of her garment; the figure on the right hand holds a vessel he calls a Patera, and she on the left holds a branch downwards. That great Antiquary observes, that the Ancients usually made three of those Goddesses that were worshipped in the plural number, whether good or bad; as the Gorgons, the Graeae, the daughters of Phorcus; as also the Parcae, the Sirenes, the Harpyies, the Hesperides, the Stymphalides, the Graces, nay even the Sibyls, and the Muses according to the most ancient authors.

LI.

Mr Gordon, when upon the spot with Baron Clark, dog up from the ruins of the Roman town here, a small statue of a soldier in the Roman military habit, holding a spear in his right hand, and resting with his left upon a shield. This is now in the Baron's collection.

There are also in the same honourable person's collection, two other small altars found here; but as they have no inscriptions, or any thing remarkable about them, I have not given the draughts.

Besides all these, there are likewise several other pieces of sculptures, altars, pedestals, and pillars scattered here and there; and one piece of a fine channelled pillar lying in the midst of the Station. There may be two or three other Stations in Britain (as Burdoswald, Elenborough, and Lanchester) that exceed this in number of inscriptions; but none I think equal it, as to the extent of the ruins of the town, or the number, variety, and curiosity of the sculptures which yet remain here.

There is one inscription more which belongs to this place, that was published in the Transactions by Dr Hunter, several years ago. The Doctor says the stone lay against a hedge, at about a quarter of a m•le distance. I myself saw a stone in a hedge, which I believe to have had a sepulchral inscription upon it, and at nearly this distance; but there was not one letter visible upon it. The inscription was imperfect when the Doctor saw it, who gave it thus:

NI VENORI

G OFERSIONIS

ROMVLO ALIMAHI

MANSVETIO SINICIONI

REVINCE QVARTIONIS

ERESI PROCVRAVIT DELF

VS RAVTIONIS EX. G. S.

—ni Venotrionis (filio)

—g— Osersionis

Romulo Alimabionis

Mansuatio Senecionis

Revincio Quartionis

Erigi Procuravit Delfius

Rautionis ex gratia sua.

I imagine th• to have been a sepulchral monument erected for several persons, whose fathers 〈◊〉 ended 〈…〉 as well perhaps as some of their own. I am apt to think these remaining I •spand• have been read as above. Mr Ward disliking the expression ex Gratia sua, chooses 〈…〉 Germ• a S•peri••.

Dr S• had the 〈…〉 suppose of the common sepulchral kindly which he saw at this 〈…〉 to be found.

↵

SHEWING-SHEELS,

between the military road and the wall, near the 28th mile-stone; the remains of a Roman Station, about sixty yards square, which Camden concludes was Hunnum, where the Notitia places the wing Sabiniani. Mr Horsley thinks it belonged to Hadrian's Vallum, and became useless, when Severus's wall was built.

We advanced to

CARRAW-BROUGH,

near the 25th mile-stone, the Roman Station Procolitia, garrisoned by the first Cohort of the Batavians. Severus's military way appears to enter the east gate of the fort, and go out at the west. A great part of the rampart here still continues very entire, especially on the east side; and Severus's wall, which forms the north rampart, is in good preservation. The ditch is most visible on the west. Here it may plainly be seen, that the corners of the forts were not strictly angular, but turned off in a quarter of a circle.

According to Mr Horsley, the buildings without this fort have been chiefly on the west side, where, some years ago, a well was discovered with a good spring: the receptacle for the water is about seven feet square within, and built on all sides with hewn stone: it is now almost filled up with rubbish. There had also been a wall about it, or a house built over it.

From this fort to the village of Carraw, Hadrian's Vallum and ditch are not very conspicuous; but Severus's wall is very visible, though the ditch is obscure. About half a mile south-west from Carraw, upon a high ground, is a square fort, now called Broom-dykes: it is as large as the fort of Carraw-brough, and probably has been for exploration, or for the Aestiva of this fort About half-way between Carraw and Thropfell-house, there seems to be some vestiges of the smaller military way, supposed to have gone close by Severus's wall, from turret to turret.

For about a mile the walls keep near to each other, and for that space are themselves and all their members very large and conspicuous; several of the regular stones appear in Severus's wall, and the united military way is very noble. After this the walls part, and take different courses. The north Agger of Hadrian's fortification, continues after the separation large and high; is mixed with stones, though no regular pavement appears: whereas Severus's military way, after this parting, appears little raised, but regularly paved. Hadrian's Vallum keeps the low ground all the way, whilst Severus's runs along the brink of the precipices, which in some places seem to have been made steeper by art, in order to render them more inaccessable. For this reason Severus's wall is for this space very crooked, whilst Hadrian's in the main is pretty straight. They have made no ditch to Severus's work, when they had the advantage of a precipice; nor was there the least occasion: but in these intervals between the rocks, they have often drawn a ditch, and in these places usually erected their Castella.

After their separation, Severus's military way accompanies the wall pretty closely, and is generally, for the whole space that the walls continue so far parted, visible and distinct; yet the way does not follow every smaller winding of the wall, upon the tops of the precipices, but generally takes a shorter course, and passes along the slope of the hill, from Castellum to Castellum, in the shortest and most convenient line that it can: this is very remarkable at the first great turn of the wall, after it enters upon the precipices. The wall itself is almost all this way visible, in an eminent degree, and sometimes it only wants the battlements, as near Busy Gap, which is an aperture or pass between the hills so called, where there is an opportunity of crossing the wall on horseback. Thus it passes by Shewing-sheels Houses, leaving Shewing-sheels Castle on the north. Mr Horsley further observes, that this Castle, or something else near it, is called a square Roman Castle, in the new edition of Camden; and Camden himself thought this was the Station of Hunnum: but he says, he saw nothing that was Roman about it. The Castle itself, (in ruins) and the Moats about it, are undoubtedly of a much later date. And he adds, I observed several trenches thereabouts, particularly a large and long one, which reaches from Busy Gap cross the passes between the mountains. But these are all on the north side of the wall, and must certainly have been made in later times, for securing the neighbouring passes. Probably they are no older than the times of our famous Moss Troopers, who might conveniently shelter themselves among these hideous mountains and mosses. The height of one of these rocks is near forty yards perpendicular;[*] but in other parts they are considerably higher. As such steep rocks are a sufficient fence of themselves, the wall has not in these parts had either strength or thickness, equal to what it has had in others. The remains here are not so considerable, though it seems very improbable that any of the stones, especially in some places, could have been removed. In the hollows between the rocks, besides the addition of the ditch and a Castellum here and there, the wall itself seems to have been stronger and thicker. Where there is a small break of the precipice inward, the wall forms an internal angle, fetching a compass. In other cases, it passes directly from one rock to another, and then is usually continued down the side of the one, and up the side of the other, except where the descent is almost perpendicular, in which case it is only carried close to the side of the rock, beginning again at 〈◊〉; which was all that was needful or practicable.

The distance between House-steads and Carraw-brough is somewhat more than four miles and five furlongs. All the Castella between these two Stations are very visible, being five in number, but their distances are a little unequal. The two first intervals from Carraw-brough are just seven furlongs, but the next is only six. There is a turret near Busy Gap, the distance of which from the nearest Castellum is, I find, just one-fifth of the interval between that and the next Castellum.

An altar found here, and deposited in the Dean and Chapter's Library at Durham, has the following inscription:

FORTVNE

CoH. I. BATAVOR

CVI PRAEST

MELACCINVS

MARCELLVS PREF.

Fortunae Cohors Prima Batavorum cui praeest Melaccinus Marcellus Praefectus. This altar, dedicated to the Goddess Fortune, is most curious and valuable, because by mentioning the Cohors Prima Batavorum, it confirms the Station to be Procolitia. The altar is still entire, and the inscription easy enough to be read. Mr Horsley reads the Commander's name Melaccinus, as it had been read before: Dr Hunter reads it Marcus Flaccinus; but on a review, Mr Horsley still thought the second letter in the last line but one to be rather an E.[*] It is remarkable that this altar has no focus.

We searched for the sculpture, which Mr Wallis says was found at this Station, and is built up in a gable of the house at Car•aw: he describes it as a curious representation of Neptune with his trident. The stone on which this effigy is cut, is placed so high, that it is difficult to come near it; is almost square, about 16 inches on the longest side, and has so imperfect a resemblance of Neptune, that I should not have known what it was, had I not seen Mr Wallis's description.

We arrived at

Notes

*
Warburton, p. 58. Horsley's Brit. Rom
↵

*

In Mr Horsley's work we have the following sculpture and inscriptions:

XXXIII.

Mr Warburton, in his Map of Northumberland, gave a drawing of a curious altar and inscription, being a sepulchral stone, or an altar without any focus at the top, erected to the Dii Manes by Tranquilla Severa, for her and her's. The inscription is read thus. Dis Manibus dicatum Tranquila Severa, pro se et suis votum solvit Libens Merito. This is deposited in the Dean and Chapter's Library at Durham. The principal curiosity, in the form or manner of the letters, is the expression of the V and I together, like a Y; though it is only placing the V above the I, as is very evident, both from the original and the draught I have given of it; for in the fourth line there is a visible distance or separation between them, though it is not so in the second, which with some other small matters has been overlooked in the copies published before: the letters are strong and well cut, though involved and connected. The name Tranquila. I find in this and other inscriptions with a single L.

XXXIV.

This stone contains only a human figure, which Mr Gordon supposes to represent a man, but to me the face appeared rather to be a female: I took the stone to have been sepulchral, and the image may possibly have been the above-mentioned Tranquila Severa.

XXXV. Centuria Alexandri Posuit.

This is an inscription of the centurial sort, that has not been regarded before: it is upon a broken stone lying at the door of one of the houses at Carraw-brough.

↵

WALWICK:

the country through which we had passed from Walton to Carraw was dreary, and had not our minds been engaged with objects of antiquity, would have proved wearisome. In some parts we had distant prospects, various in their beauties, and rendered more striking by the barrenness over which we looked upon them. When we came within five miles of Chollerford, the vales of North and South Tyne opened upon us, and the scene was filled with all that pleasing variety which arises from cultivation, receiving additional beauties from the incidents of the season. Verdant meads, dotted or patched over, as it were, with the hay that stood in pikes, [*] mixed with rich fields of corn, some cut and others ready for the sickle, interspersed with woodlands and stately trees, formed the Landskip, where several gentlemen's seats, and well-built farmholds, were dispersed; the whole graced with the winding streams of Tyne:—the clay-built cottage, and naked-footed poverty, were no where in view.

In Walwick the Roman wall is in good preservation. From the seat of Thomas Dixon, Esq the prospect is filled with the most agreeable subjects:—to the left Houghton and Swinburn Castles are seen, with the villages of Hunshaw and Chollerton—the north branch of the Tyne, with a fine stone bridge of five arches at Chollerford, ornament the front ground—and to the right, a wide cultivated country, terminated by the town of Hexham.

The seat of Henry Tulip, Esq also commands a beautiful prospect over this valley.

The Inn at Chollerford tempted our stay; a spacious room built for the resort of the neighbouring gentlemen, afforded us a pleasing view upon the river; whilst excellent accommodations indulged us with that degree of satisfaction, which truly constitutes the traveller's ease.

We visited

Notes

*
The improvidence of the people in Northumberland touching their hay, is singular; it is put together in several heaps, or as they are called there, pikes, in the field where it is won, and stands in that form for many weeks before it is gathered into the mowe or stack; by which negligence much is wasted in the bottoms and outsides of the pikes.
↵

WALWICK CHESTERS,

situate near the elegant new-erected Mansion of John Errington, Esq— This was the Cilurnum of the Romans,[†] where, as some authors assert, the Cohors Prima Vangionum was stationed; but according to Mr Horsley it was garrisoned by the Ala Secunda Astorum. It is placed on an inclining plain, near the banks of North Tyne; the Vallum forms an oblong square with obtuse angles, in length from east to west 170 paces, and in width 130 paces. In Mr Warburton's plan it is set out as being 570 feet long, and 400 feet broad. The scite of the Praetorium, at the eastern end, is very distinguishable, with two entrances through the Vallum, answering to each side of the Praetorium and a road leading down to the river. The ground within the Vallum is crowded with the ruins of stone buildings, which appear to have stood in lineal directions, forming streets, two on the south side and two on the north, intersected in the middle by a cross street from north to south. On the south side without the Vallum and Foss, many ruins of buildings appear, and some on the north. I remember, on a tour in Cumberland, I found Caerleud, near Wigton, crowded with ruins.

This being the first Station in my tour where the direct appearance of regular streets was observed, I thought it the properest place to introduce the following remarks.

The Roman manner of encamping a large army, according to Polyhius, and other ancient writers, is thus represented.

Fig. 1. The Praetorium, a square plot, every side containing 200 feet, for the General's lodging and his train; the ground so chosen, as might be fittest both for prospect and direction.

Fig. 2. A street 50 feet broad, leading from the midst of the Praetorium to the gate fig. 3.

Fig. 4. A street directly opposite to the former, of the same breadth, leading from the Praetorium to the gate fig. 5, on the right hand of which street was lodged one Legion, with her Auxilia, and another on the left. Now from the Praetorium towards the gate 3, measuring out 150 feet, employed to uses hereafter specified, we are there to begin the lodging of the common soldiers.

Fig. 6. A row of lodgings for the horsemen of the first legion, divided into 10 partitions, according to the number of Turmae in Polybius's Legion, which consisted of 300 horse, and 4200 foot; the first Turma being quartered in the lodging nearest to the Praetorium, and the rest in order toward the gate 3. These lodgings lay lengthways, and open upon the street 2-2, each side being 100 feet; so that to one horseman they allowed a standing equal to a square, a little exceeding 18 feet every way. Next comes the lodgings of the Decem Ordines Triariorum, 10 lodgings for the 10 Ordines, or Manipuli Triariorum Primae Legionis, with their Centurions and under officers, joining back to back with the lodgings of the Equites, and opening into the street 8, 8, of 50 feet broad; Primus Pilus being quartered next to the Praetorium, and so in consequence towards the gate 3, where all the Decemi Ordines do lodge. Every one of these lodgings, in length 100 feet, in breadth 50 feet, lodged 60 Triarii, and a rateable part of the Velites, which, considering the proportion that one of the Ordines Triariorum bore to one of the Ordines Principium and Hastatorum, and the number of Velites in Polybius's Legion, falleth out to be 24 persons: according to which reckoning, to one footman they allowed a standing equal to a square somewhat more than eight feet every way.

On the other side of the street 8, 8, the lodgings of the Decem Ordines Principium Primae Legionis, and at their backs the lodgings of the Decem Ordines Hastatorum, opening, the one into the street 8, 8, and the other into the street 9, 9, being also 50 feet broad. Each of these 20 lodgings was square, every side containing 100 feet, and lodged 120 Sui Ordinis, and 48 Velites, beside, proportionably, as in Tabernaculis Triariorum, there was for half as many men half as much ground.

On the other side of the street 9, 9, are the lodgings of the Auxiliares Equites in Dextro Cornu, and at their backs the lodgings of the Auxiliares Pedites in Dextro Cornu, the horse opening into the street 9, 9, the foot into the void place between the lodgings and the trenches, of which further notice will be taken. Now the Equites Auxiliares of a Legion (the extraordinary band being deducted) amounting, according to Polybius, to 400 horse, allowing to 300 legionary horse, 10 lodgings of 100 feet every way; we are to allow to these, following the same proportion, 10 lodgings, each 100 feet in length, and 150 in breadth, to quarter the one as conveniently as the other. Likewise the footmen, after the deduction of the extraordinary band, being 3360, that is 336 persons for every lodging.

Upon the left hand of the street 2-2, are the lodgings of the second Legion, with her Auxilia, in the same proportion and order in all points with the first; and so we have the breadth of the camp, from the utmost auxiliary footmen of the one legion, to the like of the other, 1650 feet, or 330 paces, accounting five feet for a pace.

AA The Via Quintana, 50 feet broad, passing from side to side through the whole breadth of the lodgings; so named á Quintis Ordinibus, which quarter all upon it. In this street, as being in the middle of the soldiers quarters, and therefore the best adapted to that purpose, was holden a market Forum rerum utensilium.

BB Of the space of 150 feet between the soldiers quarters and the Praetorium, 100 feet was employed in the Via Principalis; especial care was taken to beautify this street and keep it clean, as being the usual place of resort for the soldiers in the day-time. In the other 50 feet toward the Praetorium, was a row of lodgings opening upon Via Principalis, each lodging bearing every way 50 feet, for the 12 Tribuni and 12 Praefecti Socio•um, their train horses and carriages. 6, 6, 6, 6, 6, 6, are the lodgings of the six Tribunes of the first Legion, the first lodging answering directly to the legionary horsemen's quarter, and the last to the street 9, 9, with passages 30 feet wide between each. c, c, c, c, c, c, are the lodgings of the Praefecti, answering exactly to the breadth of the Auxiliary-quarter, with a void space of 50 feet between the third and fourth tent: and so on the other side for those of the other Legion.

D, D, A cross street 100 feet broad before the Praetorium, where I presume was held the watch mentioned by Polybius.

e, e, e, e, Here were lodged the Extraordinarii Equites and Extraordinarii Pedites, the plot was 150 feet by 450 feet, answering the Quaestorium and part of the Praetorium for the extraordinary band of the Auxilia Primae Legionis, consisting of 200 horse and 840 foot, the footmen quartered toward the trenches, and the horse toward the street: and so on the other side for the other Legion.

f, f, f, f, A plot of the same length, and in breadth 350 feet, for the foreign Aids, such as by occasion came in.

G, G A plot 200 feet by 350 feet, where the Selecti ac Voluntarii Equites & Pedites were quartered, being chosen men of the extraordinary band of the Auxilia Primae Legionis: the foot quartered toward the trenches, the horse toward the Praetorium: and so on the other side for the other Legion. There was a reserve therein for Voluntary-men, who from kindred or friendship, or on other respects attended the General. These Selecti and Voluntarii did not only, saith Polybius, quarter near the General, but also in marching, and all other times of service, were continually attendant upon the General and the Quaestor, in the nature of a Cohors Praetoria.

H The Quaestorium, a plot 200 feet by 375 feet, for the Quaestor and his train, with their treasure and provision; for the Pioneers, Carpenters, Smiths, Armourers, &c. with their tools and officers. There was also the Auguraculum, and peradventure the public prison.

I The Forum, a plot equal in dimensions to the Quaestorium. This was the place of all public assemblies, and the tribunal, with the seat of estate. Here were probably those seats of which Josephus makes mention, on which the Tribunes and Centurions sat in judgment, to decide the controversies happening between the soldiers. Here were placed the eagles and ensigns of the Legions, with the bearers Aquiliferi and Signiferi, certain images of the Gods, and in later times, of the Prince and his children, and sometimes of his great favourites. Tacitus, describing a solemn assembly in that place, says, Inde, Eques, hinc agmina Legionum stetere fulgentibus aquilis; signisque & simulacris Deúm in modum Templi. Medio Tribunal sedem curulem, & sedes effigiem Neronis sustinebat—the Eagles were placed in little chapels. Dio. lib. 4. says, ‘In all the Roman armies there is a little chapel, and in it a golden eagle doth stand.’ The ensigns were placed sub dio, as indeed being certain long spears covered with silver, with the Prince's image hanging upon them, they could hardly be placed under a tent.

K, K, K A void space 200 feet broad, between the lodgings and the trench, calculated for the easy issuing of the troops, and to prevent the enemy throwing fire upon the quarters: also used for lodging the cattle.

L The Vallum, in the summer camps composed of earth, defended by a palisado of large stakes bound together: these were carried by the common soldiers (usque ad septenos Vallos) says Livy. In the Vallum were contrived platforms like turrets, where the engines were placed, the Balistae and Catapultae.—Without the Vallum was a ditch six feet in depth at least.

There were four gates in the camp—the Porta Praetoria, the chief gate, placed opposite to the enemy; the back-gate, opposite to the former, placed for the convenience of water and forage—the other sides had each a gate opening to the Via Principalis.

This camp was calculated for two of Polybius's ordinary Legions, with their Auxilia, which was the ordinary army of one Consul.

The General Officer over the camp was named Praefectus Castrorum, who ordered the staking out the camp, its being kept regular and clean, to order the trenches and ditch, and to quarter the soldiers.—To keep in order the Smith, Carpenter, Engineers, and Artificers, was an Officer named Praefectus Fabrûm.

The ruins which appear at Walwick camp, must necessarily induce an enquiry from the traveller, in the first place, what number of men were stationed there.—By every monument remaining to us, one single Cohort only appears to have held each of these Stations on the wall.[*]— Stations defended by a stone-built Vallum, were the permanent ones, and winter quarters: the encampments in summer were defended by a rampier of turf, with a palisado, (of which, as I mentioned before, I presume, the Corona Vallaris was a pattern, composed of pointed stakes) and an outward ditch. Few, if any remains are left us of such, to ascertain their situation or magnitude. In a square of 170 paces by 130, there appears room sufficient for a Cohort, when lodged in tents or hovels of wood: but when in that square, you have allotted room for the Praetorium, with the apartments of the chief officers, what kind of tenements of mason-work must there be erected in streets, which should contain that number of people, with their accoutrements, wives, families, and household stuff?—I should conceive, the excellent discipline of the Roman army would not admit the women within the wall of the camp, except only in time of imminent peril; but that they were lodged in the suburbs.— The enquiry naturally brings on this result, that those edifices whose remains now appear in some of the Roman Stations, (for they are not in all) are of more modern date, were built (after the Romans forsook this island) by the Britons, or their Saxon allies, and arose in that Aera in which the appellation of Caer or City was given to many of them. The Britons, in their dispirited situation on the final retreat of the Romans, would necessarily resort to those barriers and strongholds, which the Romans had filled. I am induced to believe, that no castle of any considerable magnitude was erected by the Romans in this country: the Castellum or Turret on the walls, was not worthy the appellation of Castle; being, as I before observed, most probably no more than a tower to guard the gate; or no better than a mere bastion to command the Vallum. Our castles, of which such noble remains appear at this day, are of much more modern date, and derived from the Saxon and Norman visiters. The strongest fortifications of the ancient Britons, were formed of piles of loose stones, heaped to a ridge, and reduced into a circle, or a square. Such a Vallum was difficult to be surmounted by assailants. The Vallum of the Roman permanent Station, was built of hewn stone, inside and out: those which I have seen most perfect (among which Lanchester, in the county of Durham, is one) were formed of stones about 16 inches long, and 10 inches deep, of rough ashler-work: the outside of the wall was perpendicular, and might, in its original strength, be 14 or 15 feet high, and eight feet thick at the foot, but thining or decreasing on the inside towards the top, by steps and gradations at the distance of about 16 inches, and the summit covered with a broad flat cape, having a parapet or palisado in front. Lanchester has four of those steps or gradations now remaining. The interstice between the inward and outward casing of ashler-work, was filled with flat stones, in an inclining position, run full of lime mixed with small pebbles and rough gravel; so that the cement is more impenetrable than the stone itself: the angles were obtuse, to suit the superstructure of an exploratory turret; or to give greater power to the garrison, upon an assault in annoying the enemy on their flanks. The gradations allowed them not only a power of ascending the wall readily, but of lining it several ranks deep; those at the top were at liberty to manage their several weapons and engines; those below to use the bow; and the soldiers engaged during an assault, were easily relieved when fatigued or wounded.

Some of the Stations had an entrance on each side, defended by a gate; but whether with a tower or not, it is difficult to ascertain, tho' it may reasonably be conjectured.

I apprehend a Roman Station in Britain, when in the occupation of its proper people, would greatly resemble the following imaginary drawing.

At Walwick Chesters, Severus's wall falls in upon the middle of the camp, on the east and west sides; and Hadrian's Vallum falls in with the south side of it: Severus's wall and ditch being never continued through a Station, are here, as in all the like cases, supplied by the north rampart and ditch of the fort; and they are both very conspicuous.

From this Station, a military way [*] has gone directly west, by Little Chesters to Carr-Voran; it is very visible for the greatest part of the way, and paved with large stones. In its eastern course, it seems to have passed through this Station, and crossed the river North Tyne, just below it, by a bridge; and at the distance of three miles and a half from thence, falls in with the great Ermin-street way, (by the country people called Watling-street) in its course between the south and north parts of Britain; which military way crosses, and soon after coincides with another Roman way, called the Devil's Causeway, which enters into Scotland near to Berwick upon Tweed. Mr Warburton says, in his opinion this is (though contrary to the sentiments both of Mr Horsley and Mr Gordon) the true course of the Roman road, called the Maiden Way; which they supposed to have terminated at Carr-Voran, or to have entered Scotland by a shorter direction.

From Walwick Chesters to the village of Walwick, Severus's wall and ditch are very observable; but Hadrian's Vallum, with what belongs to it, is more obscure. From hence, all the way to Carraw-brough, both the walls and their ditches are very conspicuous; and for most part of the way, several regular courses of the original facing stone, are to be seen in Severus's wall: the two works keep pretty close together, and nearly parallel one to the other: the military way is within a chain or two of the wall. Taking all the works together, they are no where in the whole tract, more conspicuous and magnificent than they are here, at least for so long a space.

Near Towertay, there are five or six regular courses of the facing stones of the wall: and a little west from thence, are large remains of a Castellum, detached about a yard from the wall, the reason of which is not very obvious.

There are, for a small space, heaps of rubbish laying on the north side of Hadrian's ditch, at a place where the ditch passes through some rocks; which looks as if stones had been wrought there for the use of the wall. There are also in this part of the north Agger, several breaks, as if they had been made for the passage of carriages; which I also observed in other parts: none such are observable in those places where the military ways are united. And both the rubbish upon the north Agger, and the breaches in it, are where Severus's military way leaves it, to go off to a Castellum.

The distance between Walwick Chesters and Carraw-brough Fort, is almost three measured miles and a quarter; and in this space there are three visible Castella. The fourth has either been very near the Station at Carraw-brough, or just fallen in with it.

We passed down to

Notes

†
Camden cal
••
it Gallana.

↵

*
1 Manipuli made 2 Centuries or Ordines; 3 Manipuli, 1 Cohort; 10 Cohorts, 1 Legion; Legio Romuli, 3000; Legio Plutarchi, 6000; Legio Freestate, 4000; Legio War with Hanibal, 5000; Legio Polybii, 4200.
↵

*
Horsley's Brit. Rom. 144. Warburton's Val. Rom. 51.
↵

WALWICK-GRANGE,

the former residence of the Errington family. The situation of the house is romantic and retired.[*]

Here we found a monumental stone,

having the figure of a woman to the waist, surrounded with a wreath; the inscription totally obliterated, from its laying as a bridge-stone over a water-drain, for the passage of cattle to the stable—it is represented in the plate. The inscription was communicated to me by Mr Collier of Newcastle, and by him extracted from a manuscript at Mr Errington's.[†] The next plate is the sculpture described by Mr Wallis,

as an altar, with a female Deity, supposed by him to be Cybele; adjoining to which is the figure of a Lion, raising the head of a man who lays prostrate — the drawing is taken with accuracy. This, with the others at the Grange, appear to be merely monumental; and we were informed they were found to the east of the camp, not far distant from the Vallum. The sculpture, I apprehend, was dedicated to the manes of some deceased personage of note. The lion is boldly relieved; his left foot is placed upon the head of a human figure, naked to the waist, the hands cast forward in the position of one fallen. Separated from these, by a moulding, on the left hand of the stone, is a human figure robed to the feet, a spear resting on the left arm, a small altar at the right knee, and in the right hand what seems to be a blazing torch. The construction I put upon the whole, when I saw it, (though contrary to the conjectures of others) is, that it was erected to the memory of one who was slain in battle, and that the figure to the left was in the act of incensing and performing the rites and honours of the dead. The Romans on their monuments expressed particular nations or people by some animal; so the lion may denote some noble enemy. Scotch expeditions are by some authors said to be distinguished by the figure of a boar.[*] In the wall of the same barn in which the last described sculpture is now placed, is a monumental inscription, to which we could not pay so much attention as it required, to make it out, it being grown full of moss, and much obliterated; and indeed inscriptions of that class are in general of very little value. The following inscriptions are also in the same wall: ‘

- M—AVR—

- IANVAR—

- SEMERITVS

- COH. V

- CAECILI—

- PROCVL

- COH X

- MAEFLLF

- —VRSI

’

In a wall as we approached the house, is the effigy of a man on horseback, cut in relief, weilding a javelin or sword. Underneath

is a monumental inscription, defaced, beginning in the usual manner, D. M. The inscription as in the plate was transmitted to me by Mr Collier.[*]

At a little distance from the Grange, is the fragment of a cross, with a sheathed sword cut on it, as the token of a treaty of peace; but to what event it relates is not known.

Before I quit the Chesters, I must remark a Consular Medallion of Hadrian's found there, four inches in circumference, with the head in bold relief; the legend, Hadriano Aug. Caesari; with a lauriated border or civic garland on the reverse, and this legend, S. P. Q. R. Optimo Principi, S. C. [*] The Consuls entering on their office on the 1st of January, (a day sacred to Janus) it was observed with great solemnity, as preparatory to the felicity of the new year; and the Cusular coins were then minted.

Below the Chesters, the foundations of a bridge are apparent at low water, supposed to be of Roman construction; and it is said cramps of iron have been observed in the work.

We passed over Chollerford Bridge, in our way to Hexham. Walter Skirlaw, Bishop of Durham, in the 17th year of the reign of King Richard II. granted a release from penance for 13 days, to all such as should contribute by labour or money to the repairs of this bridge.[*]

As we approached Hexham, the prospect opened upon us in a beautiful manner; the cultivated vale was painted with all the happy assemblage of woods, meadows, and corn lands; through which flows the Tyne, (the northern and southern streams having united) forming upon the valley various broad canals by its winding course. At the conflux of the rivers lays the sweet retirement of NETHER-WARDEN, defended from the north-west by lofty eminences, and facing the vale towards the east, hallowed to the churchmen, as being the retirement of St John of Beverley, a Bishop of Hexham, in so distant an age as 685.—A little further, and opposite to Hexham, on an eminence, stands the church of ST JOHN LEE; beneath whose scite, the banks for near a mile, are laid out in agreeable walks, formed in a happy taste, appertaining to the mansion of the Jurin family; a modern building, seated at the foot of the descent, and fronting towards Hexham; having a rich lawn of meads between it and the river. This place is called the HERMITAGE; its situation favours the title, but from whom it was derived, is not known.[*] From thence the vale extends itself in Breadth, and is terminated with the town of Corbridge: the hills which arise gradually from the plain, on every hand are well cultivated, and own the seats of many distinguished families. Over this pleasing scene, Hexham, from an eminence, looks like a gracious Princess on the opulence of her dependants, rejoicing in their prosperity and peace.

Notes

*

- Anthony Errington, Esq 6 Edward VI.

- William — High Sheriff of Northumberland, 1739.

- John — now of Walwick Chesters.

Wallis.

↵

†

Mr Horsley reads this inscription thus:

XXIII. Dis manibus Ursae sorori Juliae conjugi Carrioni filio Furio Germano.

The figure on the top of the stone is, no doubt, one of the women deceased: the fourth line is reversed. The first letter in the last line is represented as it appeared upon washing the stone. It is plainly an F, though Mr Gordon has made VA of it, and VAVRIO of the name. This person was brother to the party who erected the monument, as is intimated by the word Germanus.

↵

*

Mr Horsley represents this monument somewhat different; he makes the Lion turning his face from the person on whose head he rests his foot, and the standing figure holds a key in his hand.—He gives the following thoughts upon it.

‘This is but a coarse, though I think a curious sculpture, which has never, as I know of, been published before. I first imagined it to have been sepulchral, as most of the other inscriptions and sculptures are, which belong to this place. But if it be the mother of the Gods, who is here represented, or any other principal Deity, the stone has probably been of a more public nature. There is a broken stone with an imperfect sculpture upon it at Corbridge, which I take to be of the same nature. The sculpture before us, represents a female seated, holding a key in her right hand, and I think a thyrsus or hasta in her left; and on the other part of the stone, a human figure lying along, and a lion with one of his paws gently raising up the head. The lion respects Cybele, the mother Goddess, and the thyrsus and hasta are her common symbols, and sometimes the key. And I am of opinion, that this is the figure of Cybele, the Syrian Goddess; for as Montfaucon observes, Dea Syria was one of the most celebrated names of Cybele; and she was so called, because much or chiefly worshipped in Syria. The symbols were the same, a towered head, Lions, a Tympanum, Thyrsus, &c. This sculpture then may very probably represent Cybele, for both the key and the thyrsus were her symbols, by one of which was represented the opening of the earth, and by the other the producing of wine. And as we have an altar at Little Chesters devoted to her, this may still render it more probable: and if it be Cybele who is here represented, the lion that is gently raising up the head of the human figure, may signify the revival of man, by the spring and produce of the earth, or by the wine and fruits it affords: the lion does not seem to be in a devouring posture, but rather guarding or cherishing. In the sculpture at Corbridge, the reviving figure has not been human, but some other animal; and the produce of the earth restores and cherishes both man and beast.’

↵

*

In Mr Horsley's work, this inscription is different to that given on the plate.

XXIV. Dis Manibus M. Suillus victor vixit annos.

The letters D. M. prove this also to be a sepulchral monument; and the figure shews that the deceased belonged to the horse, and therefore probably was one of the Ala Secunda Astorum, which in the low Empire kept garrison at Cilurnum, as the Notitia informs us. Suillus is among the Consular names. M. Suillus Rupes was Consul in the year 50. according to the Fasti C•nsulares It is therefore very probable, that this name may have been designed for Marcus Su•lus Victor The sword in the right hand of the image seems to be of the Dac•an form. In copying both these monuments, I was obliged in some things to differ from Mr Cordon's representation. They were found, as I was told, in a field called the Oxclose, between Walwick Grange and the Chesters.

Mr Horsley's work also contains the following inscriptions found here:

XXV. Jovi Optimo Maximo.

This is a fine altar, but the inscription, by being exposed to the weather, is so defaced, that only I. O. M at the top are legible; whereby it appears to have been dedicated to Jupiter Optimus Maximus.

XXVI. Dis Manibus sacrum. Fabiae Honoratae. Fabius Honoratus Tribunus Cohortis Primae Vangionum, et Aurelia Egleciane fecerunt; filiae Dulcissimae.

This altar was also at the same place, but is now deposited in the Durham Library. It has also been published before in Mr Warburton's Map of Northumberland. I take it to have been erected to the D• Manes by Fabius Honoratus and Aurelia Egleciane, the parents of Fabia Honoratae, deceased. I suppose the letter E is wanting at the beginning of the sixth line. Egle•ane has been of Grecian extract.

Three centurial stones imperfect. No. 27, 28, and 29.

XXX. Cohortis Sextae Centuria Deliviana.

This was in the face of the Roman wall, about a furlong west from Towerlaw, and near an exploratory turret. It is one of those which have been published in the Transactions by Dr Hunter.

XXXI. Cohortis Sextae Logus suavis posuit.

This is built up in the inner wall of the cottage at Towerlaw. I perceive that it must be the same which was published by Dr Hunter in the Transactions, being a small monument erected by the sixth Cohort in that Loco Suavi, as the Doctor reads and explains it, who observed to me also, the peculiarity of connecting the O and C together. I once suspected that it might be Laus Suavis: the original favours the other reading, but I rather incline to Mr Ward's opinion, that it is to be read Logus Suavis, both which names occur several times in Gruter. When the Doctor copied this, it was with the others in the face of the wall.

Dr Hunter has given more of these inscriptions, but Mr Horsley could not find the originals. Two of them are thus, according to his description: ‘

- COH X

- IVNRV

- COH VI

- • LIRE

- M. S.

’ These must have been erected by the Centuries or Centurions of the 6th and 10th Cohorts, though the names of them are not compleat, and therefore uncertain.

The Doctor has added two more, consisting each of a line: ELIVLIANI and • CVSINIO. I think there is no doubt but these also must have been the names of Centurions; the former is the genitive, and the latter is the nominative case, both which are usual. I suppose the first had the centurial mark prefixed to it, though then effaced, or else overlooked by the Doctor: and I think his name must have been Flavius Julianus.

↵

*
Senat. Popul
•
. Roman.—Cives Servator or Senatus Consulto.

↵

*

To all christian people to whom these presents shall come, Walter Bishop of Durham, Health in our Lord Everlasting.

Whereas the Bridge at Chollerford, as we hear, is decayed by the innudation of the waters, by which there used to be a frequent passage, and now wants repair: We therefore, confiding in the mercy of Almighty God, and the sufferings of his Holy Mother and all the Saints, do release unto all our parishioners, and those in our diocese where this indulgence shall be received, 13 days of their injoined penance, upon condition they lend a helping hand to the repairing of the said bridge, or contribute their pious charity thereto. These presents after three years nothing availing. Given at Chester the 8th Kal. of August, of our pontificate the 7th year.

Walter was translated from Bath to the See of Durham, 3d April, 1389.

↵

*

This was the estate of Dr James Jurin, a Physician of eminence in London, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. He was editor of Varenius's Geography, and author of many learned dissertations. He was Fellow of the College of Physicians, and of the Royal Society: is st•ed by Voltaire, in his Journal de Scavans, "the famous Jurin."

Wallis.

Mr Pennant says, St John of Beverley made the adjacent woods his retreat from the world; which gave name to the place.

A Tour to Scotland, part 2. p. 290.

From what authority this is asserted, I do not know: it seems to be supported by the name of Mr Jurin's House only.

↵

HEXHAM

is a place of great antiquity; Bede called it Hangustald; by the old English Saxons it was named Hextolderham; and some authors (particularly Camden) say it is the Axelodunum of the Romans, that name implying its high situation, by the application of the old British name Dunum, a hill, by Hextol, a little rivulet so called, which washes its western foot.[†]

Most of our Antiquaries believe the origin of Hexham to be derived from the Romans. Camden says the first Cohort of the Spaniards had their Station here; but Horsley contradicts Camden's name of Axelodunum, and conjectures it was Epiacum, placing the Cohors Prima Hispaniorum at Burgh, on Sands, in Cumberland.

In the reign of Egfrid King of Northumberland, A. D. 674, it was made an Episcopal See by St Wilfrid, then Archbishop of York, who through the enthusiastic fervour of Etheldrida,[*] Egfrid's Queen, which that skilful Ecclesiastic knew how to possess, the territory of Hexhamshire was granted to the church of St Andrew, which he had founded. The church was raised by workmen brought from Italy, and by Historians of that time, said to exceed in beauty and elegance every other edifice in the land.[†] They particularly praise the variety of the buildings, the columns, the ornamental carvings, the oratories, and the crypts. They dwell with great wonder on the richness of the covers for the altar, the gilding of the walls with gold and silver, and the fine library, collected at a great expence. Hexham having suffered much by the Danes, it is presumed no part of the ancient church remains at this day.

Many successive Bishops held this See.

Eata,[*] in the year 678, succeeded the founder as Bishop of Hexham.

Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury having taken displeasure at the insolence of Wilfrid of York, and possessing the moment of Egfrid's aversion to that Prelate, obtained the royal licence for dividing the kingdom of Northumberland into three dioceses, York, Lindisfarn, and Hexham; thereby dismembring Hexham of great part of its territories.

Eata soon afterwards being translated to Lindisfarn, was succeeded at Hexham by Tumbert, A. D. 680. This Bishop was deposed, by a Council held at Twiford, near the river Alne, A. D. 684; at which King Egfrid was present, with Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury, at whose instance this Convocation was held, for the intent of examining Tumbert's denial of his jurisdiction, as Provincial, over the churches.

St Cuthbert, a Monk of Lindisfarn, then an Anchorite on Farn Island, was elected to Hexham, and with great reluctance received the Episcopacy: he was translated to Lindisfarn, and Eata returned to Hexham.

John de Beverley [*] was the next Bishop of Hexham, and succeeded to that See A. D. 685, a Saxon of quality, born at Harpham, in Yorkshire, or Beverley, for authors disagree in the point. He was a scholar of St Hilda, Abbess of Whitby, and a student at Oxford, and was translated to York, A. D. 687.

St Wilfrid was taken from his retirement after his deposition from the See of York, and succeeded to Hexham on the translation of John of Beverley.

Acca,[*] his Chaplain, was successor to St Wilfrid, A. D. 709. He was greatly esteemed by Bede, who dedicated several of his works to him. His successors were,

- Fredbert, who was Bishop of Hexham 34 years.

- Alcmund, Bishop 13 years.

- Tilbert, Bishop 8 years.

- Ethelbert, Bishop 7 years.

- Eadfred, Bishop 3 years.

- Eanbert, Bishop 13 years.

Tydfrith [†] was the last, who during the ravages made by the Danes, died on his journey to Rome, in the year 821.—The bishoprick of Hexham, after a long vacancy, was united with Lindisfarn at Chesterle-street, in 883. It became afterwards parcel of the See of Durham,
Hu•hinson del Inscription in the Church at HEXHAM

when Lindisfarn was translated thither, and so remained till the reign of Henry the First, who in resentment of the conduct of Bishop Flamberd, dismembered it, and gave it to York.

Thomas [*] Archbishop of York, on his visit to Hexham, being moved with the desolation of the church, and the ruins of its ancient magnificence and splendour, together with the dreadful devastation which had laid in dust the munificent gifts and works of piety of so many learned and religious men, in the year 1112, constituted here a Prior and regular Canons of St Austin, and endowed the priory amply. The present edifice is to be attributed to this Archbishop, Hexham in the reign of Henry the First being given to the See of York. The architecture is mixed, of the Gothic and Saxon; in one part the narrow sharp windows appear, which began to be in use about that King's reign. The first Prior, Aschetill,[†] died March 17, 1130. He was made Prior on the resignation of Richard de Maton,[‡] Rector of this church. Robert Pisethe, second Prior, succeeded him in 1131.

As a testimony of the restoration and repair of this church, a curious inscription, on 12 square pieces of wood, (originally 14) unnoticed by most visiters, is represented in the annexed plate. I did not discover it on my first visit to Hexham in 1774. It is cut in wood, and intermixed with gilded ornaments in rose work, in a fillet of the great screen, which closes the entrance to the choir, (whereon is painted Death's Dance) and is thus read, Orate pro anima, Dni Thomae S..... Pater hujus Ecclesiae, Qui fecit hoc Opus. The Italicks supply the parts of the inscription now lost.[§]

Hexham having suffered great distress under an incursion of the Scots in the reign of Edward the First, A. D. 1296, when the priory and part of the cathedral were burnt; in the 25th year of that reign, (soon after this devastation) an inquisition was taken of the possessions of the church, dated at Newcastle on Tyne, July 7, 1297; in which the particulars of the revenue were set forth, too tedious to be inserted here, and of little consequence to the traveller.[*] The whole at the dissolution was valued at 122l. 11s. 6d. according to Dugdale, and 138l. 1s. 9d. as it is set forth in Speed. There were then 14 Religious in the abbey, Edward Tay, Prior.

This church possessed that ignominious privilege called Sanctuary, till taken away by Henry VIII. in 1534, on which the disqualifying statute fixes an everlasting stigma, by enacting, ‘that gross offenders against the laws, taking sanctuary at the altar, or any consecrated place, should be out of the protection of churches:’ implying, that such pollutions had rendered obnoxious, even the most sacred places.

The famous TRIDSTOL, or Stool of Peace, is still preserved here. Whoever took possession of it was sure of remission.[*]
This place had the privilege of a sanctuary, which was not merely confined to the church, but extended a mile four ways,[†] and the limits each way marked by a cross. Heavy penalties were levied on those who dared to violate this sanctuary, by seizing on any criminal within the prescribed bounds; but if they presumed to take him out of the stool,[*] the offence was not redeemable by any sum; it was esteemed botoless beyond the power of pecuniary amends; and the offenders were left to the utmost severity of the church, and suffered excommunication; in old times the most terrible of punishments.
[†]

In Hexham were two Hospitals, one for Lepers, the other for the Sick, both well endowed.

The Archbishop of York enjoyed great privileges here; to enquire of which, a Quo Warranto was issued in the 21st year of the reign of King Edward I. to shew ‘by what authority he claimed to have all Capitulas of the Crown, delivered to his Bailiff, to be pleaded by Justices, whom he should assign for that purpose, concerning all things arising within his manor of Hextoldersham; and that all pleas, as well of the Crown as other pleas, be pleaded by his writs, and his Justices in his said manor to take and have the issues and profits arising thereby; and to do and execute by his officers, all things pertaining to the office of Sheriff and Coroner; and that no Bailiff of the King do enter into the said manor, to execute any office. And to have the custody of prisoners, and make delivery of them at his will. And to have market, gallows, chattels of fugitives and felons condemned in the said manor, without leave of the King and his progenitors; which things do pertain to the King's crown and dignity.’— To which the Bishop pleaded his claim from ancient time, and usage from time immemorial;—in consequence of which these privileges of a Palatine were confirmed by the King and Council. In the 13th year of the reign of King Edward III. Hexham had Jura Regalia confirmed, and the right of levying Tenths and Fifteenths.

In the second year of Henry the Fifth's reign, Hexham was stripped of those privileges, as being an asylum of thieves and robbers.

The tenants within this manor, as subjects of a Palatinate, were exempt from all other public subsidies than those raised by their Palatine.

Hexham came to the Crown under Archbishop Holgate, who exchanged this manor for some abbey lands, in the 36th year of the reign of Henry VIII. retaining nothing but the special jurisdiction. In the 14th year of Queen Elizabeth, it was annexed to the county of Northumberland; and the manor being soon after sold, devolved on the late Sir Walter Calverly Blackett.

The remains of this ancient cathedral bear innumerable marks of magnificence. Many ancient tombs are here: within the quire is the recumbent effigy of an Ecclesiastic hooded, on a table monument of black marble, in relief; at the foot, a shield with uncommon arms, or rather an emblematical device to denote mortality, being the resemblance of cross bones. The people who keep the doors, say it is the tomb of Prior Richard, an Historian of the 12th century. He was some time a Monk here, and occurs Prior A. D. 1153. The device on the shield, if it is presumed to be the tomb of Richard, will then appear to be the letters ri placed one over the other. Mr Wallis's Antiquities, which I have frequent occasion to quote, says ‘these arms are argent, a saltier gules; and that contiguous to this tomb, an helmet is fixed, denoting that this personage, before he was an Ecclesiastic, was of some military order.’ He also supposes he was Prior here.—If it were not for the ample field of imagination, and inexhaustable conjectures, the employment of Antiquaries would be dull indeed—I cannot forbear dissenting from this learned visiter. Immediately adjoining this tomb, stands a shrine [*] of wood-work, after the ancient form, supported on pillars, canopied, and ornamented with tabernacle-work; such as in the early ages of the church distinguished the place where the remains of great personages or saints were deposited: this is surrounded with stone-work, having figures in various niches, which by reason of the stalls built against them, I could not make out. At the eastern end of this shrine, within, is an altar; above which are painted the sufferings of our Lord. On the canopy or roof are the arms on a shield, very fresh, Azure, the saltier (if it is such) Or. Behind the high altar, and in other parts of the church, I perceived the same arms, and also in the walls of the priory: from whence I am led to believe this is the tomb of one of the Priors, a great benefactor to the church, and the Insignia, a cross of the dedicatory St Andrew, formed of the two first letters of the Prior's name.

The Religious of the Order of St Austin were hooded.

I observed under a seat near adjoining, two effigies, each about 18 inches high, cut in alto relievo, in niches, on a grit stone;[*] the one

(fig. IIII.) I conceive represents Silenus, large eared, fitting resting his head on his hand, his elbow supported on his knee.

The other (fig. I.) I apprehend is designed for Jupiter. And near the altar stands a figure of stone, about three feet eight inches high, supporting himself on a staff, on his head something that appears like a helmet or a cap and plume, and round his ancles three wreaths or fetters. This (fig. III.) I apprehend is the figure of Pan. It is reasonable to conjecture they have been saved from the ruins, when the Roman remains in the vaults were obtained. Some travellers have concluded these were the works of monkish times. The effigies are accurately represented in the annexed plates, and the reader will from thence determine according to his own judgment.

The tomb of Umfrevill, one of the family of the Earls of Angus, mentioned by Camden,[†] remains in the south aile, not much mutilated. This family were benefactors to the church of Hexham.

A little below, in the same aile, is the tomb of Sir Robert Ogle, with the arms of Bertram and Ogles, quartered, and an inscription in brass, dated 1404. These were ancient families in Northumberland; the Ogles owned seven Lords and thirty Knights of their race, having large possessions before the conquest.

In the north aile is a monument in the wall, of such a form as usually designed at the building of churches, for founders or great benefactors; but to what personage this belongs, is not known, no insignia or inscription remaining. It is supposed to be the tomb of Alfwold, King of Northumberland, who was assassinated at Cilchester, by Sigga, a factious Lord of his Court, on the 23d of September, A. D. 788. I measured an effigy which lays near this tomb, and found it answering exactly in length. The tomb is formed in an aperture made through the wall by an elegant piece of arched work. The effigy represents an Ecclesiastic with his hood thrown back to his forehead, his hands elevated, and robed to the feet; the folds of the drapery thrown into excellent order, easy and elegant.

On the screen at the entrance of the quire, are some strange monastic paintings, vulgarly stiled Death's Dance; a ludicrous representation of the universal influence of that insatiable tyrant, over all ranks of men; beginning with the full-chested Cardinal, and triply coronated Pope, and leading into his mazes the Prince and Peasant: but I am so disgusted with the church paintings I have seen in other places, that I had not patience to attend to this defilement of the tabernacle. There are some grim and lion-like Saints painted in the ailes, among whom stands St John of Beverley, of hideous aspect.

In the pavement of the cross aile are several monuments; one inscribed "Hic Jacet Thomas de Devilston," and ornamented with a crosier; another with a crosier and chalice, inscribed "Johannes Dew," with the usual legendary prayer in the margin, Orate per anima, &c.

In a part behind the north door, is the recumbent effigy of a Knight, which Mr Wallis says represents Henry Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, taken prisoner and beheaded at Hexham by King Edward the Fourth; his shield Or, bearing a fesse az, with three garbs proper. I think it improbable this monument was erected for a traitor, who died an ignominious death: besides, it cannot be any of the Beaufort family, as they quartered the arms of England. I rather conceive this was one of the Aydens of Ayden Castle, the arms assumed by the Edens of the North at this day, being greatly similar. The male line of the family of Aydens of Ayden Castle, was extinct in Edward the First's time; and Emma the heiress and relict of that family, was by him, as a royal ward, given in marriage to Wallis.

The interior architecture of this church, is highly finished, in the mixed Gothic order; the pillars are clustered, supporting Gothic arches; the members of the archings, and the pilasters, finely proportioned. The quire is roofed with wood covered with lead, and the side ailes are arched with stone; a double gallery runs round the whole, opening with Saxon arches; each opening is composed of three arches, the centre circular, the side ones pointed, of which the workmanship is very fine, and the pillars light. The principal pillars of this structure in general are rather disproportionate and heavy; an error seen in most of the Saxon churches.

The Mercers Company in London, under the will of Richard Fishborn, Esq about the year 1630, founded a Lectureship here, which they endowed by a purchase of tithes. Sir Walter Calverly Blackett gave several valuable gifts for the augmentation of the living; and many charities have been left for the relief of the poor. It is a doubt with me, whether these donations to the poor do not induce indigent and impotent persons to crowd a town, and in effect encourage idleness. Had the donors disposed the same sums for instituting and supporting a manufactory, the encouragement to industry would have brought with it opulence, instead of crowds of mendicants.

Mr Gale and Dr Stukeley, in the year 1726, visited the vaults of this church, now used as a private burial-place. What will not Curiosity attempt! They have given two inscriptions discovered there; the one containing a new name of a Legatus Augusti, viz. Q. Calpurnius concessinius, and that of a body of horse at Corchester, called Equites Caesarienses or Caesariani Coronotatae, not mentioned either in the Notitia Imperii or elsewhere. The other of Lucius Septimus Severus, by them said to be of the best sculpture, the letters large, but the inscription imperfect. The curiosity remarked by these Antiquaries, consists in this monument having so distinctly the name of that Emperor, and its being the only genuine one found so near the wall with his name on it.

Mr Horsley gives the first of these inscriptions in the following manner:

LEG. A—

Q. CALPVRNVS

CONCESSINI

VS. PRAEF. EQ

CAESA. OORI

ONOTOTAR

VM. MANVPR

AESENTISSIMI

NVMINVS DEVS

Legato Augustati Propraetore Quintus Calpurnius, Concessinius Praefectus equitum Caesariensium Coronototarum, manu Praesentissimi Numinis dei votum solvit.

To this reading he adds the following remarks:

The Rev. Mr Andrews of Hexham, obliged a friend of mine with a copy of the same inscriptions, which he had taken. This inscription is upon a Roman altar: I had leave to descend into the vault and view the inscriptions. I spent some time in examining every particular, and have here represented them as I found them, with the greatest impartiality. Every word and letter that remains in this, is so plain as to leave no room for any doubt. The not taking notice that the altar and inscription are both of them imperfect at the top, is the only material defect in the former representation. I look upon it as certain, that the letters which have filled up the deficient part of the line, have been VG. PR. PR. for thus the number of letters in this line will answer to the number in the others. I think also there have been two or three lines above, which are broken off: these have probably contained the name of the Legate, and of the God to whom the altar had been inscribed. The conjectures in the letters in Mr Gordon's appendix are very ingenious, and the arguments used in support of them, very learned and curious. The author supposes, that here is the name of a new Legate, as also of a new body of horse, called Equites Caesarienses (or Caesariani) Corionototae: the name Equites Caesarienses, is there justified by a parallel instance in Gruter; and the name Corionototae, that gentleman supposes to be a corruption of the Roman name of a people in these parts, perhaps Curia or Coria Otodinor, and that Corbridge was the place. The rest of the inscription he judiciously explains to be a flattering acknowledgment of this person, that he was promoted by the immediate hand of the Emperor; it being no new thing to call the Emperors Gods, and erect altars to them. But in a matter so entirely conjectural, it is very excusable to suspend one's assent; and the more explanations are offered, it is the more probable that the truth will be found out. If Q. Calpurnius Concessinius was the Imperial Legate, I scarce think that he would in the same inscription stile himself Praefect of Horse: I rather believe, as I hinted before, that the name of the Legate has been above, and is broken off. Perhaps it has been sub Legato Augustali, or pro saluti Legati Augustalis. As to the word Corionototarum, [*] I rather suppose that Ptolemy's Coria or Curia, was a town of the Gadeni, than of the Otadini. Ptolemy's Coritani, are a people of one of the Provinciae Caesarienses in Britain, and possibly, from hence these horse might have the name of Caesarienses Coritani. Coriotiotar in the anonymous Ravenuas, is not unlike this name. I suppose it may have been mistaken by some transcriber for Coriotiotae or Corionototae; the shape of the Gothic E is not unfavourale to this: but it seems more probable to me, that it was from some more distant country, than any part of Britain, that these troops had the name of Caesarienses Corionototae or Caesarienses Corionototarum. The Crotoniatae (inhabitants of Croton, a city in Greece) are celebrated by Strabo; according to whom, 'the last of these was equal to the first of the other Greeks.' Possibly this name may have been designed for Crotoniatarum: if this be admitted, we may more easily account for the Greek inscriptions at Corbridge and Lanchester, and for the more evidences of Grecian Auxiliaries, that appear in the neighbourhood. The explication of the rest of the inscription by the same learned gentleman, whom I mentioned above, is certainly just; that Praesentissimum Numen dei signifies the Emperor, and manu intimates that Q. Calpurnius was advanced to his post by the immediate [36] hand of this Emperor, supposed to be Commodus, who least deserved such titles, and yet most insisted on them. I find Numini Praesenti in an inscription to Caracalla. The word Praesenti seems to be used in a different sense in these cases from that of Horace:

Praesenti tibi maturos largimur honores,

Jurandasque tuum per Numen ponimus aras.

And again in his Ode concerning Regulus:

— Praesens divus habebitur

Augustus adjectis Britannis

Imperio.

‘To what particular Emperor this inscription must be referred, is hard to determine with certainty.’

Our curiosity urged us, at the distance of 49 years after those learned visiters had inspected the vaults, to see the antiquities they mention: perhaps they had entered into open cells, then unused for sepulture: our descent was more solemn. These vaults have for several years past been used as a private burial-place, and the entrance is covered with a table of marble, of prodigious size, which is not usually moved but at the denunciation of mortality. The massive Claustrum was heaved from the mouth of the vault by iron crows and rollers, at which the ground trembled over the arches—by a ladder we descended about 20 feet, into the regions of the dead, where avaricious curiosity making an anxious research after the objects of its desire, so compleatly occupied the mind, that scarce one reflection was agitated, for those, over whose ashes we wantonly trampled. These vaults, which anciently were within the west end of the cross, have been built of the stones of a Roman station, many cornices, mouldings, and ornaments, with fragments of inscriptions, are scattered through the walls. We found the preceding inscription correspond exactly with the plate in Mr Horsley's works. The narrow vault, on the left hand, is roofed over with flat stones, on the furthest of which the following inscription is preserved, but from its situation, and the stone being reversed, rendered difficult to be read. My companion and I took it with great attention, both in the letters as reversed, and (as well as we could see them) direct. Our copies exactly corresponded with each other, and yet they differ from Mr Horsley's, in whose plates it is thus represented:

IMP. CAES. L. SEP—

PERT•AXET. IMP. C—

AVRANTONIN—

VSII—

—HORT

VEXILLATION—

FE—RVNT.

Imperator Caesar Lucius Septimius Pertinax et Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix Augustus et Geta Caesar, Cohortium Vexillationes fecerunt.

To this reading he adds, ‘There can be no great doubt, with relation to the former part of it, which is not unlike the inscription at Burgh, in Richmondshire; a copy of which was long ago published by Mr Camden, and runs thus: Imperatori Caesari Marco Antonino Pio Aurelio Felici Augusto, &c. Then follows a space where the name of Geta has been erased. Just so in this inscription at Hexham; after much the same names and titles given to Severus and Caracalla, there follows a small space, where it is manifest the words have been designedly erased with a tool. I suppose the Vexillatio Legionis was made up of the several Vexillations of the particular Cohorts: and perhaps they might retain the name of Vexillationes Cohortium, when the Vexillations of all the Cohorts of the Legion, that is, the whole Vexillation of the Legion itself was not present. These then might be the Vexillations of some Cohorts of one of the Legions which were employed in building the wall, that might be occasionally at Hexham, and erect this inscription. Some of the inscription, facing the right hand, is covered in the wall, on which the inscribed stone rests. The lower part of the stone is also fixed in the end wall of one of the passages into the vault; but not so as to hinder the lowest line from being read, though not without difficulty. The letters FE—RVNT are distinct and certain, and as much room is between the E and R, as will contain CE: so that beyond all question it has been fecerunt, which compleats the inscription. The stone has had a raised bordering, which was spoiled, and made level with the rest of the stone, when it was built up in this place.’

It is with the utmost diffidence I offer to the public remarks upon this inscription, where they do not agree with the very learned Antiquaries who before copied it. The beginning of the inscription seems to be IMP CAES SEV—; but the line is imperfect and broken off: I could not discover the L in this line. The second line appeared to be VERON. AXEL. IMPO. And the beginning of the third line an AA mixed.

An inscription in the Cottonian collection, found at Bowes, in Yorkshire, mentions the Vettones as follows:

VIRIVS LVPVS

LEG. AVG. PR. PR Propraetor under Severus.

BALINEVM VI

IGNIS EXVST

VM COH. I. THR

ACVM REST

ITVIT. CVRAN

TE VAL. FRON

TONE. PRAEF

EQ. ALAE VETTO—

These people were sometimes stiled Verones, and at other times Vettones.[*] Camden says, a Cohort of Spaniards were stationed at Hexham. The inscription, by having one side lodged in the wall, may now appear with a great diminution. I would not have offered my observations, but that they may induce some future visiter to reconcile these differences. I own it difficult to give a reasonable conjecture how the names of Severus and Antoninus could be mixed in this inscription.[†]

Before I quit the subject of these inscriptions, I must add, that Mr Horsley says ‘these stones and inscriptions argue Hexham to have been a Roman Station; for the plenty of free stone so near, makes it improbable that in the modern buildings (or those later than Roman) they would have fetched any stones either from the Roman Wall or from Corbridge. And this might have been a town in the Roman times, and yet not be mentioned in the Itinerary, nor continue so late as till the writing of the Notitia. I know not what name to give it, unless we suppose it to have been Ptolemy's Epiacum. The situation of this does by no means answer, but it is plain from Vinovium and Galatum, that Ptolemy is here in confusion; and the mutual distances between these three places, are not so far wrong as their situation.’

‘I have elsewhere proved, that it is not Axelodunum, though it has long been possessed of that, name.’

At the west end of the church are the remains of the priory. It was a spacious building, with an adjoining cloister. The refectory is yet entire, and serves as a room of entertainment at public times; is very spacious, with a roof of oak work. What remains of the cloisters, shews they were of excellent workmanship: the tabernacle work and pilasters above the seats are elegant: the door case opposite, which formerly was an entrance into the church, is richly wrought with pierced work of fruit and foliage, in a stile easy and bold.

The town of Hexham was burnt by the Scots in the year 1296, together with the priory, the west end of the church, and school-house.

It was pillaged by David King of Scots, in the 20th year of the reign of King Edward III. A. D. 1346, who entered the borders with 40,000 men, making their way by Lanercost Priory and Nawarth Castle, in Cumberland; on which incursion they were over thrown at Nevil's Cross, near Durham, and David was taken prisoner.[*]

This place is not very populous, the inhabitants being computed at 2000 souls: the streets are narrow, and ill built. The Market-place, near the centre of the town, is a spacious square; in which is a convenient piazza for the butcher-meat, the stalls being moveable. The town is supplied by a fluent fountain of water, in the Market-place. Two markets are held here in the week, on Thursday and Saturday; and there are two annual fairs.

Leading to the priory, is a gate-way of very ancient architecture; the arches form a semicircle, and are moulded in a stile which denotes their antiquity to be much greater than any part of the priory or cathedral. There is nothing similar to this work, in proportion of members, about the church, or any thing in Hexham I could discover that appeared cotemporary. The roof of the gate-way is of ribbed arching, meeting in the centre; the interstices, filled with thin stones or bricks, such as are seen in Roman works. The passage is divided into a large gate-way for horsemen or carriages, and a narrow one for foot passengers. The superstructure is in ruins. Mr Pennant says this gate ‘is of the old Saxon architecture, and perhaps part of the labours of the great Wilfrid.’

There are two ancient towers in the town, the one used as a Court or Sessions-house, anciently an exploratory tower, belonging to the Bishops and Priors of Hexham; the other situated on the top of the hill towards the Tyne, of remarkable architecture; being square, containing very small apertures to admit the light, and having a course of corbels projecting a long way from the top, which seem to have supported a hanging gallery, and bespeak the tower, at present, not near its original height. The founders of these places are not known. Camden says "he heard they appertained to the Archbishop of York." This last-mentioned tower, having two dreadful dungeons within it, doubtless has been the chief fortress of the place, and was used as a prison when the Bishops of Hexham possessed their palatine jurisdiction.

In one of the chambers remaining in this tower, is the inscription on the plate. Mr Bailey, who was my companion, was informed of it on a late visit to Hexham, and did me the favour to communicate it. He describes it as cut with a knife on the oak lintle of the chimney, which remains rough and uneven. The room is of a considerable size, but appears to have had no windows, or any lights but what was received through loop-holes in the walls. The Gaoler now uses the apartment for a hay-loft. The inscription seems to be the labour of some Scotch prisoner, and by the character is of no very distant antiquity. By the two letters at the beginning of the inscription, I apprehend it was done in the reign of one of the James's; and give it the greatest antiquity, under the Scotch royal line of that name, it will only carry it to the beginning of the 13th century. Notwithstanding I am obliged

to confess I do not understand it, I thought it necessary to insert it, and shall be obliged to the reader for an explanation, which may appear in some future edition of this work.

This place has owned several learned men: John de Hexham and Richard de Hexham, both Superiors of this religious house, and great Historians. The Addenda to the book of Symeon of Durham, from the 9th of King Henry II. to the 1st of King Richard, we owe to Prior John. Richard was the author of a Chronicle, from Adam to Henry the Emperor; he wrote the Histories of King Stephen and King Henry III. but the principal work we have from his hands, is a• account of the State and Bishops of the Church of Hexham.

There is a School here founded by Queen Elizabeth, 25th June, 1599, with an ample stipend for a Master and Usher. The Master's house was built by subscription.[*]

In the Market-place, on the front of an old house, are three coats of armour, in plaister-work: opinions are various what they denominate: the most probable is, that the dexter arms is that of the Dean and Chapter of York; the centre, the cross of St Andrew, to whom the church was dedicated; and the sinister one, being one of the Arm• Cantantia, or Rebusses, anciently adopted, comprehends the name of some great churchman. Beneath these, is a legend divided into three portions, which I read Ma—ne—ria—; perhaps importing the Manor House, and probably was the mansion of some of the Bishops of York. Plate, fig. III.

This town is not incorporated, but being a manor of the late Sir Walter C. Blackett, is governed by a Bailiff and Jury.

Hexham has been unhappy in civil bloodshed; the slaughter made by the North-Riding Yorkshire Militia on the Miners, in their insurrection, is remembered with horror. No troops in the world could have stood with greater steadiness and military propriety than they did, sustaining the insults of an enraged crew of subterranean Savages; whilst the tim'rous Magistrates delayed their command for defence, till the arms of the Soldiers were seized by the Insurgents, and turned on themselves; and an Officer [*] was shot at the head of his Company, as he was remonstrating to the Mob.

In the levels beneath Hexham, the decisive battle was fought in 1463,[†] when John Nevil, Marquis of Montacute, afterwards created Earl of Northumberland, General of the forces of the House of York, forced the intrenchments of the Lancastrian party, and made a dreadful slaughter. The Ogles and Manners' of this country were with the victors; the Percies, Roes, Nevils, Tailbois, and Greys, among the vanquished. The Earl of Somerset, Sir William Tailbois, Sir Humphrey Nevil, and Sir Ralph Grey, being among the prisoners, were executed; Sir Ralph being first degraded, by cutting off his spurs, defacing his armorial ensignia, and breaking his sword over his head. The miserable estate of the great personages, whose fortunes were reversed on this day of carnage, remains in history a dreadful lesson to those who adventure in civil discord.

Hexham is conveniently situated, for a traveller to make his excursions over the neighbouring parts of the county: the accommodations are excellent.

The road to

Notes

†

Richard, a Prior of Hexham, who flourished near 800 years ago, writes, ‘Not far from the river Tyne, southward, there standeth a town, in these days of no great magnitude, and thinly inhabited: but in times past, as the remains of antiquity bear witness, very large and stately. This place is named He•tolde•ham, from a little rivulet which runs near it. Etheldreda, wife of King Egfrid, gave it to St Wilfrid, that it might be created an Episcopal See, about the year 675. He built a church here, which for its beauty and excellent architecture exceeded all the Ministers in England.’

William of Malmsbury writes, ‘This was crown land when Wilfrid obtained it of Queen Etheldreda in Exchange. It was wonderful to see what buildings were erected there, with mighty high walls, and how they were set out, and contrived with divers turnings in and out, by winding stairs all polished and garnished by the curious workmanship of Masons and Pargetters, whom the hope of his liberality had allured from Rome. So that these buildings carried the shew of the Romish magnificence, and stood very strong, struggling with time.’

↵

*
Etheldrida was daughter to Anna King of the East Angles, and was first married to Tonberet, a Grandee in her father's court, with whom she lived a virgin three years. She lived with Egfrid 12 years, still preserving her virginity. By unceasing importunities, she prevailed with the King to permit her to retire to a nunnery. She received the veil from Finam Bishop of Lindisfern, in the abbey of Coldingham, then under the government of Ebba, the King's aunt. Bede, L. 4. Rich. Hagul. c. 1. Dugdale Monast. vol. 2.
↵

†

On Chad's retiring, Wilfrid became sole Bishop of Northumberland; that is, of all King Osway's dominions, which extended from the Humber to the Firth of Forth; and had been increased by the conquest he had lately made of Lincolnshire, which was then part of the Mercian dominions, on the south of Humber. Besides this vast diocese, Wilfrid had the government of nine abbies: and being ever ready to accept, and also to solicit, the most extravagant donatives, which the ignorant superstition of the age prompted the great ones to bestow, he built and adorned in the most sumptuous manner his churches and abbies, employing in those works, the most skilful artists he could procure from France and Italy. His magnificence in other respects was in no wise inferior, for in his family the sons of many of the Northumbrian Nobles resided for their education, his attendants were numerous, his furniture splendid, and at his table, he is said to have been served in gold. Bede, L. 4. R. Hagulst. c. 3. Edd. c. 21.

His principal works were the reparation of the cathedral of York, the roof of which he covered with lead, and glazed its windows. A D. 670, and the building of the two magnificent churches of Ripon and Hexham. Eddius describes him, as attended in his progresses, when performing his episcopal functions, not only by his fingers, of whom Eddius himself was one, but by masons and artists of almost every kind. Ed c. 14. Wilfrid's adversity was derived from an aversion the King took against him, apprehending the Bishop had influenced the Queen to turn Nun. Which aversion was not a little increased by the Bishop's immoderate wealth and ambition. Bede. L. 4. He died at his monastry of Oundle, in Northamptonshire, and was buried in the church of St Peter, at Ripon. Bede gives his Epitaph, as follows:

Wilfridus hic magnus requiescit corpore presul,

Hanc Domino qui aulam, ductus pietatis amore

Fecit, et eximio sacravit nomine Petri.

Cui claves Coeli christus dedit arbiter orbis,

Atque auro ac tyrio devotus vestiit ostro.

Qui netiam sublime crucis, radiante metallo

Hic posuit Tropaeum; necnon et quatuor auro

Scribi evangelii praecepit in ordine libros.

Ac thecam e rutilo his condignam condidit auro.

Paschalis qui etiam solemnia tempora cursus

Catholici ad justum, correxit dogma canonis

Quem statuere patres, dubeoque errore remoto,

Certa suae Genti ostendit moder anima ritus:

Inquae locis istis monachorum examina crebra

Collegit, ac monitis cavit, quae regula patrum

Sedulus instituit, multisque domique forisque,

Jactatus nimium per tempora longa periclis,

Quindeces ternos postquam egit Episcopus annos,

Transiit, et gandens coelestia regna petivit,

Dona, Jesu, ut grex pastoris calle sequatur.

↵

*

Eata was of the Society of Mailross, a disciple of Aiden: ‘Quod esset idem Eata unus de duodecim pueris Aidani"—"prepositus est Abbatis jure vir reverentissimus ac manfuetissimus Eata, qui erat Abbas in Monasterio quod vocatur Mailross.’

‘Anno Dominicae incarnationis 678 qui est annus Imperii Regis Egfridi 8, Wylfridus qui totius Northanhymbrorum Provinciae Pontificatum non parvo tempore administraverat, orta inter ipsum & predictum Regem dissensione, ab Episcopatu pulsus est & duo in locum ejus Episcopi ordinati sunt Eboraci ab Archiepiscopo Theodoro, qui Northanhymbrorum genti praeessent. Bosa videlicet, qui Deiorum, & saepe memoratus Abbas Eata, qui Berniciorum Provinciam gubernaret. Hic in Civitate Eboraci, ille in Hingustaldensi & Lindisfarnensi ecclesia Cathedram habens Episcopalem, ambo de Monachorum collegio in Episcopatus gradum assciti. Igitur Eata, cum 14 annis ecclesiae Lindisfarnensi Abbatis Jure Praefuisset duarum ecclesiarum suscepit Praesulatum, tertio anno ex quo Pater Cuthbertus anachoreticae sedis adierat solitudinem. Post tres autem annos abscessionis Wilfridi Theodorus ordinavit, Tumbertum ad Hagustaldedsem Ecclesiam, Eata ad Lindisfarnensis Ecclesiae Praesulatum per quatuor annos remanente.’

SYMEON DUNELM."

Haec quae sequntur de Episcopis Hagulstalden. decerpta sunt ex Libro superiori de Episcopis Eboracensibus.

Expulso Wilfrido ab Ecberto rege Northumbr. Eata successit ad Hagustaldensem Episcop. adjecta praeterea sede Lindisfarnenfi, et utramq. fedem 3. annis tenuit. Sed postea ad solam Lindisfar. remans• et ad Hagustaldensem ordinatus est pro eo Tumburtus. Cui cum 3. annis praefuisset depositus est, & S. Cuthbertus pro eo subrogatus. Sed quia ille maluit ei prefici in qua conversatus fuerat, Eata reverso ad Hagustaldensem, ad quam primo ordinatus fuerat, Cuthbertus ad Lindisfar, ordinatur, quam 2 annis regens, ad Insulam Farne postea rediens solitariam vitam in sancta conversatione usq. ad mortem duxit.

Defuncto Eata successit Joannes ad Episcop Hagusteldensem.

Wilfridus expletis tandem 8 annis expulsionis suae a Roma reversus, auditis Epistolis Agathonis Episcopi Ro. Episcopatum Hagustaldensem recepit. Et S. Joannes defuncto Basan Ebor. Episcopatum accepit.

Successit Wilfrido Acca Presbyter ejus, qui post 24 annos in Episcop. expletos obiit 3 Cal. Novembr.

Successit 3. Freodebertus 30 annis.—Alemundus 13.—Successit Tilbertus.—Deinde Ethelbertus,—Headredus,—Eanbertus,—Tidfertus.

Collectanea Joannis Lelandi, vol. 2. p. 338. edit. 1774.

↵

*

Miracles were not the least of the merits for canonization. St John of Beverley was of noble birth, and a man of great learning. Venerable Bede was educated by him, and Bede admits he received his order of priesthood from him. ‘Now though John Baptist did none, yet John of Beverley is said to have done many miracles. By making the sign of the cross on a dumb youth, with a scalled head, not only restored to speech and a head of hair, but eloquent discourse and brave curled locks. Some years before his death he quitted his archbishoprick, and retired to his monastry at Beverley, where he died: and which afterwards King Athelstan made (I will not call it a sanctuary because unhallowed by the largeness of the liberties allowed thereunto) but a place of refuge for murderers and malefactors So that the freed Stool in Beverley became the seat of the scornful; and such heinous offenders as could recover the same, did therein securely defy all legal prosecution against them.’

Fuller's Ch. Hist.

‘He spent the rest of his time in his monastry of Beverley, and died there in May 721, and was buried in the church porch. He was famous for working miracles, both living and dead. Malmsbury, Westminister, and Higded report one very strange thing, which continued to their time, and was shewn as it were for a sight. They tell us that the people of the place used to bring bulls, the wildest and fiercest they could meet with; these unmanageable creatures they used to bring hampered with cords, with several strong men to drag them along; who as soon as they entered the church yard in Beverley, dropped their fierce and formidable nature, and were as came as if they had been metamorphosed into sheep. And the people were so well assured of their inoffensiveness, that they used to turn them loose, and play with them.’

Collier's Eccl. Hist.

↵

*

Translatae fuerunt reliiquiae Accae ex Caemiterio in Ecclesiam Hagustaldensem post ducentos et quinquaginta annos per Alfredum Presbyterum Dunelmensem.

Leland's Itinerary.

↵

†

Tidferdus, Nunt Danis omnia late depopulantibus, cessavit Episcopatus Hagustaldensis.

Leland's Itin. v. 7. p. 60.

↵

*
Thomas Archiepiscopus Eboracensis induxit Canonicos Regulares in Ecclesiam Hagustaldensam an. Dom. 1112.
↵

†

Aschetillus primus Prior Hagustaldensis Ecclesiae.—Robertus Pisethe Secundus.

Lel. Itin. V. 7. p. 60.

↵

‡

Richardus Macon fuit Rector Parochialis Ecclesiae de Hexham ante inductos Canonicos.

Lel. Itin. V. 7. p. 60.

↵

§
Mr Pennant has given the reading of this inscription in the second part of his Tour in Scotland, having had the same communicated to him by my fellow-traveller, Mr Bailey; but therein he introduces the word Prior, for Pater.
↵

*

I will extract the names of Benefactors from Mr Wallis's book, as it may gratify the curiosity of the reader.

- Thomas Archbishop of York gave to this priory, founded by him, the church with all its rights, the manor of Ainwick, villages Sandhoe and Yamzigg—all tithes in Hextoldesham, liberty, soke and soken.

- Thuritan Archbishop of York gave considerable property in Hexham and the villages of Dotland, Knitilhessel, and two Grottingtons, with all tithes of animals in the liberty of Hexham.

- Robert de Skipton, the village of B•ngfield, &c.

- Walter Grey and Walter Gifford Archbishop of York, several small parcels of land, &c.

- Adam de Tynedale, manor and church of Warden, chapels of Stonecroft, Heyden and Langley, pasture for 160 sheep in Heyden, &c.

- Adam de Setlingstones, small parcels of land.

- Adam de Thorngrafton, small parcels of land.

- Uctred de Allerwash, and small parcels of land.

- Richard Bailiff, small parcels of land.

- Odinell de Unframvill, the church of Chollerton with its four chapels, and several lands, &c.

- Gilbert de Unframvill, and several lands.

- Richard de Unframvill, several lands.

- Ralph de Gunnerton, — the like

- Margery de Unframvill

- Walter de Insula

- Walter Corbe:

- Alice de Bolam

- James de Caus

- Stephen Battaile

- Gilbert de Wircester de Caderon

- Gilbert de S•ealy, the church of Slealy, &c.

- Robert de Insula, several lands.

- John de W•rcester, several lands.

- Sir Thomas de Dev•on, manor of North Milbourn, &c.

- Abbot of New Minister, Shilden, &c.

- William King of Scots, Whitfield, &c.

- Richard Cummin, several lands, &c.

- Briceus de Thirlwall, and Roger his son, several lands, &c.

- Ivo de Vetere Ponte several lands, &c.

- Laurence de Ticket several lands, &c.

- Henry de Graham several lands, &c.

- Hubert de Delavale and Richelda his mother, several lands, &c.

- Thomas de Echwick, several lands, &c.

- Peter de Faw•n, several lands, &c.

- William son of Bos•, several lands, &c.

- John son of Elias, several lands, &c.

- Walter de Bolbeck, several lands, &c.

- Hugh de Delavale, Benwell manor, &c.

- Christian de Throckley, East-Matfin manor, &c.

- Roger de Merlay, several lands, &c.

- Henry de Ferlington several lands, &c.

- Walter son of William and Isabel, several lands, &c.

- Roger Bertram, two fisheries in Tyne, &c.

- John de Normanvil, Cheesburn manor, &c.

- Richard Bishop of Durham, tithes, &c.

- Bernard de Baliol, Stelling manor.

- Ralph de Gunnerton, homages with rent service.

- William de Dalton, homages with rent service.

- Richard de Humfranvill, homages with rent service.

- Hugh de Baliol, homages with rent service.

- John de Wircester, homages with rent service.

- Alice de Bolham, homages with rent service.

- James de Caus and Alice his wife, homages with rent service.

- Bricius de Thirlwal, homages with rent service.

- Adam de Tynedale, homages with rent service.

- William the son of Boso, homages with rent service.

- Theophania de la Bataile, homages with rent service.

- William King of Scots, homages with rent service.

- Christian de Throckley, homages with rent service.

On burning the monastery, the deeds being lost, this inquisition was taken as the foundation of a royal grant of confirmation.

↵

*
The like in Beverley.
↵

†
Steven's Cont. Dugdale, II. 135.
↵

*
Richard of Hexham, as quoted by Stavely Hist. Ch. 173.
↵

†
Pennant's Tour in Scotland, part II.
↵

*

‘In the choir is a beautiful Oratory, of stone below and wood above, most exquisitely carved, now converted into a pew. Near that is the tomb of a Religious, probably a Prior. Above in a shield are in Saxon characters the letters RI: these being in many parts of the building, are probably the initials of some of the pious benefactors.’

Pennant's Tour in Scotland, part II.

↵

*

‘In a square hole in a corner of the Oratory, is an uncouth head of Jupiter; and in the inside a Hare, the emblem of watchfulness. Against a pillar is a ridiculous figure of a barefooted man, with a great club: perhaps a pilgrim.’

Pennant's Tour in Scotland, part II.

It in no wise represents a Pilgrim; he carries no scrip, and wears a cap or helmet.

↵

†

‘Within the quire is to be seen a tomb of a nobleman of that warlike family Umfrevills, with his legs across, and his escutcheon of arms at his side: after which fashion in those days were they only interred, who took upon them the cross, and were marked with the badge of the cross for sacred warfare, to recover the Holy Land from the Mahomedans and Turks.’

Camd. Brit.

↵

*

Extract of a Letter from Sir John Clerk to R. Gale, Esq

‘As to your inscription from Hexham, it is evident the artificer has been very unsuccessful, and that his chisel has stammered into more syllabus than were necessary in the word Corionototarum. I humbly think it ought to have been Coriatarum, and that the people of Corchester were called Coriatae, as the Spartans of old were called Spartiatae, or Spartietas, much used by Herodotus.’

↵

36
From the Manuscripts of the late Roger Gale, Esq
↵

*

Verones, a people of Spain, so called from the river which washed their borders. Sil. 3. 378. sed alii codd. habent Vettones.—Vettones, bordering on Celtiberia. Sil. 373. 8.

Ainsworth.

↵

†

S. Imp. A. D. 193.

A. — 137.

↵

*

Jo. Copeland took David Bruce King of Scotland prisoner in the battle at Nevil's Cross, for which he was rewarded with knighthood and 500 l. per annum. He was Sheriff of Northumberland 25 King Edward III.—Note, the Sheriffs of this county never accounted in the Exchequer until 3 King Edward VI.

England's Worthies.

↵

*
In 1713 a small pamphlet was published by Mr Ritschel, Minister of Hexham, containing an account of the charities and benefactors to the churches, poor, and free schools in Tyndale ward, to which is added a brief account and description of the parish and parish church of Hexham, with an abstract of Queen Elizabeth's patent for the free school, and the statutes thereof.
↵

*
Mr Joseph Hart, a native of Darlington.
↵

†

In Fuller's Church History we have these unhappy conflicts reduced into the following Table.

No. Battles. Place.

Betwixt.

Time.

Number slain.

Conqueror.

1 St Alban's, in Hertfordshire.

Richard Duke of York, and King Henry VI. for Lancaster.

A. D. 1455 34 K. Henry VI. June.

Slain on the King's side 5000; on the Duke's 600.

York House.

2 Boreheath, in Staffordshire.

Rich. Earl of Salisbury for York, and James Touchet L. Audley for Lancaster.

A. D. 1459 37 K. Henry VI. 21st Sept.

1400 most Cheshire men slain on Lancaster side.

York House.

3 Northampton.

Rich. Earl of Warwick for York, and King Henry VI. for Lancaster.

A. D. 1460 38 K. Henry VI. 9th July.

10,000 slain and drowned on both sides.

York House.

4 Wakefield, in Yorkshire.

Richard Duke of York, and Q. Margaret for Lancaster.

31st December. same year.

2200 slain on York side with their Duke.

Lancaster.

5 Mortimer's Cross, in Shropshire.

Edward Earl of March, afterwards King, for York.

A. D. 1461 39 K. Henry VI 2d Feb.

3800 slain on Lancaster side.

York House.

6 St Alban's in Hertfordshire.

Rich. Earl of Warwick for York, and King Henry and Margaret his wife in person for Lancaster.

17th February same year.

About 2000 on both sides.

Lancaster.

7 Towto•, in Not¦tinghamshire.

Edward Earl of March for York, and King Henry VI.

Same year, Palm-Sunday, March 27th.

35,091 on both sides.

York House.

8 Hexham.

John Nevil Lord Montague, and King Henry VI. and Queen.

A. D. 1464 4 K. Edw IV 15th May.

Number great, but uncertain.

York House.

9 Banbury or Edgcot. in the confines of Oxford and Not¦tham, •••shire.

William Herbert Earl of Pembroke for York, and Robin of Ridsdale, alias Hilliard, for Lancaster.

A. D 1469 19 K. Edw. IV 26th July.

5000, most Welchmen.

Lancaster.

10 Barnet, in Middles••.

Richard Nevil Earl of Warwick for Lancaster, and K. Edward IV. for York.

11 K. Edw. IV Easter-Day, 14 April, 1471.

4000 on both sides.

York House.

11 Townsbury, Gloucestershire.

King Edward IV. for York, and Queen Margaret and Edward her son for Lancaster

Same year, 4th May.

3000 of the part of Lancaster.

York House.

12 Bosworth. Leicestershire.

King Richard III. for York, and Henry Earl of Richmond for Lancaster.

A. D. 1485 3 K. Rich. III 22d August.

About 4000 slain in all.

Lancaster.

13 Stoak, in Nottinghamshire.

John Delapole Earl of Linc•la for York, and King Henry VII. for Lancaster.

A. D. 1487 2 K Henry VII. 16th June.

About 4000; many of them Irish.

Lancaster, or rather the two Houses united in King Henry VII

↵

HAYDEN BRIDGE

is highly pleasing. Here is a small village, intitled to a market on Tuesday, and an annual fair on the 21st of July, obtained by the first Anthony Lord Lucy; but at present they are neglected. There is a fine bridge over the Tyne at this place, consisting of six arches; near to which is a Grammar School, endowed with lands by the Rev. Mr Shaftoe, formerly Vicar of Nether-Warden; the Master to be of the degree of Master of Arts: his salary at present is upwards of 50 l. a year, with an Usher's fee of 15 l. a year. Over the entrance of the school-house, is an inscription setting forth the foundation.[*]

From this place

Notes

*

Haec schola fundata et

Munifice dotata suit anno

Domini MDCXCVII a

Reverendo & Doctissimo viro domino

Johanne Shaftoe, A. M. Ecclesiae

Nether-Warden in hoc agro vicario

In tam benigni capitis elogium

Deesse nequit: hoc unum opus pro

Cunctis aliis suis beneficiis fama loquctur.

Wallis.

↵

LANGLEY CASTLE

is in view; situate on a fine eminence, built in the form of the letter H, having four towers, one at the extreme of each wing. It was defended towards the west by a deep foss. The walls are near seven feet in thickness, and the north-east tower is about 66 feet high. Eight groundfloor rooms remain entire, four to the east and four to the west, vaulted with stone; four small upper rooms also remain entire to the east. Many of the windows are of a middle size, and larger than what are usually seen in buildings of the same date.

This was the baronial seat of Adam de Tynedale [*] and his son, in the reign of King Henry III. by marriage of whose daughter it came to Richard de Bolteby,[†] and descended to his son Adam de Bolteby, from whom it passed to the Lucies,[‡] Barons of Egremont and Cockermouth, and remained with them for five descents.[§] Afterwards it became the possession of the Ratcliffes of Dilston, and gave title of Viscount and Baron Langley to Sir Francis Ratcliffe, created Earl of Derwentwater by King James II. A. D. 1688. It was forfeited by James the last Earl, and is now part of the possessions of Greenwich Hospital.

At a little distance lays

Notes

*
Testa de Nevil.
↵

†
Inq. Henry III. Tur. Lond.
↵

‡
Inq. 33 Edward I. Tur. Lond.
↵

§

- Thomas Lord Lucy 33 King Edward I.

- Thomas — 2 King Edward II.

- Anthony — 29 King Edward III.

- Thomas — 29 King Edward III.

- Anthony last Lord Lucy 42 King Edward III.

The first Anthony Lord Lucy, 1323, by order of the King, seized Andrew de Herkley, Earl and Governor of Carlisle, for high treason, in the cause of Carlisle; assisted by Sir Richard Denton, Sir Hugh Lowther, and Sir Hugh Moriceby, Knights, and four Esquires, Sir Richard Denton killing the porter of the inner gate for attempting to shut it against them; one servant of the Earl's escaping to the Peel, a castle at He•head, the seat of his Lordship's brother, Michael Herkley, who by that means was informed of his disaster, and fled into Scotland with Sir William B•o•nt, a Scotch Knight, and others of their party.

The last Anthony Lord Lucy dying without issue male, and his daughter and heir Johanna surviving him only five years and three quarters, he was succeeded in his baronial honours and estates by h•s sister Matilda, wife to Sir Gilbert Hum•ranvill, Earl of Angus, after whose death she married Henry Piercy, Earl of Northumberland, and settled her whole fortune upon his Lordship and his heirs male, under the easy condition, that as their hearts were, the arms of the two noble families might be united, for a memorial of her affection.[*]

Wallis.

↵

*
Quae sunt de auro, cum une Leone de azure, rampant; quarteriant cum armis de Lucii, quae de C
•
les, cum tribus Lucris, argenteis consistunt. Inq. 22 Richard II. Tur. Lond.

↵

RIDLEY-HALL,

the seat of William Lowes, Esq a modern house, on a rising ground, in a most romantic and pleasant situation. It was anciently the estate of the Ridleys of Willimoteswick.—The walks on the banks of the brook of Allen, terminated by the woody heights of Kingswood, are worth the attention of every visitant, where Woods and Rocks are agreeably and magnificently blended. The cliffs are scattered over with yews and hollies. Ravens, which resort to these rocks, lend a solemn voice to join the music of the falling waters. Many agreeable views are had from the eminences: Beltingham, the Castle of Willimoteswick, Haden Bridge with its Village, are fine objects in this rich landskip of cultivated lands, scattered over with cottages, and mingled with woods.[*]

About two miles southward is

Notes

*

Lowes, a local name, from the neighbouring forest of Lowes.

Robert Lowes, one of the gentlemen who had the direction of the watch at Thorngrafton. 6 Edward VI.

↵

STAWARD CASTLE,

or, as it was anciently called, STAWARD LE' PEEL, of which little now remains but a ragged gate-way, which was defended by a draw-bridge and port-cullice. Some ruined walls appear to the westward. The outworks are a deep foss, with a Vallum of stone and earth. This Castle has a remarkable situation, being seated on a peninsula formed by the conflux of the Allen and Harsingdale Burn: the approach is narrow, on an elevated way, chiefly formed by nature, rocky steeps laying on each side, cloathed with wood; beneath which you view a pretty picturesque plain, washed by the murmuring streams of Allen, where a cottage fortunately disposed amidst a little grove of trees, gives a peculiar beauty to the retirement, which is shut in on one side, by a woody amphitheatre hanging on the western banks, and by the gloomy remains of Peel on the other. The view from these ruins northward, takes in the village of Thorngrafton, surmounted by the cliffs above Shewing Sheels, which form the horizon.

Peel belonged to the Friars Eremites of Hexham, under the grant of Edward Duke of York.[†]

The rural scenes on the Allen are contracted, but are every where picturesque and romantic; the winding rivulet forms many beautiful Bays and Peninsulas, boundered by rocks and hanging woods, affording a multitude of little solemn and secluded retreats, through which the waters murmur.

After crossing the Allens, you approach

Notes

†
Pat. 10 Rich. 2d p. 2. m. 9.
↵

WHITFIELD HALL,

remarkable for nothing but its ancient possessors the Whitfields, who held it in the time of Richard II.[*] There is a Water-fall about a mile south, mentioned by Mr Wallis, but in a dry season is little more than some few trilling drops weeping down the cliffs, and not worth a traveller's quitting his road to view it.

Notes

*

- John de Whitfield 22 Richard II.

- Sir Matthew Whitfield, Knt. 12 Henry VI.

- High Sheriff of Northumberland.

- Ralph — 10 Queen Elizabeth.

- Matthew —. High Sheriff, 1728.

Held by the annual rent of 6 s. 4 d. of the Prior and Convent of Hexham, to whom it was granted by William King of Scots.—Matthew the last proprietor sold it to William Ord, Esq

There is a c•alibeat spring at Remires, on Whitfield Fell.

Wallis.

↵

OLD TOWN,

which Mr Horsley supposes to be a Roman Station, retains the marks of antiquity mentioned in the letters given in the notes.[†]

Notes

†

From the Manuscripts of the late Roger Gale, Esq Extract of a Letter from Roger Gale, Esq to Mr John Warburton, Somerset Herald, F. R. S.

London, August 17th, 1717.
SIR,

I shall endeavour to procure you what you mention in your last to me, out of the Alienation Office, as soon as I can, and transmit it to you. Among the books you tell me you are master of, I find Doomsday to be one: pray let me know what it is you have of that, for I cannot think it is an entire copy of what is lodged in the Exchequer, though I could heartily with it were; as also what you call Bede's Albinus Anglus, for I do not remember any thing among Bede's works under that title. The MS. volume of Leland in my study touches a little upon the North Riding of Yorkshire, but, I fear, will be of little service to you: he treats of •gain in another of the printed volumes; but what he gives you of it is there also very thin and trivial I have ordered a copy of my E•sa• to be transcribed here by the printed one, with some corrections I have made to it, and shall send it you by the next return of Mr P•ing, and hope it may be of some service to you. You will find in it, that I have taken notice of five great Ways instead of four, according to the general account of our Historians who only copied from one another, and have pointed out their several courses more exactly than has been done by any body else. The reason they have given you an account but of four, I take to be their notion that there were no more of them which can cross the island from sea to sea, and that, I believe, is true; but that there were others in great numbers is unquestionable. The great Way you mention that comes from Dunbritton Frith to Rochester, in Nor •and, falls into, or may be a continuation of the Ermin street, which you will find in the Essay. I have traced from Arundell, in Suffex, to Gatherley Moor, in your neighbourhood, and there followed two branches of it, one to Carli•le, and the other to Tynmouth; but I was wholly ignorant of this third discovered since by you. I shall not here give you the reasons why this is the Ermin-street, but refer you to the Essay for them, and in the mean time only further add, that the Watling street is the truliest described by Higden of any of them; but it did not terminate at Cardigan, as he says, but at West Chester, and that the course of it is very visible almost every where that he mentions it, and that I have myself, one time or other, travelled upon the greatest part of it, and found it seldom or never loses its name. I fancy, the country people calling that which you suspect to be the Watling-street in Northumberland by that name, has been the chief motive for your opinion; but I could give you several instances of old Ways sometimes called Watling-street, and sometimes the Fosse Way by the vulgar, in counties where it is certain those Ways never came; so that nothing is to be built upon that.

Antoninus's second journey, indeed, takes in the whole length of it, but not till it falls into it at Deva or Chester. The Roman Station at Ethelburgh is taken notice of by Camden, who makes it more than probable, from an inscription there dug up, that it was called Bruchium. To confirm this opinion. I will give you a conjecture of mine, taken from the Monasticon Anglicanum, vol. I. p. 178, where, in an old deed, this very place is named Enthelbert, as I believe, from Enchelberi, the word Enchel in Welsh signifying an Arm, brachium, the very name in Latin and British thus corresponding. Besides, I cannot but be of opinion, that Brementonacis was at Overborough, on the edge of Lancashire, it lying in the direct way between Gallacum, Whellop Castle, and Coccium, Ribblechester, from which latter place it keeps the just distance allotted it by Antoninus; and tho' the copies of that Itinerary place it 27 from the former, instead of 32 miles; upon a little consideration, you will find the mistake might be easily occasioned, by the transcribers turning the third X into V. I do not know whether you have seen the edition of Antoninus published by me some years ago; if you have not, my brother, at Scruton, can lend it you; it may, perhaps, be diverting to you, though I must own I have, since the publication of it, found reason to make several alterations in it, as I have done upon my own book that I have here by me; and among others, I must acknowledge it, that your Map has fully convinced me, that Glanoventa and Gallana, in the tenth Itinerary, are at Thornton and Portgate, and not where my unacquaintedness with the country had induced me to place them; but Alone, I take to be Whitley Castle, in Alondale, as well from the better agreement of the miles, as from an inscription there left by the Cohors Tertia Nerviorum, which the Notitia Imperii quarters at Alone. I am pretty much of your mind, that the military way from Easingwould to Thirst, came from York towards Caturactonium, or rather into that which went from Caturactonium towards Gatherley Moor, because I am very much mistaken, if there is not a military way running along the northern bank of Swale, from Catterick Bridge eastward towards Bolton. Now I take the course of this road to have gone by Thornton in the Street to Thornbrough, and by Romandby, near Northallerton, which I doubt not has been a Roman Station, by the name of it; and you will find great works cast up about the Castle Hills there, which are very evidently far larger and beyond the confines of the modern castle. I have also been told of a Roman Way some where about Romandby, though I could never well understand where it was. To this I shall add, that I hardly ever met with a place named Thornbrough or Thornton, that was not near some old Station; such a one you have by Catterick; another, called Thornton and Thornaldby, near Ethelbury; Thornton, where Glanoventa stood, in Northumberland; Thornbrough, near Nostrefield Moor, and just by the Via Vicinalis that led from Ethelbury over that Moor into Leeminglane, (part of the Ermin-street) and not far from Well, where any of the inhabitants can shew you a Roman te•lated pavement. Having made so much use of this word, I shall only add, that these towns take not their names, as most people imagine, from Thorns that might grow there, but from the Saxon Ðorn, i. e. Turris; a plain indication of their having found some such building hereabouts; but which way it went from Romandby till it came where I told you above, upon the very edge of Swale, I must leave to your discovery; neither can I so much as guess what might be the Roman name of the Station near Northallerton; but these have brought into my mind what I had like to have passed over, and that is the derivation of the name Glan•enta, which assuredly comes from the British or Welsh Glenwent, i. e. Ripa Ventae, the bank of the river Went, or Wentsbeck. The works upon Nostrefield Moor consisted of a square intrenchment, as I remember, and a small round intrenchment with two entrances into it, one on the south-west, and the other on the north-east side of it; but what is most remarkable, is the ditch or graft, which is within the Agger; it •es 150 or 200 paces to the north of the square one, just by the road side: if I do not forget, there were three or four Tumult thrown up within the square one, and six or seven more over the hedge of the field that lies on the west side of it. The military way, or Via Vicinalis, mentioned on the other side to come from Ethelbury, runs very near these intrenchments, and falls into Leeminglane not far from Wath, and I think another ancient way seems to cross the road between Exelby and Cathorp, towards the same line. I am afraid Antiquities are not so much in vogue at Court, as to obtain that reception for your Altar there as it really merits, and perhaps, after all the trouble and charge you may be at in sending it thither, his Majesty may never see it, or be so much as acquainted with your dutiful intentions I do not mention this to discourage you, but only that you should not meet with too great a disappointment, if you meet not with the returns you may expect for it. I should be glad to know, what Mr Wanley offered you for it, for though the altar is so very beautiful and intire as you represent it, yet the inscription contains little or no instruction, it being to be read, as I take it, Fortunae Pop•• Rom•• Caius Julius Rationalis Legionis Sextae Virtricis vocit. I have indeed some doubt as to the letters RAT. having seen at Durham an altar dedicated to Fortune, whereon the initial letters of the word Prafectus were wrote RAEF, the P and R being both included in the first or same letter: I desire you therefore to look a little closer upon your inscription, when you have an opportunity, to see if you cannot trace the initials of Praefectus, it being much more usual for the Commanding Officers of Legions to erect altars, than their Accomptants; and indeed I do not remember I ever met with the Rationalis of a Legion in an inscription before; but this will make yours the more valuable, if it appears to be undoubtedly RAT, for Rationalis. Pray let me know also the name of the place where you got it dug up.

I am yours, &c. R. GALE.

Extract of a Letter from Mr John Warburton to Roger Gale, Esq about some of the Roman Roads.

21st November, 1717.

I have read your Essay [Printed in the 6th Vol. of Leland, Itinerary, published by Mr Hear•e, at Oxford, 171•, p 53.] towards recovery of the four great Roman Ways over and over, with greater pleasure than I ever read any thing in my life; I am fully convinced, that the courses you have taken for those ancient roads are perfectly right, excepting that you loose the stem of the Erminstreet upon Gatherley Moor, and follow only two branches of it, that go directly to Tinmonth and Boulnesse, the two extremes of the Picts Wall, whilst the main street proceeds northward, almost in a straight line, and an uninterrupted ridge from Piercebridge close by a small village called Denton, where there are many remains of antiquity, and from thence continues its course by Bolham, Houghton, St Helen's Auckland, and soon after crosses the Wear to Binchester (Vinovium) where are to be seen the Vestigia of a Roman Fort, several broken Altars, in the possession of Farrer Wren, Esq the Lord of the Soil, and a great number of Roman Coins dug up there. From this place its course is generally over moorish grounds to Langchester, where most of those altars and inscriptions in Durham Library were found; [See Philos. Transactions, No. 357.] and at six miles further to Ebchester, where it crosses the River Derwent, and enters Northumberland, from which place my Map will shew its course into Scotland.

But before I leave Ebchester, which is inferior to no place I have mentioned for Antiquities, I cannot but acquaint you, that I look upon it to have been the Vindomora of Antoninus, and not Wall's End, where that Station hath hitherto been fixed, since it exactly answers the distances between Corstopitum and Vinovium, the second and fourth Stations in the first Iter. (viz.) nine miles from the first of them, and nineteen from the latter, and this in a direct line along one of the most entire regular and large ways I ever saw, the ridge being for the most part two yards in height, full eight yards broad, and all paved with stone, that it is at present as even as if new laid; whereas from Corstopitum or Corbridge to Wall's End (the third Station in the first Iter) it is twenty miles directly east, and from thence back to Vinovium, the fourth Station, twenty-five miles to the westward; so that we are carried eighteen miles about, along a road that hath no appearance of a military way, except just where it touches the Picts Wall, and hath the river Tyne to pass in a part where it never could be crossed without boats, which are difficulties I think the Romans would never subject themselves to.

I have your edition of Antoninus, which I frequently read, and value beyond any thing of that nature, but cannot yet absolutely agree with you in placing Alone at Whitley Castle; not but that it appears plainly to have been a Roman Station, from the greatness of its ruins, and it having the Roman road called the Maiden Way running through its center; and from the inscription left by the Cohors Tertia Neeciorum, that Mr Camden gives us, it is not to be doubted that they were quartered thereabouts: but when I consider that the distance which the Itinerary gives betwixt Gallana, Portgate, and Alone, if at Whitley Castle, is but twelve miles, and the real distance is twenty; and on the other hand, that Old Town, in Alondale, exactly answers the distance allotted it by Antoninus, hath a port-way seven yards broad, all paved with stone, ranging between them, its situation on an eminence on the very brink of the river Alon, and of a square figure intrenched; and if we may give credit to the author of the additions to Camden's Britannia, hath produced several Roman antiquities, I am persuaded that Station is to be placed here; besides, I begin to think myself wrong in joining this Roman road, which I am speaking of, with that called the Maiden Way at Whitley Castle; and am partly of opinion, that it did not go so far west, but rather struck over by the head of the river Teys to Ethelburgh, in Yorkshire, and from thence went by Coccuim to Mancunium and that Whelp Castle and Overburrough (if Roman Stations) are either in the military way that comes from Ambleside towards Kendale, which perhaps unites with it at Coccium (Ribblechester) or on that called the Maiden Way, which goes by Whitley Castle. This opinion is very much strengthened by a new discovered military way, of the very same dimensions and work with that on which Glanoventa stands and Galana, and which runs from Ethelburgh full north over a moor called Windgate, and at a small village called Crackpot crosses the river Swale, and soon after enters another named Feetham, where I must leave it at present, on account of the season. At my parting with it, it seemed to point at Barnard Castle, [See Mr Warburton's Map of Yorkshire, which shews it to have gone northward to Barnard Castle, and to Overburrough south-westward.] and if so, probably Stratford, near that place, was where it crossed the river Tees, both on account of its name and being in a direct line to Old Town, in Alondale, where I have chose to place Alone. As a further proof of Old Town's being Alone, it may not be improper to acquaint you, that Mr Camden is wrong in placing Whitley Castle upon the river Alo•, for it is six miles distant from any part of it. There is indeed about a mile from it, a small stream called Yal, which empties itself into Tynt, but I think this argues but little for it; neither can I believe that the inscription left by the Cobors III. Nerviorum, is a certain proof of its being Alone, for I have often observed altars set up by one and the same Cohors in places several miles distant, as for instance, at the House-steads, where I place Bor•, at Willeford and other places along the Picts Wall, I find altars erected by the Cohors I. Tungrerum; and as Old Town, on the river Alon, in Alondule, is but eight miles distant from Whitley Castle, I do not see but they may have both been the habitation of the Cohors III. Nerticrum.

The military way that comes from E•singwold to Thor•aldby, shews itself very plainly in the village of Romandby, from which place it goes to Yafford, Langton, Bolton upon Swale, Brunton, and by the north side of the friery wall in Richmond to the top of Richmond Moor, where I loose it, but believe it shoots north west, and meets with that which goes north from Ethelburgh, some where about Barnard Castle. [*]

The observation you make upon such places as bear the name of Thornton [†] is very good, and daily proves serviceable to me. I have traced the Roman way that comes from Ethelburgh into Leeming-lane, and find that it passes through Thornton, Asgarth, Bolton Park, Middleham, to Ulshaw-bridge, where it crosses the Ure, and continues its course by Danby, Thornton-Steward, Watlass Church, and over Wa••• Moor, where there are several Tumuli of different sizes, to the west side of Causick Part; thence it goes by Thornbrough to Middleton-Quernhow, and enters Leeming Lane, about half a mile south-east of the last place.

Bedal•, 21st November, 1717.
J. WARBURTON.

Extract of a Letter from Roger Gale, Esq to Mr Warburton, in Answer to the preceeding Letter.

SIR,

I have been long indebted to you for your most entertaining letter of the 21st of November, which should not have laid so long unanswered, but that your being upon the road I very well knew would give you no time to peruse what I might write to you, if it did come to your hands. What you say of your transcript of D•omsday, I believe, is very right, the lesse• Doemsday, in the Exchequer, containing only the description of Essex, Norfolk, and Susf••k: Norfolk you seem to have again in your second volume with Richmond, which, I believe, has been transcribed from a most curious and valuable manuscript in the Cottonian Library, called Regifirum H•noris de Richmond, where you have not only this extract from Doomsday, but several charters inquisitions. quo warrantos, and other ancient deeds relating to that country. When you write next, pray let me know if your copy have any thing more in it than what belongs to Richmondshire. Albinus, or as others will have his name, Alcuinus, composed a poem, De• 〈…〉 et Sanctis Ecclesiae Eboracensis, all which is taken from Bede's History; but h• w•• his name came to be prefixed to your Bede, if it is Bede, I cannot imagine. You must not think it strange if my Essay upon the Roman ways is not compleat; I only call it an Essay; some parts of those roads I have occasionally observed in my travels, others, and as I must acknowledge by far the greatest part, I have only travelled in maps, or picked out of authors as I was upon other subjects; so that it is no wonder, if I cannot help omitting large tracts of them in some places, and leaving them short in others, as I have done in the middle branch of that on Gatherley Moor, which I believe you we now satisfied is the Er•instreet, as that I was Ehchester is Vindemora, upon my first fight of your excellent Map of Northumberland; which likewise obliged me to change my opinion as to the situation of Glanoventa, which my addition of Antoninus had placed upon the river Bowent, in Glendale; for though the distances between Glanoventa and Gallava (Thornton and Portgate do not exactly agree with the numbers in that Itinerary, yet they are not so wide as the number of miles between Anterchester upon Bowent and Portgate, which is thirty-four; but if we six Gla•o•a at Thornton, Gallava at Walwick, as I have done in Antoninus, and Alone at Old Town, all these distances will agree pretty well with the Itinerary. Another argument for Glanove•a's being placed at Thornton, may be deduced from the name itself; you very well know that Wentsheck, the name of the little river upon or near which Thornton is situated, is the same thing as Went-sluviolus; Glen or Glan in British is Ripa, so that Gl• went (Gl•••ta) is Ripa Wentae, a town upon the bank of Went. The Notiti• Imperii also places Gla•be••am ad Lineam Valli, which, though not strictly true, is much nearer the truth at Thornton than at Anterchester. As I remember, in my last letter to you, I did not found my conjecture of Alona being at Whitley Castle, so much upon the inscription found there, as upon the due distance it would then obtain in respect to Brementonacis, and only made the inscription a concurrent argument. Now as the distance between Walwick and Old Town holds as good as that other between Whitley Castle and Overburrough (Bre•••to•is) so the argument is equally strong for Alone being at Old Town, and I really give up my former opinion to you as the rightest. I should have mentioned Galacum (Whell•p Castle) as lying between Alone and Bremet•nacis or Brementonacis, as some copies have it: the distance allotted it by Antoninus is nineteen miles from Alone, which also agrees better with Old Town than Whitley Castle; but the distance between Whellop Castle, in that Itinerary; and Brementoncis, agrees well with neither Overburrough nor Ethelburrough, the former being thirty-two and the latter but twenty-four miles instead of twenty-seven: however I was, and am still inclined, to fix it at the former, it lying more directly in the road to Coccium (Ribblechester) the distance agreeing better, being about twenty-two; whereas it is thirty-six miles betwixt Rehelburgh and Ribblechester, and as for the thirty-two between it and Gallacum, the mistake may have easily been committed, by a transcriber's making an X for a V; if you turn the third X in 32 to V, the numbers will be 27, and correspond to those of Antoninus; however, I shall suspend giving up myself entirely to my opinion, till I hear whether you find reason to alter yours, about this Roman road's joining with the Maiden Way at Whitley Castle, or that it came by the head of Teys to Ethelburgh, and from thence to Coceium; the latter part, I believe, you will hardly prove to do so, because I am pretty certain you will trace it from Ethelburgh over Nostrefield Moor into Leeming-lane, except two ways lead from it, and then perhaps one of them might lead to Coccium: this way, you say, goes directly, by its pointing upon Barnard Castle, to Old Town: now if we could discover any Station that might prove to be Gallacum upon it, between Old Town and Ethelburgh, at a due distance from them both, according to the Itinerary, it would put the matter out of dispute; but I cannot think of any such, and if it passed the Teys at Statford, as there seems to be no great doubt it did, it points a little too much eastward for Alone (Old Town) and rather inclines to fall into the great Roman road at or near to Vinonium (Binchester). I have been very long upon this subject, therefore shall only add, that the miles I reckon by are shorter than those you make your computation from; for as Antoninus is my chief guide. I make an allowance for the difference between the Roman and English mi•e, which is as 972 to 1000. I do not know whether I mentioned the Roman road from Romanby, &c. running by Bolton, on the north side of Swale, to you, but I find you have observed it. If you have leisure at any time, when you are at Northallerton, to view the Castle Hills there, between that town and Romanby, you will find great works and trenches out of the limits, and beyond the ditch of the modern Castle, westward and southward, which I dare say were Roman, and gave name to the neighbouring village, though what was the ancient appellation of it, is now entirely lost. As for the name of Allerton, it is very hard to tell whence it came; the Saxon Kings generally built on or near the ruins of ancient and decayed Roman towns, and as we have no memorials that contradict my conjecture. I am apt to think this town might be built here by King Alfred, who restored many places that had been destroyed by the Danes; or else by Guthrum the Dane, to whom, upon his being baptized, he gave all the kingdom on the north side of Watling-street, who might call it Alvertun or Alsreton (for that is the ancientest name it occurs by) in honour of his godfather and benefactor: this, I think, is more probable, than that it should be so called from aller trees, as some have fa•cied, since the ancient writing of the name makes for it.

I am much obliged to you for your kind offer of your Coins, but I am unwilling to rob you of them, having most of them already; as for the Altar found at Elsdon, I should be very thankful for that, and desire you, when opportunity serves, to get it conveyed to Scruton where I hope to see it next summer, but the carriage must be at my charge. The circumstances of your finding the altar at Chester in the Wood, are very odd; I cannot suppose that vault to have been the place where the altar was primarily erected and used, since they only sacrificed under ground to the infernal Gods, and Fortune was not one of them: it seems, most probably, to have been concealed there by the Romans, or Roman Britons, when they were drove from those Stations by the P•cts, to prevent its profanation by those barbarous enemies, and that other which accompanied it, may have been accidentally broken in the burying; but then as to the smoaky smell, it will be a little difficult to form any conjecture. I was once at C•rencester, in Clocestershire, shewn the top of much such a vault, as you describe, in a garden there, but the ground all over and about it being sown, I could not persuade the Gardener to give me admittance into it, but he assured me it was filled near three feet deep with burnt bones and ashes; this made me conclude some altar might have stood near it, and that this vault was the receptacle of what was swept from the altar; and why may not the vault at Chester in the Wood have been for the same purpose, and thence contracted its smell? I think you were much in the right not to part with it and the rest to the Lord you mention upon general promises: I dare say all the gratification you would have had from him, would have been the honour done you, of erecting marble pedestals to set them on.

I am, Sir, your, &c. R. GALE.

↵

*

This Roman read comes from Br•• upon Ham•er, perhaps the Praetorium of Antoninus, to Delgo•itio (Wigton) De• cu•• (A•dby) and so to Easi•• wa••, Thi•• Rom• Bolton upon Swale, the north end of Catterick Bridge, and so to Richmond, &c.

R. G.

↵

†

The observation above mentioned 〈…〉 such tow•• have the word Thorn in their names, as Thornton, Townb•gh, are not so called from the word Thorn, 〈◊〉, but from the Saxon Ðorn, Terris, Castellum, and are generally seated near some old Roman Station as Thorn••ugh near Catterick Bridge, and another near Roman••, Th•••y near Oldbury, in Gloucestershire, the Projectors of Antoninus, Thornton-Rust, not far from Ethelburgh, &c.

R. G.

↵

ALLENDALE TOWN

is situate on an eminence on East Allen, is chiefly inhabited by Miners. In the neighbourhood is a Free School, founded in 1700, and endowed several liberal benefactions.[*] We passed from thence to Allenheads, a part of the county barren and mountainous, inhabited only by Miners and Shepherds: the scene on every hand is dark and deplorable; the Mines only inducing inhabitants to this desolate spot. Near Allen-heads is a place called Shorngate, where the Scots made their retreat from Stanhope Park, in the reign of King Edward III. A. D. 1327. They passed a morass, as some authors say, by cutting through the mossy earth to the rock, or by laying a road with stones;[*] an astonishing act in the perils of a retreat.

By a disagreeable road, in a desolate country, we travelled to

Notes

*
See Ritschel's account thereof.
↵

*

This retreat is said to be conducted by the address of Lord Douglas, who in a dark night led the Scotch army over a morass, two miles broad, formerly deemed impassable, by the help of flakes made of branches cut from the wood in the neighbourhood of their last encampment; and which casting before them into the broken parts of the bog, as they advanced through it, they led their horses over those parts.

Ridpath's Border Hist.

This is the most probable account—he quotes Barber and Carte for this account.—Flake is a Scotch word, implying a hurdle, twigs of hazels woven together, of which great use is made in Scotland and the Borders; they serving as doors to hovels where their cows and other cattle stand, and for gates to stack-garths, &c.

↵

BLANCHLAND,

seated in a narrow deep vale, on the river Derwent; a few strips of meadow ground lay along the margin of the stream, and some cultivated lands skirt the feet of the hills, whose summits are covered with heath. This is a very different situation from others I have seen, chosen by the Religious for the foundation of their houses; the country around is barren and mountainous; the narrow vale in which the abbey is placed, seems in no-wife suited to the maintenance of its former inhabitants— poverty for ages past has reigned over the face of the adjacent country. The scites of religious houses are generally in well-sheltered and warm situations, where the retirements are surrounded with rich lands. This place looks truly like the realm of mortification.

This abbey was founded by Walter de Bolbeck in 1175, dedicated to the blessed Virgin, for twelve Premonstratensian Canons, having liberty to exceed that number, with the consent of the Bishop of Durham. Part of his donation was twelve fishes for their table, out of his fishery of Stiford, in lieu of tithes of fish. The Abbot was summoned to parliament 23 King Edward I. At the suppression, here were fourteen Canons; the annual revenue of the house, according to Dugdale, being 40l. 0s. 9d. and 44l. 9s. 1d. according to Speed. After passing from the Crown by sale, it became the possession of the Fosters, and was forfeited in 1715, by Thomas Forster, Esq after which it was purchased by Lord Crew, and by him left to charitable uses.

The west end and tower of the church and the south aile of the cross remain; the latter neatly fitted up for parochial duty. The gateway entering into the square, where formerly the houses of the Canons stood, still remains; the towers on each hand converted into ale-houses: the buildings which are standing are now inhabited by poor people, who are perhaps employed in the leadworks; the distress and ragged appearance of the whole conventual buildings, being most deplorable; no one relique of church pomp remaining. To compensate for the disagreeable review of cells of poverty, we walked in the levels adjoining the church, when it happened to be the time of divine service: the psalm of the congregation, at our distance, had a degree of solemn harmony, which inspired serious though pleasing reflections: sentiments and ideas succeeded, which dignify the mind of man, and give him competition with angels.

Near Blanchland lays the Barony of

BOLBECK,

the ancient baronial inheritance of John de Bolbeck, in the reign of King Henry III.[*] It is now the estate of George Baker, Esq of Ellemore, in the county of Durham.

We passed from Blanchland by a woody declivity to Acton Mill, a smelting mill for lead, where, in vast heaps of ore, the wealth of the late Sir Walter Caverley Blackett was displayed: the road from thence to Prudhoe was harrowed up by lead carriages, and in innumerable places the name of Blackett struck our eye, on the lead which lay on the road. We passed by

Notes

*

- John de Bolbeck—Temp. King Henry III.

- Hugh de Bolbeck 1 King Edward I.

- He had four daughters:

- Margery—married first to Nicholas Corbet, and to her second husband, Ralph son of William Lord Greystock.

- Alice—married Walter de Huntercomb, Baron of Wooler.

- Ph•ppa—married Roger de Lancaster.

- Maud—married Hugh Baron of Delaval. Alice and Maud having no issue, the Barony devolved on Nicholas Corbet and Roger de Lancaster.—A moiety descended to Robert de Herle, heir of Lancaster, and the other moiety passed to William Lord Greystock, by Margery's second marriage.

Wallis.

The Barony of Sir Hugh de Bolbeck, who fetched his descent by his mother from the noble Barons of Mon-Fitchet.

Camden's Brit.

↵

MINSTER ACRES,

where the advances of cultivation gives a most pleasing countenance to the decreasing desert.

The country in general is heathy and naked, near these new and beautiful inclosures, where planting succeeds admirably:—at length we gained a distant view of Tynedale, coloured with the happy teints of corn and meadow: we hastened from the dreary country which had detained us too long from scenes of pleasure.

When we had gained the summit of the hill above Hedley, we had a good prospect of Tyne towards the north-west; the river, by its winding course, formed seven distinct canals, one of them near a mile in length: the fore-ground of this landskip is enriched with the village of Bywell, surmounted by Mr Fenwick's elegant mansion, and decorated with plantations and garden grounds, so disposed to the eye, as to retain all the ease and inartificiality of nature: the water, brightened by a western sun, appeared through the trees, as if the mansion and pleasure grounds were insulated: the rising ground to the right is crowned with a gloomy ruin, once the fortress of the vale, held by the Baliols, and after them by the Earls of Westmoreland, now contrasting beautifully with the modern and excellent taste of Mr Paine, of whose mode of architecture the mansion-house of Bywell is constructed: to the left, extensive woods filled the landskip.

Behind the town of Bywell, grounds in high cultivation, interspersed with wood, ascend gradually from the river; in one part terminated by heathy eminences, and in another, by distant lands stretching away through an extended valley towards Hexham, where the distinction of objects was lost to the eye in the blue vapours which covered the extremity of the vale.

We descended through a woody passage to

PRUDHOE,

which, though situate on a very lofty eminence near the banks of Tyne, is much inferior to the hills by which we advanced towards it.

The Castle of Prudhoe stands on the summit of a vast rocky promontary, which communicates with the adjoining grounds by a narrow neck and pass towards the south; the ground on which the fortress stands forming seven parts of a circle, on an octagonal section. It is guarded by an outward wall towards the Tyne, built on the brink of the cliffs, in this part not less than sixty perpendicular feet in height, above the plain which intervenes between the castle and the river; this wall at intervals is defended by square bastions. The entrance to the castle is from the south: on our approach the whole structure was viewed from the heights, and made a very noble and formidable appearance. The narrow neck of land leading to the entrance, was formerly cut through by a deep ditch, over which a draw bridge has given access to the outward gate: the water which anciently supplied the ditch, is now collected by a reservoir before the gate, and serves a mill: the outward gate was originally defended by several outworks and a tower, as appears by their ruins. From the situation in which I drew my view of this place, I could overlook the top of the first gate, and the eye penetrated the inner gate-way, the superstructure of which is a lofty embattled square tower, about sixty feet high, now so mantled with ivy, that the windows, loop-holes, and apertures are almost wholly concealed. I will describe the whole from the station I occupied on that occasion: To the right, the outward wall extended to some distance, terminated by a turret or exploratory mount, the wall of which is embattled, and there the landskip was closed by a fine grove of stately trees. The outward wall to the left, from the inner gate-way, extends to a considerable distance, without any turret or bastion; over which several interior buildings, and among them the remains of the chapel, were discovered, in all the confusion of ruin; mingled chimneys, windows, buttresses, columns, and walls, in that wildness of irregularity, which constitutes much picturesque beauty in scenes of this kind: above all which objects a square tower, the Keep of the Fortress, (on the side towards me almost perfect, twenty-five yards in height, and eighteen in breadth, but without ornament or windows, with an exploratory tower on the south-west corner) overlooked the castle, with that gloomy and sullen majesty which characterizes the age in which it had its rise. The wall still extending to the left, on its angle is defended by a square bastion, with broken loop-holes; from whence it turns northward, and is terminated by a broken circular tower, situate on the brink of the cliff, whose inner recess the eye sufficiently penetrated, to mark the distraction of its interior works. The fine levels between the castle and the river, opened to the left, the Tyne in view, with the town of Ovingham hanging on the opposite shore.[*]

We advanced by a narrow path on the side of the reservoir, to the first gate-way, which is formed by a circular arch: by the fragments and broken walls, it evidently appears this gate was originally flanked with various outworks, and had a tower. This gate gives admittance to a covered way, leading to the inner gate, about 30 paces in length; a sally-port opening on each side, to flank the walls and defend the ditch. There is no appearance of a port-cullice in either gate-way. The second gate-way is also formed by a circular arch, above which is a high tower, the windows shewing that it contained three tiers of apartments. A lattice or open gate still remains, jointed with studs of iron. The roof of the gate-way is arched in semicircles, with an aperture in the centre, from whence those in the upper chamber might annoy an enemy who had forced the gate. From thence you enter an area, now so blocked up by the buildings of a farm-yard and tenement, that it is not possible to form any idea of its original magnitude; though it appears by the other parts, that an open area had surrounded the great tower, which doth not shew any remains of communication with the outworks, but seems to have stood apart, on an eminence in the centre. The outward wall was defended on the angle to the south west by a large square bastion, with loop-holes; to the north-west, by a circular tower, containing several tiers of low chambers, singular in their form and height, and such as I never observed before in any ancient castle: the inhabitants could not stand erect in them at the time of defence. Towards the river and northward, the wall is guarded by several small square bastions; and towards the south-east, a small mount, placed within the walls, overlooks the ditch, which guards the southern side, and terminates at the brink of the cliffs. The large tower is in ruins, only the the southern wall now standing; and not one bastion remains entire, they being all in ruins towards the area. A passage runs in the centre of the wall, from bastion to bastion. Steps ascend from the area to the top of the wall, in several places, which is broad enough to allow the armed men of the garrison to pass each other, covered by a parapet.

Camden conjectures this was the Prodolita of the Romans, and the Station of the first band of Batavians. It was the possession of the Umfrevills. This family came into England with the Conqueror, who bestowed on Robert with the Beard the Lordship of Redesdale, to be held for ever, by the service of defending the country against thieves and wolves, with the same sword with which William entered Northumberland; and also the Barony of Prudhoe; by the service of two Knights fees and a half.[*] This castle was famous in the reign of King Henry II. for the opposition it gave to William King of Scotland, in his incursion, and the gallant defence it then made, he being obliged to raise the siege. It was the possession of Robert, or, as some authors say, of Rogerus de Umfrevile,[*] in the reign of King Henry I. as appears by the escheats of that reign.[†] He was succeeded by Odonel de Umfrevile, who with Barnard de Haliol and others, took William King of Scotland prisoner at Alnwick, in the 20th year of the reign of King Henry II. A. D. 1174, after his retreat from the siege of Prudhoe.[*] According to Mr Grose, he was succeeded by Robert his son, whose successor, Richard de Umfrevile, was a benefactor to the priory of Hexham. Gilbert was the next successor, in the 11th year of the reign of King Henry III. and after him a second Gilbert, A. D. 1245, who was created Earl of Angus, and summoned to the parliament held at Carlisle in the 35th of King Edward I. A. D. 1307:—he founded a chantry in the chapel of Prudhoe Castle, and endowed it with two crofts, 118 acres of land, and 5 acres of meadow, for the maintenance of two Chaplains. He was succeeeded by Gilbert the third, who was summoned to the parliaments at Westminster in the 26th of King Edward III. A. D. 1352, and the 1st of King Richard II. A. D. 1377. He was succeeded by Gilbert the fourth, the 11th of King Henry IV. A. D. 1411: he attended King Henry V. in his French campaigns, and was made Governor of Gournie and Melun for his bravery. He lost his life at a pass in Anjou, by the treachery of a servant belonging his General, the Duke of Clarence, corrupted by the enemy. After him Prudhoe came to Walter Tailbois, by marriage with Gilbert the fourth's sister; and under attainder, in the 3d of King Edward IV. A. D. 1463, after the battle of Hexham Levels, it came to the Crown; from whence it passed by grant to John Duke of Bedford, and afterwards to Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, and now constitutes a part of the princely possessions of the present Duke of Northumberland.

We passed over the ferry-boat at Ovingham, from whence we had a fine view of the Castle of Prudhoe; the river beneath us washed the margin of a level of corn land, above which arose the precipitous cliffs on which the castle is erected, in the form of a half-moon, crowned with the remains of the fortress, of an aspect awfully majestic; over these the rising grounds behind, cloathed with woods, and the thick groves on each flank, seemed to cast a solemn mantle. The scene struck me with the image of mourning royalty, weeping in ashes for the dissolution of Empire, and lamenting the cruel vicissitudes of Fortune, in which all its honours are extinguished, and nothing but memorials of calamity left behind.

Notes

*

In Mr Grose's Addenda we have the following survey of Prudhoe Castle, taken the 5th of August, 1596.

‘There is an old ruinous castle walled about, and in form not much unlike to a shield hanging with one point upward, scituate upon a high moate of earth, with ditches in some places, all wrought with mans hands, as it seemeth, and is of content, all the scite of, with a little garden plat, and the bankes by estimacon, sc. 111 acr.’

‘The said castle hath the entrey on the south, where it hath had two gates, the uttermost now in decay, and without the same is a little turnepyke; and on the west parte a large gate roome, where there hath been a passage into the lodgings there scituate, without the castle as is supposed, or to the chappell there standing; and between the gates is a strong wall there on both sydes, and as it appeareth hath been a draw bridge; and without the same, before it come to the utter gate, a turnepyke for defence of the bridge. The gate is a tower, all massy worke on both sides to the top of the vault. Above the vault is the cheppel; and above the cheppel a chamber which is called the wardrobe; it is covered with lead, but in great ruin, both in lead and timber; it is in length ten yeards, and in breadth six yeards, or thereabouts.’

‘There is opposite to the said gatehouse tower, joining to the north wall of the said castle, one hall of eighteen yeards in length, and nine yeards in breadth, or thereabouts, within the walls, covered also with lead, albeit the timber and lead in some decay.’

‘Between the said gatehouse tower and hall, on the left hand at your entrey in at the gate, is a house of ijo▪ house height of length xxiiij yeards, in breadth, 6 yeards or thereabouts, divided into two chambers, covered with slate; the lower house hath a great room to pass out of the court thro that house to the great tower; and the south end, a chamber called the parlour; and in the north end a little buttery. In the house is two chambers, called the utter chamber and inner chamber; out of the utter chamber is a passage to the great tower by a little gallery, on the other side a passage down to the buttery. Out of the inner chamber is a passage to the chappel, and on the other side a passage to a house called the nursery.’

‘On the west parte of the said house is another little house, standing east and west upon the south wall, called the nursery, in length ten yeards, and in breadth six yeards, or thereabouts, of two house height, covered also with slate.’

‘At the southwest corner is a house standing north and south, called the garner, adjoining to the west wall, in length ten yeards, in breadth 6 yeards or thereabouts, of ijo house height; the under house a stable, the upper house a garner, covered also with slate.’

‘At the northwest corner of the said castle, is a little tower called the west tower, of three house height, round on the outside, in length seven yeards, or thereabouts, covered with lead, but in decay both in lead and timber.’

‘Joyned to the said tower is another house of two house height, in length nine yeards, in breadth six yeards, or thereabouts, covered with slate, but much in decay.’

‘In the middle of these houses, by itself, standeth the great tower, one way 18 yeards, another way xij yeards north and south, of 3 storyes onely, and of height xv yeards, or thereabouts, besides the battlements. It hath no vault of stone in it; it is covered with lead, but in some decay of lead and timber, but necessary to be repaired: and a toofall or a little house adjoining thereunto, in utter decay.’

‘At the east end of the hall is a house called the kitchen, of one house height, in length xij yeards, in breadth six yeards, or thereabouts, covered with slate.’

‘In the east end, as it were at the lower point of the shield, is a little square tower, in length vij yeards, in breadth • yeards, or thereabouts, covered with lead, but in utter ruine and decay both in timber and lead.’

‘Adjoining to the same, is a house called the brewhouse, in length viij yeards, and in breadth vij yeards, covered with slate.’

‘There is within the scyte, and without the walls, an elder chappell, which hath been very fair, and covered with slate. In the tyme that diverse dwellers were on the demesnes, one dwelled in the said chappell, and made it his dwelling house and byers for his cattle, and by that means defaced; saving the timber, walls, and greate parte of slate remayneth.’

‘There was an orchard set with all fruit trees, now all spoyled, and an old house wherein the keeper of the orchard did dwell.’

↵

*
Dugdale's Baronage, 504.
↵

*

- Rogerus de Umf•evile King Henry I.

- He had the Forest of Reedsdale and the Castles of Otterburn and Harbottle, &c.

- Odonel 20 King Henry II.

- Richard 11 King Henry III.

- Gilbert 30 King Henry III.

- Warden of the Marches

- Gilbert 35 King Edward I.

- Gilbert 1 King Edward II.

- Gilbert 11 King Henry IV.

Wallis.

Rogerus de Umf•ville te•er Baronium de Proudebow per servitium 2. millic. & d••. •t antocessores sui à tempore Henrici I•. Regis Angliae.

Lel. Collect. V. 1. p. 201.

↵

†

Sir William Dugdale, in his Barony, says, ‘According to the Monk of Tynmouth, in the 18th of Henry II. Odonel greatly oppressed and plundered his neighbours, in order to repair the roof of his castle of Prudhow, presuming on his own eminence, and the interest he was possessed of by having married his daughter to one high in the King's favour.’

In the 14th of King John, Richard de Umfrevill delivered up his four sons and his castle of Brudhow, as pledges for his fidelity; notwithstanding which he put himself in arms among the B•ro•s, in the 17th of the same reign. The consequence of which was, that the castle and lands were given to Hugh de Baliol. But in the reign of Henry III. he obtained a restitution, but never had the confidence of that King, who was offended at and distrusted him on account of his fortifying his castle of Harbottle. He gave one toft and eight acres of land in the town of Prudhow to the Monks of Hexham. His son Gilbert succeeded to this Barony, and dying the 30th of Henry III. was succeeded by

Gilbert the second, who was stiled the famous Baron, the Flower and Keeper of the northern parts of England.

Gilbert the third was by King Edward I. made Earl of Angus in Scotland, and under that title summoned to parliament, A.D. 1297. The Lawers at first refused to acknowledge him as an Earl, because Angus was not of this kingdom; but submitted on sight of the King's writ, wherein he was summoned by that title.

Gilbert the fourth, in the 25th of Edward III. exhibited a petition to the King and his Council assembled in parliament, setting forth, that he and his ancestors, time out of mind, used to have custody of all prisoners taken within the liberty of Reedsdale, to be kept in his prison of Harbottle Castle: which being so ruined by the Scots wars, that it was insufficient to retain them, he desired he might have leave to keep all such prisoners in his Castle of Prudhow, till his Castle of Harbottle could be properly repaired. The King being satisfied that the fact alledged in his petition was true, and considering that the ruinous state of Harbottle Castle did not arise from neglect, granted him leave to keep such prisoners in his castle of Prudhoe for ten years.

This Earl Gilbert died without issue in 1381, having had by his wife Maude, daughter and heir of Thomas Lord Lucy, a son named Robert, who, although he died before his father, had been married to Margaret daughter of Henry the second Lord Percy of Alnwick, but without issue. It seems to have been in consequence of the settlement made on this marriage, that the Castle and Barony of Prudhow descended to the Percies; for it appears among the pleas in the King's Bench, 15 King Henry VI. and Rol. 9. on a traverse then tendered by Henry Earl of Northumberland, ‘that John Hawborough and John Pykeworth, Ao. 49 King Edward III. gave to Gilbert Hamfervile, and to Mawde his wife, and to their heirs lawfully begotten, the said Castle and Barony, and the Manor of Ovingham; and for lack of such issue, the said Castle, Manor, and Barony to remain to Henry Lord Percy, and to his heirs for ever.’

In consequence of this disposition, after the death of Earl Gilbert his widow the Countess Maude enjoyed it for her life. She married to her second husband Henry Percy, first Earl of Northumberland, who after her death entered into full possession of the Castle and Barony, with its appendages, and the same continued in his posterity, without any other interruption except what was occasioned by the attenders in different periods. Thus on the forfeiture of the said first Earl of Northumberland and his son Hotspur, in the reign of King Henry IV. the Castle and Lordship of Prudhow were bestowed by the said King (6 King Henry IV.) on his son John, afterwards Duke of Bedford and Regent of France, who appears to have held them till his death, except for a short time, viz. 4 Henry VI. when Ralph Earl of Westmoreland was possessed of the Mano• of Prudhow. So again, 28 King Henry VI. the Castle of Prudhow was in possession of Sir John Bertram, Knt. but afterwards the whole reverted to the Percies, till they underwent another attainder for their adherence to the House of Lancaster, in the 4th of King Edward IV. The Castle of Prudhow was given to Sir William Bertram, Knt. in the 5th year of that King's reign. After the restoration of Henry the fourth Earl of Northumberland, this Castle and Barony were again given back to the Percies: and though their possession of it suffered again some short interruptions from future attaintures, in the reigns of King Henry VIII. and Queen Elizabeth, yet the Castle and Barony of Prudhow have constantly descended, with their other great possessions, through the succeeding Earls of Northumberland, down to their illustrious representatives the present Duke and his late Duchess.

Grose's Antiq.

↵

*

Gulielmus Rex Scottorum, perambulavit Northumbriam, obsedit Prudehou Castellum Odonelli de Wimframvile, sed illud capere non potuit, &c. Quorum adventu cognito, Rex Scour inde recedens obsedit Alnewic, et ibidem captus est Rex.

Lel. Collect. V. 3. p. 207.

↵

OVINGHAM

had heretofore a religious house of Black Canons, subordinate to Hexham, founded and endowed by one of the Umfreviles, Barons of Prudhoe. At the dissolution it was valued at 11l. 2s. 8d. by Sancroft, and 13l. 4s. 8d. by Speed. It is now the estate of Thomas Charles Bigge, Esq of Little Benton. The church is in the cathedral form, but retains nothing antique or curious.

The road from Ovingham to

WYLAM,

the seat of the Blackets,[*] is delightful; the river with its varied beauties on the one hand, and hanging woodlands on the other.

Notes

*

- John Blacket, Esq High Sheriff of Northumberland 1692

- John Blacket 1714

- John Blacket 1729

Wallis.

↵

CLOSE HOUSE,

the mansion of the Bewicks,[*] claims the traveller's visit, for the excellent prospect it commands: placed on a gently inclining lawn on the banks of Tyne, it has all those beauties in view, which arise in a well cultivated and rich country: the river is seen, graced with a small island, where some stately oaks are fortunately scattered; the inclosures at the time of our journey abounded with the riches of harvest, mingling the teints of gold with the velvet of the green meads; whilst tufts of trees, well disposed, filled the nearer landskip: on this hand, Bradley, the seat of John Simpson, Esq on that, the village of Newburn, are on the offscape; whilst an elegant curvature of the river, surmounted by Ryton spire, is in from.

Near Close House, on the north of the military road, lays

Notes

*

- Robert Bewick, Esq High Sheriff of Northumberland 1695

- Robert 1726

- Sir Robert Bewick, Knt. 1760

Wallis.

↵

RUTCHESTER,

the Vindobala, according to Mr Horsley, of the Romans; where the Cohors Prima Frixagorum kept garrison. Camden calls it Vindolana; and by some authors it is said to be the frontier station of the fourth Cohort of the Gauls. Severus's wall runs upon the middle of the east rampart, but is not continued through the station: Hadrian's Vallum passes about the distance of a chain to the south of it. This fort has been very considerable, and the ruins of it at present are remarkable: on the north side there have been six turrets, one at each corner, one on each side the gate, and one between each corner, and those adjoining to the gate. On the east and west sides there is also a tower between the gate and the angle, in that part of the fort that is on the north of the wall; but it is doubtful whether there has been the same number of towers in that part that lays within the wall. The ramparts are still very visible. If there has been a town without, which there can scarce be any doubt of, it has been, as usual, on the south, where the village of Rutchester now stands, and covers its ruins.

To the north-west of Rutchester, is a place called Whitchester, sometimes Outchester; in Camden it is called Old Winchester, or Vindolana, and there are said to be some remains of a fort here; but all this seems to be a mistake. There is somewhat like the remains of an earthen rampart, which added to the name, may make it probable that here were the Castra Aestiva of the garrison of Rutchester; and perhaps it was called the Outer Chesters.

Between Whitchester and Harlow Hill, is a round hill with a trench about it, which seems to have been exploratory, and by the situation one would judge it had been as ancient as the time of the Romans.

It is curious to observe the passage of Hadrian's ditch near Harlow Hill, where it passes through a limestone quarry; though nothing is to be discerned on the surface, yet below it the exact dimensions of the ditch may be taken; because that part of the quarry, through which the ditch has been carried on, is now filled up with earth only, so that the shape and measure here are very plain. It is made sloping, the depth between eight and nine feet, and about eleven feet broad. At this place a Castellum has stood; the foundations yet appear. It has had a high situation, and commanded an extensive prospect.

At the usual distance from Harlow Hill, a Castellum is visible, and about a furlong west from this, the walls approach very near to each other, being not above a chain distance. Again, at the usual distance, another Castellum appears, but somewhat obscure, and of an uncommon shape; two of the sides (those which lay east and west) being about double the usual length, and the south side of it reaches very near the north Agger of Hadrian's work. Mr Horsley was of opinion this was one of Hadrian's exploratory Castella; but the north side of it falling in exactly with the line of Severus's wall, it has been used also as a Castellum by him. Severus's wall, in part of this tract, has four courses of the original stone appearing.

From Rutchester to Halton Chesters is little more than seven measured miles: there are nine Castella between these two stations, and all of them visible, the interval between every two of them being near upon six furlongs and an half; and it is remarkable, that as the interval between these two stations is the greatest of any upon the whole line of the wall, so the intervals between the Castella are the least of any, except in one single instance.

Many Roman Antiquities have been gained here, besides those mentioned by Mr Horsley, viz. an Effigy of Hercules some years ago was removed from hence by Mr Duane; two Fibulae of silver, Roman Bricks marked LVIV, and Coins of the low Empire, were lately discovered; but the most valuable acquisition gained from hence, was an Urn found in 1766, containing gold and silver Coins, in the possession of the late William Archdeacon, Esq in which, it is said, is a compleat series of those of the higher Empire. In the same year was discovered a Coffin, cut in the rock, twelve feet in length, containing many bones, teeth, and vertebree or joints, supposed to belong to animals sacrificed to Hercules, whose festival was observed on the third day of June.[*]

Near this station stands Rutchester Tower, the possession of the family de Rutchesters in the reign of King Edward I. The county of Northumberland, as was before observed, contains the remains of a multitude of such towers, apparently calculated for a family defence against the Moss Troopers and Scotch Ravagers.

Notes

*

Mr Horsley's Work contains the following Inscriptions found here:

XIII. Centuria Voconii Cohortis Posuit.

This is a centurial inscription in the usual form: the Centurion's name Voconius is visible, but the number of the Cohort is effaced.

XIV. Cohors Nona Posuit.

This contains the number of the Cohort, which might probably be one of those that carried on the work of the wall, from Walbottle hither. It is remarkable, that though we have all the intermediate numbers from one to ten, yet ten is never exceeded on such stones: this confirms them to be the numbers of the Legionary Cohorts.

XVII. Centuria Turriai Prisci.

This was found near this place; it appeared at first fight to be plainly centurial, and of the usual form; but the implication of the letters is very odd, part of the letters of both the names being thrown together in the same cypher, in which no fewer than four or five letters are united. The name Priscus is in another centurial inscription at Cousins House, and two in Cumberland.

↵

CHEESBURN GRANGE

lays to the north. The manor belonged to the priory of Hexham, afterwards to the Widdringtons, and now is the possession of Ralph Riddle, Esq

But I must return to the banks of Tyne, to speak more fully of

BYWELL.

The reader hitherto has only had my distant view from Hedley Hill.

I cannot forbear taking notice of a public grievance, which is so very notorious in the county of Northumberland, that every traveller experiences it. When I entered this county, I was prejudiced in its favour, and had not the least apprehension that any matter necessary for the public weal could be neglected. The resolutions of the Magistrates given to the public, will transmit their virtues to posterity. Merchandize has occasioned, within the last century, such an influx of wealth to this county, that it proves Trade is advanced by good roads for carriages, and an easy communication with the ports:—how then, in the midst of such professed virtues, and such public conviction, can it arise, that the plain directions of the law, touching the highways, are totally neglected or overlooked? There is scarce one Guide-post, to mitigate the grievances of travelling, erected through the whole county, except in the neighbourhood of Wallington; and some of those are obliterated. On the public road from Newcastle to Hexham, and on the wilds of Wooler, the traveller is equally embarrassed.

As you look upon Bywell from the most pleasing point of view, the landskip lays in the following order:—From the road near the brink of the river, the ruined piers of a bridge become the front objects; behind which, in a regular cascade, the whole river falls over a wear, extended from Bank to Bank, in height about eight perpendicular feet; a mill on the right hand, a salmon lock on the left: the town and two churches stretch along the banks of the upper bason of the river, with a fine curvature: the solemn ruins of the ancient castle of the Baliols, lift their towers above the trees on the right, and make an agreeable contrast with the adjoining mansion-house: the whole back ground of the landskip appears covered with wood.

There is a tradition, that two sisters quarrelling about precedency, one of them founded a church of her own, from whence she excluded her sister; which was the occasion of two churches in this small town. Both are served at present by one Clergyman, who does duty in the morning at one, and in the evening at the other.

Bywell was the Barony of the Baliol family for many generations, Guy de Baliol being invested therewith by William Rufus:[*] Hugh de Baliol possessed it in the reign of King Henry III.[*] Camden says, he held it by the service of thirty Knights fees [†] to the ward of Newcastle. And after him, it passed to John de Baliol, 1 King Edward I.[‡] It became the possession of the Nevils, Lords of Raby;[§] and by the attainder of Charles Earl of Westmoreland, was forfeited to the Crown in the year 1571, with his other large possessions.

In the Life of Lord Keeper Guildford, we have an account of a custom held here. As this country was perilous to travellers, the tenants of each manor were bound to guard the Judge through their respective precincts. Lord Chief Justice North describes his attendants with long beards, short cloaks, long basket-hilted broad swords, hanging from broad belts, and mounted on little horses, so that their legs and swords touched the ground at every turning. The Sheriff presented his train with arms, viz. a dagger, knife, penknife, and fork.

By the two piers yet remaining in the river, it appears there was an ancient bridge over Tyne here; but as it is remarked by workmen, that the piers have not had a spring of arches, it is evident the superstructure was of wood. The ruins of the chapel appertaining to Bywell Castle, are situate on the southern banks of the river.

I cannot quit this delightful scene, without making a comparison between the aera of 1580 and the present age:—the record I have given in my note, affords a deplorable evidence of the circumstances attending the inhabitants of Tyne, when they were obliged to guard their cattle every night, and to cultivate no more lands than in proportion to the places of defence they had to secure their crops; living in a state of perpetual warfare and jeopardy. And even these calamities, which arose from a vicinity of thieves and robbers, were trifling, when compared to the devastation and ruin, which marked the incursions of the Scots. These were only the incidental grievances of the times; but there was one which was continued—the vassalage and misery of a feodal tenure; by which genius was kept in fetters, and industry was distinguished only by the name of slavery. What then was the estate of this opulent and beautiful county of Northumberland, when compared to the present time? What blessings have flowed in upon this land, from the union of the kingdoms, and the excellent police of the age? The ferocity of the inhabitants is subdued; traffic, arts, sciences, manufactories, and navigation, have taken place of the brutal warfare, which is extinguished; Cultivation, with all the comeliness of Plenty, laughs in the valleys; the streams are taught to labour in mechanic systems, to aid the manufacturer; every Creek and Bay is thronged with Ships; the gloomy Tower, that frowned defiance from each Eminence, sinks in the dust, whilst a Palace receives the descendants of her Lord, with all the bounties of Opulence and Peace. Desert plains stained with Slaughter, and track'd with the progress of Rapine and Violence, formerly spread forth an extensive scene of desolation, where now rising woods, inclosed farms, villages, and hamlets are disposed under the smiles of Prosperity. The original naked inhabitants (savage from hunger and necessity, lurking in dens, and in the mountains prowling as wolves, subsisting in perpetual jeopardy on robbery and rapine) has furnished the land with a race, who, at the time they enjoy the comforts of life, reap the fruits of industry and the profits of genius, and thereby are progressively advancing their families towards opulence. Happy reverse!—But to return from this digression.

In the year 1760, an angler found in the river, near Bywell, a small silver cup, of Roman work, with a motto engraven on the bottom, Desideri vivas.

The custom of wishing health or prosperity, at the time of drinking, is very ancient—it is not possible to trace it to its source: we have testimonies of it among the customs of most of the ancient nations: it was used as a religious ceremony with many; the wine was offered in the sacred vessel, and the Deity invoked; after which a little was spilt on the altar, and the public prayer being made, the petitioner put his lips to the cup.

It would afford great astonishment to a foreigner, in whose country no such custom has gained acceptation, to be brought into a company of Englishmen, where jollity and convivial mirth had begun to take place: we will presume the visitant, by his interpreter, is introduced to a knowledge of the characters before him, in order that we may heighten the lines of his surprize:—how would he be amazed, to hear a man, who in common life and conversation expresses no religion, morality, principles, or public virtue, praying with all the vehemence of an Enthusiast, on his knees, before he drinks to the prosperity of the object of his wishes; who is, perhaps, no other than some factious wretch, and rebellious disturber of the commonweal; whilst the circle of communicants, standing around like Canibals at some horrid festival, or Daemons at an infernal convocation, in every distortion of body and countenance, which can express an agitated soul and an inflamed mind, halloo with all the ardour of unlimited licentiousness, in the hideous yells of Hottentots?—When such a visiter, returned to his native land, should relate the scene, and tell his astonished countrymen, that with the polished Britons this was jollity and public spirit; could he be believed?—Would he not, like Mandeville on his visit to the vale of Devils, to save his credit, be obliged to add, "Men sayen for I hav' not seyen." As to my part, I think a vehement Partizan, in the ardent act of drinking a constitutional Toast, as he would term it, is as odious and ridiculous an Animal as Nature can exhibit.

Returning to the wall,

Notes

*
Dugdale's Baron. 523.
↵

*
Dugdale's Baron. 523.
↵

†

Hugh de Balliolo tenet Baroniam de Biwelle cum pertinentiis per servitium quinque militum, et tamen debet ad wardam Novi Castelli super tinam 30 milites, ut antecessores sui tenuerunt a tempore Gul. Rufi Regis qui eum feofavit de feodo illo.

Lel. Collect. V. 1. p. 301.

↵

‡

Hugh de Baliol, Sheriff of Northumberland for 10 successive years.

John de Baliol, one of the 12 Lords chosen by the Barons to treat in the three parliaments of Henry III. to save the charges of attendance.

Wallis.

↵

§

A survey was taken of the forfeited estates by her Majesty's Commissioner Sir William Humberston, in the 12th year of her reign.

‘Bywell and Bolbeck are two ancient Baronies, and are situate on the extream south part of Northumberland. To the Barony of Bywell belongeth a forest of red deer. Within the barony are many gentlemen and freeholders, who hold their lands of the said barony by services, and are always attendants upon the Lords in time of service, when they shall be thereto commanded.’ In the wastes are divers woods, and very fair coursing with greyhounds.

‘The town of Bywell is builded in length all of one street, upon the river or water of Tyne, is divided into two several parishes, and inhabited by handicraftmen, whose trade is in iron-work, for the horsemen and borderers of that country. They are subject to the incursions of the thieves of Tynedale, and compelled winter and summer to bring all their cattle and sheep into the street in the night season, and watch both ends of the street, and when the enemy approacheth, to raise hue and cry.’

‘To the barony there belongeth a fishery of salmon in the river Tyne, three miles in length, with a dam or bay over the river for preserving the fish.’

‘In Bywell town the ancestors of the Earl of Westmoreland built a fair tower or gatehouse, all of stone, and covered with lead; meaning to have proceeded further, as appears by the walls, the height of a man, left unfinished.’

‘The Barony of Bywell comprehendeth Bywell St Peter, Bywell St Andrew, Acomb, Newton, Ovington, Mickley, Bromley, Newlands, Ridley, Nova, Styford, Sheryden, and Easing-hope, inhabited by men of good service, and have very good farms, and able to keep much cattle, and get plenty of corn and hay, were it not for the continual robberies and incursions of the thieves of Tynedale, which so continually assault them in the night, as they can keep no more cattle than they are able to lodge either in house or like safety in the night’

‘The Lord of the said Baronies hath the leet, within all the limits of the same, and all waives, estrays, fellons goods, and amerciaments, and all other royalties, casualties, and profits arising or growing by reason of the leet.’

↵

STAMFORDHAM

claims my attention, consisting of one street only; it has three annual fairs, on the 12th of April, Holy Thursday, and Thursday succeeding the 26th of August. Here is a free school, founded by Sir Thomas Widdrington, in the year 1663, well endowed. The vicarage house is pleasantly situated.

About a mile from thence is

FENWICK TOWER,

now in ruins, in a low situation, the seat of Thomas de Fenwick [*] in the reign of King Henry III. It continued for several generations in that family, till it came by sale, in the reign of King William III. to Sir William Blacker. In pulling down pan of this tower, since I visited it, a treasure was found by one of the workmen, of the broad gold coin of King Edward I. as fresh as if new from the mintage. The poor wretch, elate with his success, exceeded those limits of discretion necessary to secure his wealth; by launching out into extravagance, he alarmed an envious neighbour, and the simple man was soon left to his original poverty, by a claim from the owner of the tower.

Notes

*

- Thomas de Fenwick King Henry III.

- Robert — 33 King Edward I.

- John —, High Sheriff of Northumberland 32 King Richard II.

- Sir John Fenwick King William III.

Wallis.

↵

WEST MATFEN,

in the neighbourhood of Fenwick Tower, next attracted our notice. In the reigns of King John, and King Henry III. it was the manor of Philip de Ulcote, who held it by Grand Sergeancy, on keeping the pleas of the Crown. He was joined in commission with Hugh de Baliol, 17 King John, A. D. 1216, to hold the castle and town of Berwick upon Tweed against the Barons. It afterwards became the inheritance of the Feltons, till by marriage it devolved on Sir Edward de Hastings. In the reign of Queen Elizabeth it was in the possession of Sir Ra. Lawson, and after changing its owners several times from that period, is now the estate of Sir Edward Blacket, whose mansion-house is seated on a fine eminence, shielded by extensive woods, above the river Pont, with a vista of considerable extent opening upon the military road. The house and pleasure grounds are highly pleasing, though not pompous: there is that elegance which perfect neatness constitutes, to be discerned in the whole.

Adjoining to the east side of the vista, is a rude stone Column, nine feet high, near which lately stood a Tumulus, which on account of building a farm-house, has been destroyed; the people living near it, say it was near 30 yards in circumference at the foot; but as no remains were left for me to make my observations upon, I will give the description found in Mr Wallis's book verbatim. ‘In a field on the east side of the vista, about three quarters of a mile from the house, is a circular Mount, with a round cavity in the middle, of the form of the Celtic Tumuli, or Temples; an upright stone pillar standing by it, of a great size, nine feet high above ground, with flat sides, three feet broad, and a foot and a half thick. The mount is composed of earth and numerous masses of stone, of the coarse rag kind, many of which have been digged up for the use of this farm, and among them were discovered two stone chests or coffins, consisting of four flags set edgeways, with a bottom stone and a stone cover, containing the ashes of the dead, appearing like a white dust.’

From this description, I apprehend it was one of the most curious pieces of antiquity, of the Tumuli order, that was in this county, or perhaps the north of England. I humbly conceive it was not a Celtic Temple, as Mr Wallis calls it, being evidently appropriated to the sepulture of the dead; a defilement at no time permitted by the Druids in their holy places. Its distant antiquity is proved by the mode of sepulture; the burning of the deceased, after the manner of the Romans, was not attended with the mode distinguished herein interment; the Danes used burning the deceased, but we have no evidence in what manner they practised it in England. From the cavity on the crown of the mount, similar to some of the Druids monuments I have seen, I am induced to apprehend, this was the mausoleum of the Druid tribe, and of the remotest antiquity; and that such cavity was adapted to rites paid to the manes of the deceased. Pillars and other memorials of sepulture, were originally devised as mementos to the passenger, of the precariousness of our existence, and by remembrance of the virtues of the dead, to promote our emulation. The custom of burning the remains of men of rank or power, gained an acceptation in very early ages; it was consistent with the general ideas of those who held the Amonian rites; the spirit or human soul was esteemed to be a spark of etherial fire, an emanation of the Deity, who made his throne in the orbit of the sun, to which they looked up in worship; which divine essence, in this life, was cased up in members of mortality, during a pilgrimage allotted to it in a terrestrial state: to restore to that element again this offspring of heavenly light, they reduced even the loathsome memorials of its bondage, that nothing should remain which might cause it to linger on earth. But I will add no further to this subject, than by way of note, to give the reader the quotations and reflections of Mr Wallis.[*]

Returning to the military road, between the 12th and 13th mile stone, is a view of

Notes

*

Temples and funeral memorials like this, with cepititious or stone altars, and an upright pillar untouched by the chisel, are the most ancient of any in the world, were raised in Judea and all over the Holy Land, by the eastern Princes and Patriarchs, by whom they were called Bethels and Elbethels. The manner of consecration, was with oil poured on the pillar.—One of these pillars was erected by Jacob, and he called is the house of God. ‘Jacob rose up early in the morning, and took the stone that he had put for his pillow, and set it up for a pillar, and poured oil upon the top of it. And he called the name of that place Bethel; but the name of that city was called Luz, at the first. And he said, this stone which I have set up for a pillar shall be God's house. Jacob came to Luz, which is in the land of Canaan, (that is Bethel) he and all the people that were with him. And he built there an altar, and called the place Elbethel. And Jacob set up a pillar in the place where he talked with God, even a pillar of stone, and he poured a drink-offering thereon, and he poured oil thereon. And Jacob called the name of the place where God spake with him Bethel.’

The making of altars of earth, or of natural stone as formed in the earth, was by the direction of God to Moses. ‘An altar of earth thou shalt make unto me. And if thou wilt make me an altar of stone, thou shalt not build it of hewn stone, for if thou lift up thy tool upon it, thou hast polluted it.’

These temples were generally erected on the higher ground, such as were most conspicuous and obvious to fight. The one was built by Moses and another by Joshua on Mount Ebal, composed of whole natural stones, or pillars plaistered with plaister, whereon they wrote the divine laws, in a great and general assembly of all Israel, of all the princes, great officers, judges, and people of every rank and quality, strangers and others, old and young.

Single pillars were also erected by these holy men over the graves of the illustrious dead by some public and much frequented road, to have their memories preserved, and to put the traveller in mind of their exemplary virtue and piety, of his own short continuance on the stage of life, and to fit and make himself worthy of such another honourable memorial at his death, and of an eternal diadem. Thus Jacob buried Rachel, the solace and partner of his cares, who died with the birth of their son Benjamin. "Rachel died and was buried in the way to Ephrah, which is Bethlehem. And Jacob set a pillar on her grave, that is the pillar of Rachel's grave to this day."

Persons of inferior condition and figure were buried under the shady oaks that flourished at the bottom of the mounts on which the bethels or temples stood. They were called the oaks of weeping. ‘Deborah, Rebekah's nurse, died, and she was buried beneath Bethel, under an oak, and the name of it was called Allon Backuth.’

Heaps of stones rudely cast together were the tombs they assigned to infidel enemies after execution, even crowned heads, in avenues and places of great concourse, to be warnings to the rest of mankind, how they rose up against the God of Israel, and dishonoured his bethel or holy temple. Such a memorial had the King of Ai, executed by Joshua. ‘As soon as the sun was down, Joshua commanded that they should take his carcass down from the tree, and cast it on the entring of the gate of the city, and raise thereon a great heap of stones, that remaineth to this day.’

Such a memorial likewise had Achan and his family, whose bodies were first burnt to ashes, with all their treasure and wealth.

Hence the open temples, the pillars, the obelisks, the consecrated groves of oak, the heaps of stones reared by the Pagans to their false Gods, and to the memory of the dead. Hence the Egyptian pyramid, hence the fair column of the Greeks, the Romans, and of the several nations taught and ruled by the Druids: the primitive religious rites accompanying mankind upon their grand dispersion at the tower of Babel, about the 400th year after the flood, according to the Samaritan computation.

Wallis.

↵

WELTON TOWER,

situate on a rising ground, adjoining a small village. There is nothing singular in the structure. On entering Northumberland, my companion, the ingenious Mr Bailey, assisted me to draw views of many towers, but such a sameness reigned through the whole, and they multiplied upon us so fast, we were obliged to desist from further prosecution of so wearisome and unprofitable a work.—We trod the hallowed ground where Finan, as Bede tells us, then Bishop of Lindisfarn, baptized Sigebert King of the East Saxons, and Penda King of the Mercians, with a numerous train of nobles and adherents. This was the ancient seat of the Weltons,[*] of Simon de Welton in the reign of King Henry IV. and continued in that family till the reign of King Charles I.

At a little distance from thence stands

Notes

*

- Simon de Welton 10 King Henry IV.

- Thomas 25 King Henry VI.

- Simon 5 King Edward IV.

- Michael 19 King Charles I.

Wallis.

↵

HALTON TOWER.

There is nothing remarkable in this structure. It appertained to the ancient family of Haltons, and was possessed in the reign of King Henry III. by John de Halton.[*] It afterwards descended to two coheiresses, through whom one moiety came to the family of Lowthers, and the other to that of the Carnabys. In the reign of King Henry IV. the whole possession was in the Carnaby family, with whom it continued for many generations: one of whom, Sir William Carnaby, being a loyalist at the battle of Marsdon Moor, in the Northumberland regiment, commanded by the Marquis of Newcastle, was obliged to fly the land.

Here is preserved a sword of the Carnabys 64 inches long, one of those ill-proportioned instruments which was decisive at one blow, or left its owner at the mercy of his adversary, unable to recover his weapon for a second attack.[†] It was difficult to be wielded with any effect by a footman, and undoubtedly appertained to the horse service;[‡] the shield devised by the Romans as a defence against the same was borne by the horsemen.

Halton was purchased by John Douglas, Esq [*] of Newcastle, in the year 1706, and by marriage has become the possession of Sir Edward Blackett.

Within view from the tower is

Notes

*

- John de Halton King Henry III.

- William —, of Denum 17 King Edward I.

- High Sheriff of Northumberland 25th of that reign.

- Margaret married Robert de Lowther

- — married Carnaby

- The whole vested in the Carnabys King Richard II.

- William Carnaby 9 King Henry IV.

- High Sheriff of Northumberland.

- Sir John 35 King Henry VI.

- Sir Reginold 33 King Henry VIII.

- High Sheriff of Northumberland.

- Sir Cuthbert 9 Queen Elizabeth.

- High Sheriff.

- Sir William 21 King James I.

- Member of Parliament for Morpeth.

- In the reign of Charles I. Member for Northumberland, and High Sheriff.

Wallis.

Joannes de Hawelton tenet in capite de Domino Rege Halton. Lel. Col. V. 1. p. 199.

↵

†

Such swords as these were used by the Gauls in their wars with the Romans; as a defence against which, the Roman General Camillus contrived a shield or buckler of iron, of the Parma kind, of a round form, and adorned with studs of brass. Mars Bellator of Gradivus, is usually described with such a shield. It was part of the Armatura Equitum, and borne on the left arm.

Wallis.

↵

‡

Mr Wallis gives the following anecdote of one of the Carnaby family. "At the time that this country was infested with those thieves called Moss Troopers, one of this family had a commission to apprehend and try them. Whilst he was deeply engaged on the trial of some of them, a very notorious and desperate villain was seized by his son, who asked his father what he should do with him. Do with him, said the father, why hang him. As soon as the trial was ended, he ordered the man to be brought before him, but was told he was hanged instantly according to his order. On complaint being made to the Crown, a fine of 4l. per annum was laid on the Halton e•tate, which is still paid."

Wallis.

A similar story is told of Lord William Howard, at Nawarth, in Cumberland.

↵

*
He rebuilt the old parochial chapel there (which was then in ruins) for the case of his tenants, though at no great distance from the mother church. The Vicar of Corbridge officiates here every third Sunday, in the forenoon, and at C
•
rbridge, the parish church, in the afternoon.

↵

HALTON CHESTERS,

the Hunnum of the Romans, situate on an easy descent; the remains of the Vallum not perfectly to be traced.—This station is the next fort that appears upon the wall between Rutchester and Walwick Chesters, and comes at a due distance, and in proper order for the ancient Hunnum, the fifth station in the series of the Notitia, garrisoned by the Ala Saviniana.

Mr Gordon, omitting the station at Halton, makes Walwick Chesters to be Hunnum, and supposes Cilurnum, the next station in the Notitia, to have been between Walwick Chesters and Precolitia or Carrawbrugh, but now entirely demolished. This cannot hold, for the walls and their appurtenances are here in the greatest perfection; how then should a fort on that part of the wall be entirely ruined, so as not to have the least vestige remaining? Besides, the great distance between Rutchester and Walwick, which is above twelve miles, shews that there must have been at least one station between them; and on the other hand, the small distance between Walwick Chesters and Carrawbrugh, which is little more than three measured miles, renders it most unlikely that there ever should have been another station between them.

Hadrian's Vallum seems to have fallen in with the south rampart of this fort, and Severus's wall with the north line of the inner part. There seems to have been an aqueduct to convey water to this station, from a spring on the higher ground, near Watling-street-gate: when Mr Horsley passed that way, he says he was shewn a part of it by a countryman, who said, it was what the speaking trumpet was lodged in: of this matter I have treated before.

The ruins of the out-buildings are to the south and south-east of the fort. Near about a furlong to the east of Watling-street-gate, is a visible Castellum, and at the gate there has been a square Castellum, half within the wall and half without.

Mr Horsley remarks, that Severus's military way appears very distinct for the small spaces where it is separated from Hadrian's north Vallum; regularly paved, but not much raised above the level of the ground. When the two are united, they make a military way very beautiful and magnificent: and the rest both of Severus's and Hadrian's works are ample and conspicuous all this way. As for the course of Severus's military way, and its coinciding with Hadrian's north Vallum, and going off from it again at every Castellum, it seems very curious, and it is remarkable that it has not been more observed.

From St Oswalds to the river of North Tyne, some parts or appurtenances of the walls become more faint and obscure, and some not visible at all; but yet Severus's wall, the ditch, and Hadrian's Vallum and ditch, are very apparent. After the wall has crossed the Tyne, it goes to Walwick, as before described: the distance from whence to Halton Chesters is near five measured miles and a quarter, and in this interval there are five visible Castella, besides one that must have stood near the river Tyne, but is now entirely lost. The constant distance between these Castella seems to have been seven furlongs.

Dr Hunter, Mr Smith, and others, take notice of some remains at Portgate, or near it, within a mile of the Chesters: and in the new edition of Camden, it is observed, that ‘there is at Portgate, a square old tower still standing, and great ruins of old buildings.’ But it was Mr Horsley's opinion this tower had nothing in it that was Roman, being of the same form with a multitude of others that are in the north, and of a much later date. The ruins are at Halton, before spoken of.

Besides the inscriptions mentioned by Mr Horsley, the following were found here.

A centurial stone, now in the custody of Sir Edward Blackett, with a civic garland rudely sculptured, and a figure of the Roman Eagle, inscribed

LEG. II. AVG.

E

At the same time was found an Extispicia of wood, the instrument used by the Auspices in examining the Entrails of sacrificed animals. Another centurial stone was also found here, inscribed

LEG. XX. V.V.

HORTENS

PROCVL.

Urns have been dug up here, with some Coins of Nero and Constantine; and also some of Magnentius and Decentius: the remains of sacrifices have also been discovered here. This Legion, according to Dr Stukely, after harvest held a solemn festival dedicated to Ceres and Ops: the usual victim was a boar.[*]

We approached

Notes

*

Mr Horsley treats of the following inscription found here.

XX Cohortis Se•ae Centuria Statii Solonis Posuit.

This was in the w• of an inclosure not far from Portgate Castle: it was erected by the Century of Statius S•l•a, a Centurion of the sixth Cohort, probably of the sixth Legion called Victorious: which Legion erected th•s inscription.

At a C•ll•m were found some Ur•, coarse and whitish.

↵

AYDEN CASTLE,

now greatly in decay; the situation is formidable, and from the solemnity of its ruins, is at this time strikingly august. It is placed on the west side of a deep gill, on the brink of a precipice, at whose foot runs a little brook. By the traces remaining of this edifice, it appears to have been of considerable extent and strength, encompassed by an outward wall, in which the loop-holes remain. One thing remarkable here, is a stable, with an arched roof of stone, without any wood in its structure, the mangers being formed of stone troughs. It seems constructed for the preservation of cattle, at the time of assault.

The precipice is famous for a Lover's Leap, an exploit in amour totally neglected in our degenerate days, and incompatible with the silken softness of modern gallants, who court the hand of destruction by modes more truly French, when despair ruffles their plumes. This custom is truly British, the influenza of our heavy and gloomy atmosphere—we read of no such thing in antiquity, or the manners of other nations. Jack who made his leap here, has immortalized his name, but we are deprived of that of his Dulcinea, whose frowns had such power over his forlorn heart. Intercourse with polite nations has introduced many changes in our manners; most Suicides now-a-days, are in despair of getting a separation from the sex, and not their possession.

The prospect from hence is delightful, comprehending the vale, over which Hexham, with imperial looks, smiles graciously; the river is seen in various meanderings, and the opposite banks are graced with the elegant mansion of Beaufront, flanked with its extensive plantations.

Ayden Castle was the inheritance of the family of Aydens [*] for several generations: it appertained to Emma de Ayden, a rich heiress, in the reign of King Edward I. he gave her in marriage to Peter de Wallis, whose name is said to be local, and derived from Wallis in France; and that he was of the same race of the Scotch patriot Wallis, whose ancestor came into Britain with the Conqueror. Ayden afterwards became the inheritance of the Raymes [†] of Bolham, and was in that family from the reign of King Edward III. to that of King Charles I. A part of the Ayden estate is said to have been in the family of the Carnabys.

Camden says, near this place was dug up an ancient monument, on which the effigy of a man was cut, resting on his left arm upon a couch, in the attitude used by the Romans, his right hand laid upon his right knee, with the following inscription:

— — — — —

NORICI. AN. XXX

—ESSORIVS MAGNVS

FRATER EIVS

DVPL. ALE

SABINIANE

which may be read thus: Norici annorum triginta Messorius Magnus Frater ejus duplaris alae Sabinianae. This is a curious and useful inscription, as it confirms this place to be the Station of Hunnum. The cut of the letters is neither very good nor exact; nor are they very regular as to their magnitude or distances one from another; and the the whole favours of the lower Empire. The original is at Conington. Norricus is a Roman name that occurs several times in Gruter: and the name Messorius is found also in an inscription at Risingham, in this county. The mark at the bottom looked like a part of a letter, as if this stone had been parted from another, upon which there was some inscription. Camden supposes, that Sabina, Hadrian's wife, gave the name to this Ala: but it was thought more probable by Mr Horsley, that it was taken from Sabinia, the wife of the Emperor Gordian; to whose time this inscription much better agrees.

Also the following inscription is mentioned by Camden:

M. MARI

VS. VELLI

A. LONG

VS. AQVI

S. HANC

POSVIT

V. S. L. M.

M. Marius Vellia Longus Aquis hanc Posuit V. S. L. M. Mr Horsley presumed that Aquis here is for Eques, so Equis for Eques we meet with in other instances; and perhaps an A for an E has been the error of the transcriber. This horseman might also belong to the Ala Sabiniana.

We descended to

Notes

*

- Emma de Ayden 1 King Edward I. Escheats of that reign.

↵

†

- William de Raymes 43 King Edward III. High Sheriff.

- Edward 35 King Henry VI.

- Robert 10 Queen Elizabeth. High Sheriff.

- Henry King Charles I.

Wallis.

↵

CORBRIDGE.

Though the town makes a pretty appearance at the foot of the vale when you see it from Hexham, it disappoints the traveller greatly on his entrance, to find it dirty and disagreeable.

This is an ancient borough,[*] and sent Members to Parliament; but on account of the expence of representation, the privilege was disused.[†]

Roger de Clavering, Baron of Warkworth, had this manor by a grant of King John, with the privilege of an annual fair, on the day of St John the Baptist, and a weekly market. The manor, by the surrender of John the last Baron Clavering, came to the Crown in the reign of King Edward I. by King Edward III. it was granted to Henry Lord Percy, and is now part of the possessions of the present Duke of Northumberland.

In the reign of King Edward I. A. D. 1296, the Scots burnt Corbridge, on their incursions, at the same time that they destroyed Hexham. In the reign of Edward II. Corbridge again suffered by the Scots, A. D. 1311.

The church is ancient; under an arch in the north aile, is the tomb of one of the founders, inscribed Hic jacet in terris Alsini filius Hugo. King Henry I. presented his Chaplain, Richard de Aurea Valle, to this church; and gave the impropriation and perpetual advowson, to the Church and Canons of St Mary, Carlisle.

Many considerable donations were made by the Dilston family and others, to the poor of this parish.

In the year 1735, there was found near Corbridge, a curious piece of Roman plate, now in the possession of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland. It weighs 148 ounces, is 20 inches long, and 15 broad, a print of which, engraved by Vertue, some years ago was published by Mr William Shaftoe. We intended whilst upon our journey, to have procured a drawing of this curious piece of antiquity; but on our arrival at Alnwick, found the castle crowded with visitants, it being one of his Grace's public days, when the popularity and libera spirit, so eminently distinguished in his Grace's character, laid open the gates of his palace.[*]

It is probable this piece of plate was not for sacred uses, but was a Lanx, for the service of the Emperor's table on high festivals; and expressive of some great atchievement to the glory of the Roman Eagle: the locality and the event being lost to us in the distant antiquity.

The best description and definition now extant, have been communicated to me, among the manuscripts of the late Roger Gale, Esq and I do not doubt the curious reader will readily pardon my inserting the papers at length, which relate thereto.

From the Manuscripts of the late Roger Gale, Esq

Extract from the Newcastle News-paper, with an account of an ancient Silver Plate found near Corbridge, in Northumberland.

"A few days since, near the Roman wall in Northumberland, was found by a smith's daughter in Corbridge, an ancient piece of silver, in shape like a tea-board, 20 inches long, and 15 broad, hollowed about an inch deep, with a flat brim, an inch and a quarter broad, neatly flowered with a vine full of grapes, &c.—On the right hand is a figure of Apollo, with the bow in his left hand, and a physical herb in his right, under a canopy supported by two Corinthian pillars; near his left leg is a Tyre, under it an Helistrope, and at his feet a Python; near the right hand pillar is another of a different form, with a sun for its capital; against this sits a Priestess on a tripod, who looks over her shoulder at Apollo, under her feet is an altar, near which lies a stag on his back.—The next figure to the Priestess is another female, her head unveiled, with a spear or wand in her left hand, on the top of which is a ball, and near her is Minerva with a helmet on her head, a spear in her left hand, pointing with her right to a man (supposed an Hunter) on the other side of a large tree; on Minerva's breast is a Medusa's head, under her feet an altar, and near it a wolf looking up to a man who has a bow in his left, and an arrow in his right hand; below him, at one corner of the plate, is a rock with an urn in the midst of it, from which flows a stream. The figures are raised large, and well proportioned and cast-work, without the least sign of a graver upon it. There are a few scratches of a punch or chisel on the back of it; the three first are I. PX, but the rest is very unintelligible. It had under the middle of it a low frame, about 7 inches long, 4 broad, and one and an half deep, but this was broken off by the smith, though once all of a piece. It was found by a little brook or water-course near the above-mentioned place, and weighing about 148 ounces, was bought by Mr Cookson, a goldsmith of Newcastle, who values it at a high rate. It has been described by several Virtuosi to the Royal Society, that of the Antiquarians, and others, who esteem it a valuable relique of antiquity."

Letter from Mr Robert Cay, with an account of the Corbridge Silver Plate. 4 March, 1734.

"SIR,

"My fondness to antiquity is revived, and with it the memory of my obligations to you, by a Silver Table that has lately fallen into the hands of Mr Isaac Cookson, a goldsmith in this town. It was found near Corbridge, by some ignorant poor people, who have cut off the feet in such a vile barbarous manner, that they have broke two holes through the table, and a small piece off one of the corners too. It is 19 inches and ½ long, and 15 broad, the feet 7½ long, and 5½ broad, and about one inch high; it weighs about 150 ounces. I imagine it to have been cast all in one piece, most of the work is in basse relief, the rest engraved. It represents a sacrifice to Apollo, whose image stands in a small temple by two Corinthian pillars, against one of them seems to be a pile of some square blocks, and close to it sits a Priestess upon a stool, that shews but two feet; behind her is a column with a globe upon it, I suppose to represent the sun, though had it been alone I should not have thought so: near her stands another in the same habit, and a third that seems to have the attributes of Pallas, particularly the head-piece. Near the last is a man [*] with a bow in his left hand, and an arrow in his right, before him is an altar and a dog, I think a greyhound near him; behind him is a large spreading tree, with an eagle parched upon it; there are also several small birds about it, but these are only engraved. In the lower corner next the man, on the left hand as you look at it, there is a rocky hill, and on the side of it lies an urn, with a stream of water running out; perhaps designed to represent the river Tyne. The two standing women hold each of them a staff of their own height. Afore the temple is another altar, on one side of which lies a griffin, and on the other side next the man, a buck, which seems to be killed for a sacrifice; near the buck grow two ears of corn tyed together, and near the griffin a shrub of three or four branches, that has at the end of each branch somewhat formed like a fan. There is a border raised round the whole, higher than the plain, which is adorned with a vine; the branch is engraved, but the grapes and leaves are in basse relief. I am, Sir, yours, &c.

ROBERT CAY.
Newcastle, 4 March, 1734.
"I heartily wish this table was in the hands of some curious gentleman well able to make such purchases, for I find Mr Cookson will expect profit, though I hope he will not be unreasonable. I should have taken notice, that the workmanship appears in all respects to be of the lower Empire."

Another Letter from Mr Cay, on the Corbridge Silver Plate.

15 March, 1735.
"SIR,

"Soon after the post was gone from hence, I received yours of the 11th. This morning I went to the goldsmith, who soon convinced me of my error in saying the birds, &c. were engraved; and that all which I thought to be engraved, was struck with the chisel and punch; so that I must own your suspicions were well grounded. Mr Cookson's father happens to be here now; I take him to be well versed in the art of casting of metals; he shewed me several marks near one end, in the middle of which end there is a crack; which marks and crack, he says, are proofs that it was cast in one piece.

"I enquired again about the price, but Mr Cookson waved saying any thing different from what I mentioned to you yesterday; which was, that he hoped it would produce him about 200 guineas.

"As to the place where it was found, he says, he can tell me no more, than that it was somewhere near Corbridge. He apprehends the person who sold it to him was afraid to name the particular place, or to confess in whose manor it was discovered, as fearing a claim from the Lord of the Manor.

"Since writing the above, I am told a kind of a claim has been made on behalf of the Duke of Somerset, though neither his Grace's officer nor the goldsmith know in whose manor it was found.

"On the back of the table there is a kind of inscription, which I cannot pretend to read, but will endeavour to represent it below.

I am, Sir, yours, &c. ROBERT CAY.

"P. S. I am told two other pieces of antique plate have been since found in the same place. One of them was sold to a gentleman in Cumberland, and the other to a goldsmith in this town, who thinking it much damaged, had melted it down before I heard of it.

R. C."

Letter from Sir John Clerk, in answer to one from Mr Gale, giving an account of the Corbridge Silver Plate.

"The account you have sent me of the silver table found near Corbridge is very surprizing. How happy had Mr Gorden and I been, when we were hunting for Roman Antiquities in that country, if this valuable curiosity had fallen into our hands! As to the use of it, I make no question of its being a tabula votiva, and that it has been hung up, or kept in a temple, at Corbridge; dedicated perhaps to Apollo or Ceres. No doubt the Roman officer, who commanded in these northern parts of Britain, thought himself very happy, to find good meat and drink, in a country where he expected to find nothing, but famine and barbarity; and therefore in gratitude made this present to the God of the place.

"I cannot help, since I am in this way of thinking, to reflect a little upon what I observed in a church, called Notre Dame de Halle, about 12 miles from Brussels; the walls were hung round with silver legs and arms, cups, and several other things in silver, as tokens of gratitude to the blessed Virgin, for having by her means and intercession, been recovered from infirmities and distempers.

"Among other things, I could not but take notice of a Silver Pen, which old doating Justus Lipsius had sent thither some years before, out of gratitude, as an inscription told us, for that by the assistance of the Virgin Mary, he had been enabled with so much eloquence, &c. to write a Treatise de Miraculis B. Virginis Hallensis. I called to mind upon that occasion, passages very agreeable to your Silver Table and applicable.

Hic steterat nautis olim venerabile lignum

Servati ex undis ubi figere dona solebant

Laurenti Divo, et votis suspendere vestes.[*]

— me Tabula sacer

Votiva paries indicat uvida

Suspendisse potenti

Vestimenta maris Deo.[†]

"You are pleased to express some doubt, as to the engraving; and I think you have reason. The Romans, I believe, never practised our way of engraving, yet they did what was next to it, for they were used to cut some remarkable laws and edicts in brass tables, as they used to make inscriptions in marble or stone. I have seen some of these, particularly at Lyons, which at that time made me reflect on the dulness of the Romans, and all mankind besides, that by means of these brass plates they had not fallen upon the art of printing; for if these had been daubed over with any sort of colour, and clapt upon the paper or parchment, they would soon have introduced that art; but there are many plain things that mankind cannot see into all of a sudden, and which are reserved for posterity. I'd be glad to hear from you after you have seen this fine plate; 'tis well the goldsmith did not melt it down, as some modern Goths of this trade have frequently done.

I am ever, Sir, Pennycink, 28th March, 1735.
Your most faithful humble servant, JOHN CLERK.

"By way of corollary, I must add to what I have said above, that if search was made in the very place where this plate was found, many fine things may probably be discovered.

"See postscript to Mr Cay's letter, 15th March, 1735."

Letter from Maurice Johnson, Esq in answer to one from Mr Gale, giving an account of the Corbridge Silver Plate, &c.

3d May, 1735.
"SIR,

"It was with much pleasure I received and communicated to our little fraternity, your very obliging and ingenious account of the Corbridge Silver Table, which honour I am commanded to return you thanks for, and for your very kind promise of continuing to us the most valuable favour, of your ever entertaining, judicious, and improving correspondence. On reading your account of that massy piece, some of us thought it might have been part of an Acerra, or sacred coffer, wherein incense and odours were preserved for the service of the altar, or salt, &c. for some sorts of sacrifices; others have perhaps with more reason conceived it to be a stand, salver, or sort of waiter to set such things on, or even the Acerra, or perhaps for domestick uses; for we are too apt to apply every relique of antiquity, as being venerable, to sacred purposes. The Society next succeeding (which was the 1st of last month) we had much the like account, but the dimensions a little different, and the figures or characters on the back said to be I. P. X. with the unintelligible traces of more: to us they are so.

"Our friend and brother member, Mr Bogdani, in a letter I lately received from him, tells me, you now seem to think this piece cast or wrought in the Saxon [*] times; of which people, as we have fewer remains in the arts of designing (when they are said to have been in a great measure lost, I should be glad if this shewed us somewhat of their ceremonies or customs) than of the Romans; of which we have many, and under whom, from the Graecia Capta to the utter declension of their empire, we have in almost every part of the world most splendid remains; but from what I remember to have read in Verstegan or elsewhere, of the Saxons, I cannot apply any part of this design, peculiarly to any piece of their sacred or civil history; from the coins even of their latest Princes, they seem to me to have had less notions of designing after nature, and to have done their work in a much worse taste than our old British ancestors, of whom I am satisfied, I have seen several coins or medals in every one of the three metals, not imitating or borrowed from the Romans, or made by Roman workmen; and of these, some by the extraordinary boldness of the relief, and all by their convexity, more in the manner of some of the eastern people than the Romans; to whom the manner of chariot-fighting seemed strange, though very customary with the eastern nations, whose strength for the battle was frequently calculated or estimated by the number of their chariots and horsemen: and I cannot say I ever saw a fair piece of old convex coin found in England, but had on it some design of a horse, horseman, chariot, or wheels, and sometimes with more things with them. Notwithstanding what has been advanced against the judgment of Sir Robert Cotton, Selden, Speed, Camden, &c. I cannot but think that in the main they give us rational conjectures about the British coins or medals, if we should not allow them to be current coin; for which yet I see not any reason, unless we are bound to take all for truth and fact which the Romans relate, and admit also, that they told the whole truth, and all that was really fact, of those brave, polite, and honest people, whom they so gloried in annoying and distressing. Sed manum de Tabulá.—Only give me leave by you, Sir, to present our thanks to your good brother, for his ingenious Dissertation on Caesar's Landing, which gave our Society much pleasure, particularly our worthy President, and another member, who having some years resided in those parts, well knew all the places therein mentioned.

"What we have had of late communicated,[*] has been chiefly poems, and some philosophical experiments, schemes of draining, and several petrifactions presented to our petty Musaeum, where we continue to amuse ourselves every Thursday, and remember with pleasure our friends at the Mitre.

"On the 17th ult. the Rev. Mr Ray, V. P. shewed the Society a sculpture in ivory of a Skeleton sitting on a monument, with a winding-sheet thrown over him like a loose robe, resting his right hand on an hour glass, and his left on his scythe, with sculls and bones in bass relief, on the sides of the monument. The blade of the scythe had teeth like a sickle, the work seemed of some age, but as a Physician said, not accurate.

"He also shewed a paper MSS. in 24o. of the whole book of Psalms, in number 150, written in French most elegantly in all the hands in use throughout Europe, by Mrs Esther Anglois, a French Lady at Lislebourgh en Esosse, 1599, dedicated to Prince Maurice of Nassau, with a complimentary copy of Latin Verses to his Highness, by B. K. her husband, and several on the Lady's elegant writing, by Andrew Melvin John Johnson, Robert Rolloe, and on her person and great abilities, under her picture, neatly drawn by herself with a pen; as are also the Arms of that Prince, and a Head and Tail-piece to each psalm. This curious little MSS. is bound in velvet embroidered with gold, the leaves finely gilded and painted, with a running foliage stamped thereon: the said Prince of Orange's cognizance or device is embroidered on the corners in silk of proper colours, and drawn with a pen at the end of the book, within a laurel wreath, a branch of palm with the motto, VIRESCIT, on an escrol, wrapped round it, and a coronet over it. It was, by tradition, given by the Prince to a French Refugee Gentleman, who was his Surgeon; and from him came into the hands of a Lady, who now owns it, and sets a very high value upon it. The Prince and Poets, we know, are eminent enough, though their compliments are puns, and their wit low; but who B. K. called dictae Esthrae Maritus, should be, we know not.—I wish, good Sir, I had any thing better to divert you with; I write now however as soon as I could, rather than be rude, in neglecting by answer, to acknowledge the receipt of yours, and the great pleasure and honour you have done to us all; and more particularly to,

Dear Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant, MAURICE JOHNSON."
Spalding, 3 May, 1735.

Part of a Letter from Sir John Clerk, relating the Corbridge Silver Plate.

"SIR,

"I had yours of the 1st instant in due time, but since you was to go down to Cambridge, I delayed giving you any trouble till now. I am very much obliged to you for the particular account you have been pleased to send me of the Silver Table. I am sorry that you think it not ancient, and yet by the figures it should seem so still. I humbly think, that if these figures relate to any known piece of history among the ancients, they may be modern; but if they relate to nothing of this kind, they may be ancient still, at least of the lower Empire, or the Greek. In Father Mabillon's Diplomata there are several engravings which one would believe to be modern, and yet are of the 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th centuries. The argument I now would draw from these is only this, that in the 3d and 4th centuries there might have been some heathen engravings much of the same kind; but you can best make the comparison, who have seen the table.

"I am surprized with what you write me about the reception Mr Blackwall's book [*] had with my good friend my Lord Islay:—something or other has disobliged him, for I know his respect for all men who are lovers of learning only, as well as the Literati themselves. He had a particular regard for Mr Horsley, who printed the Britannia Romana, and was positively resolved to have done him service about the time when he died. I am, &c.

JOHN CLERK."
Pennycinck, 30 May, 1735.

Part of another Letter from Sir John Clerk, on the Corbridge Silver Plate.

"DEAR SIR,

"I am glad that upon viewing the Silver Table you think it ancient. This was always the notion I conceived of it, for I could not imagine any modern Sculptor could get into his head so much ancient imagery, without any foundation from ancient history or fable. I am indifferent who gets the better in the law-suit,[*] but I hope it will be preserved and kept in the country. I fancy with myself you will be able to discover some piece of our history from it; for I make not the least question but it has been a present from some of the Roman Emperors, and alludes to some memorable affairs at the time. The table has served, I believe, for an oblation of fruits or corn on some remarkable altar near the wall, erected to the honour of perhaps Diana, Ceres, or Bacchus, and that it has afterwards been hung up in the temple dedicated to one of these Deities. An Irishman would perhaps discover the antiquity of Ireland from the Harp, and I believe you will be inclined to think one of the figures is a representation of Britain. I am, &c.

6 August, 1735.
JOHN CLERK."

Letter from Roger Gale, Esq to Mr Robert Cay, upon the Silver Plate found at Corbridge.

"When I wrote last, I had only time to return you thanks for the favour you procured me from Mr Cookson, of taking a draught of his most curious Silver Table, being to go out of town next morning. Since I came back, upon perusing the letters I received from you on that occasion, I find in one of them a desire of knowing my thoughts upon that subject, which I cannot refuse to a gentleman who has laid me under so many obligations, and to whom the pleasure and entertainment I have received from the frequent views of that uncommon and valuable piece of antiquity, are entirely due; and the less, because the accounts hitherto published of it seem to me not a little erroneous.

"I shall begin to describe it from the right hand to the left, as you look upon the face of the plate, where Apollo, the principal figure in the whole piece, is placed in a fanum or small temple, (the roof of which is supported by two wreathed columns with flowered capitals) almost naked, having only a pallium hanging down from his left shoulder over his back; in the same hand is his bow, which he holds up towards the top of the column on the same side; his right hand is extended downwards with a branch in it, perhaps of laurel, cross that pillar; against which, almost to the middle of it, rises a pyramidical pile of 12 pieces: for what it is intended, I must confess my ignorance.—See the plate.

"Against the basis of the left hand column, rests a lyre, whose form is truly antique; and beneath it grows a plant with three spreading flowers at its three extremities, designed, as I suppose, for an Heliotrope; close by it couches a Griffin, with its wings elevated over its back. The Ancients had so high an opinion of the sagacity of this fictitious animal, that they consecrated it to the God of Wisdom: Begerus gives us a medal of Commodus, the reverse whereof is Apollo in a chariot drawn by two Griffins; and the poet Claudian alludes to this manner of his riding, in the following distich:

Ac si Phoebus adest, et fraenis Grypha jugalem

Riphaeo, tripodas repetens, detorsit ab axis, &c.[*]

"Against the right hand column and this pyramidical pile, sits a woman, upon a square four-footed stool, though no more than two of its legs are visible; she looks backward over her left shoulder towards Apollo, and is wrapped up in a long garment or stola, from head to foot, and veiled. By this attire, and the altar which was brought from Troy, with the eternal fire burning upon it just by her, I take her to be Vesta.

—Manibus vittas, vestamque potentem

Aeternumque adytis effert penetralibus ignem. Virgil.

Et vos Virgineâ lucentes semper in arâ

Laomidontiae, Trojana altaria, flammae. Sil. Hal.

Her left hand is reposed upon her breast, and in her right, which rests upon the same thigh, she holds a little bundle (bound about with a ribbon) perhaps of wool.

"Below her lies a buck, dead, on one side, turning up his belly; and behind her rises a tall pillar with a globe upon it, probably to denote the earth, of which she was Goddess.

"The next is a woman erect, her hair gathered up and tied with a knot behind, upon her forehead rises a Tutulus, and she is habited in a Stola from her shoulders to the ground: her right arm is wrapped up cross her breast in her garb, only the hand appearing out of it; in her left she holds a spear, the shaft twisted, the iron of it something obtuse. This seems to be the only human figure in the company; but a very learned gentleman [*] of my acquaintance thinks it may be designed for Juno, who is often thus accoutred with a spear; if so, it must be the effigies of Juno curis, or Juno hastata, we have it from Ovid, ‘"— Quod hasta curis priscis est dicta sabinis."’ She was the same with Juno pronuba; ‘Celebri hasta nubentis caput comebatur, vel quia Junonis curitis in tutelâ esset, vel ut fortes viros ominaretur;’ but as there is no peacock, nor any other attribute of her divinity attending her, and her appearance no ways majestick or adequate to the

—Divum regina, Jovisque

Et soror et conjux.

I cannot be entirely of his opinion, especially as she seems by her posture and attitude to be a follower and attendant of the next figure, which is plainly "Pallas—Galeá effulgens et Gorgone saevá," the head of that monster, as usual, being fixt upon her breast. In her left hand she holds a sharp-pointed spear, her right is extended towards Diana, with whom she seems engaged in a very earnest discourse, to which also that Goddess seems very attentive: she is the last figure in the group, though called a man in all the accounts I have seen of this table, and represented here as the Diana venatrix by the coif and feminine dress of her head, tuck'd up with a knot behind like the hair of the third figure, as well as by the bow in her left and arrow in her right hand. Her short Tunica, which reaches down little more than to the middle of her thighs, and her buskins, that come up no higher than the calf of her legs, has occasioned this mistake of her sex, but Ovid tells us,

"Talia succincta pinguntur crura Dianae

"Cum sequitur fortes, fortior ipsa, feras."

Between the two figures of Pallas and Diana, rises a tall slender tree with a crooked waving stem, the branches of which are displayed almost over two-thirds of the top of the plate. On the main branch is perch'd an eagle, with one wing expanded, as if going to take a flight: this is of raised solid work, like the rest of the figures, but there are several small birds sitting among the boughs, that are only punch'd, or cut in with a tool, as are also several festoons hanging down from the tree, and many other little shrubs and flowers interspersed all over the area of the table. The great bird sitting directly over the head of Pallas, made me conclude at first that it was her owl, till I had seen the original, which convinced me that it can be designed for nothing but an eagle.

"Under this tree stands an altar, and so close to Diana, that she holds her left hand and bow over it. It is but little, and has nothing upon it except a small globular body, perhaps a mass of the Libamina, ex farre, melle, et oleo.

"I should have told you, that below the feet of Pallas grows a plant, which seems to bear two ears of corn upon the same stalk, but cannot say what it is, or how it belongs to her. Beneath the tree and the little altar, stands a thin-gutted dog, like a greyhound, his nose turned up in a howling or barking posture, as often exhibited with this Goddess on medals, and in other representations of her: some

— Acutae vocis Hyclator

Aut substricta gerens Sicyonius Ilia Ludon.

Ovid.
Under her, in the very corner of the plate, rises a rock, upon which she sets her left foot, and against the side of it lies an urn with the mouth downwards, discharging a plentiful stream of water. As she stands upon this rock or hill, and so near to this spreading tree, I cannot but think of Horace's address to her, ‘"Montium custos, Nemorumque Virgo."’ The whole table is encompassed with a border, raised near an inch high, and ornamented with a creeping vine, whose grapes and leaves are in relievo, but the stalk only tooled.

"The work of this curious piece is neither of the best or worst of times: the figure of Vesta, particularly, is extremely well executed, the posture free, the drapery soft and easy; and what is very remarkable, the instita or border, an ornament of the stola, appropriated to the Roman ladies of quality.

"Quarum subsuta talos tegit instita veste,"[*] is neatly worked all round this of our Vesta, and those of the other female Deities, nor is the next figure much inferior. I cannot, nor has any body else who has seen it, discover that the plan has any relation to any story in the Heathen Mythology, but seems only an assemblage of the Deities it represents: this may be some argument of its antiquity,[*] for had a modern workman had the designing of it, he would in all probability have taken some known piece of history for his subject; to which I may add, all the symbols are genuine, and truly adapted to their owners.

"I was once of opinion, that it might have been the cover of an Acerra, but the foot which supported it puts an end to the surmise. We don't well know what the Anclabris was, the definition of it is in Festus as follows: ‘Anclabris mensa divinis ministeriis apta: dicebantur autem anclabria, et Anclabris ab anculare quod erat ministrare.’ This is big enough to contain the Exta of a sheep, or other small victims, which seems to me to be the likeliest employment for it, and that it was one of these sacrificing utensils that Virgil more than once calls Lances:

"Lancibus et pandis fumantia reddimus Exta [†]

"— Lancesque et Liba feremus.[‡]

"Dona ferunt, cumulántque oneratis Lancibus Aras."[§]

These Lances were both round and square, but the Discus used for the same purpose seems to have been always round.

"If you have the patience to read this over, you will have reason to think me not a little impertinent, in giving you so minute a description, of what you had seen so often, and so long before it came under my view; but as I chance to have some notions different from what appeared to you, and as I could not well explain my thoughts upon it without entering into the particulars, I hope you will excuse me. My service to Mr Cookson, if he is desirous of seeing this, he may command it, but pray let no copy be taken of it.

I am, Your most obedient humble servant, R. GALE.
London, 23d Aug. 1735.
"N.B. Letters to the same purport, though not so full, were wrote to Mr Maurice Johnson, Dr Stukeley, and Sir John Clerk, by me,

R. G."

Letter from Maurice Johnson, Esq about the Corbridge Silver Plate.

"SIR,

"Your most obliging and ingenious account of the Corbridge Silver Table, and Dissertation upon it, I received and read to our Society last Thursday, the 21st instant, at which were present our Rev. President and 13 other Members, and 2 Honorary, and return you their and my thanks for that excellent entertainment. As you give leave to conjecture at the female figure, erect, her hair tied up with a knot behind, with a small oval,[*] perhaps a British pearl (for which our coast was in the Roman times famous) her right arm wrapped up, a spear with an obtuse point in her left; permit me to opine this may be in honour to our isle, and to represent Britannia, as on a coin of Hadrian in my collection, or the Genius of Great Britain still retained in the reverse of our copper coin, but in a sedentary posture; sometimes by the Ancients with an hasta pura, sometimes armed with an iron sharp-headed one; here, as between both, with an obtuse blunt-headed one; as worn in war se defendendo amongst the Romans. I know not what else to think it, and as formed amongst us, who so likely? The pyramidical figure I take only to denote stabilitas aeterna, and was, though in a less elegant form, the device of representing the Deity in the earliest times of art, before statuaries had taught marbles to assume limbs, and almost to breathe. Whatever this noble piece of plate was designed for, I take it to have been a grand compliment to our native country, and am therefore now the more desirous of being possessed of a drawing of it.

Spalding, 25th Aug. 1735.
M. JOHNSON."

Mr Gale's Answer to the preceding Letter.

"SIR,

"I am much pleased that the last account I sent of the Corbridge Plate met with so good a reception from the gentlemen for whose entertainment I designed it. We must yet call it the Corbridge Plate, since at present it is said to have been found near that town; though I am inclined to think it is only given out so, to conceal the true place where it was discovered. When the bill that the Duke of Somerset has filed in Chancery, against the present possessor of it, for treasure-trove in his royalty, comes to be argued, we may come to the truth. This contest with his Grace, made the owner very shy of letting it be seen by any body, and it was not without great importunity that a gentleman, to whom he was under the strongest obligations, procured me the favour of taking a draught of it, and upon condition that I should not permit any one to copy it, nor know where the original (which has been shifted into two or three hands) is now deposited. My promise to comply with these terms must plead my excuse for not permitting any body to take a copy of mine till the dispute is determined, or I have leave to impart it to my friends, among whom you may then command it with the first. I had some weeks ago given a very short account of the figures on this table, to Sir John Clerk at Edinburgh, a gentleman whose learning and judgment are of a superior degree. He had, from what I said to him, the very same opinion as yourself about the unknown figure, viz. that it might represent Britannia, but I believe both you and he would change your thoughts upon inspection of it: it is entirely Roman by the habit, and not the least circumstance attending it that may honour our country with being in so celestial a rendezvous of Deities.

"Your conjecture upon the pyramidical pile I like well: I was once of opinion that it might have been some sort of an altar dedicated to Apollo, and that the 12 pieces of which it consists, might have some relation to the 12 months of the year. Tellus Stabilis we have upon the coins of Hadrian, Sabina Faustina Pii, and Commodus, but without this pyramis; in our table it is erected as near to Vesta as to Apollo, and so may be an attribute belonging as well to her, the Goddess of the Earth, as to him, the God of the Year. My best services attend your flourishing Society, and I am, &c.

R. GALE."

Letter from Dr Stuleley, concerning the Corbridge Plate, and a like piece found in Risley Park, in Derbyshire, to Mr Gale.

"DEAREST SIR,

"I thank you for the account of the Roman Salver; it is exactly such a sort of utensil, as that found in Risley Park, in Derbyshire, eight years ago, of which I wrote a large account, and traced it from an altar in France, where it was given by Exuperius the Bishop, a friend of St Jerom's, till it got to Derby, and probably thence to Dale abbey altar, near which it was found.

"We may conjecture it to have been buried at the dissolution, or in war time. 'Tis not unlikely that the Northumbrian plate was St Wilfrid's originally, and belonged to his cathedral at Hexham, buried there at his banishment, or since. He might purchase it in his travels in France, or at Rome. I take them to have been to adorn the side-boards of the Romans upon festivals.

"I have drawn lately Abbot Fountain's (of Croyland) Chair at Upton, preserved by Bishop Dove at the dissolution: I am become a great Mandarin, and have wrote two or three verses of the beginning of the book of Genesis in Chinese.

I am, &c. W. STUKELEY."
Stamford, 12 Sept. 1735.

Two altars of the greatest value to Antiquaries were found here; the one adorned on one side with a wreath, and on the other with an ox's head and a knife, dedicated by Diodora [*] the Priestess of the Tyrian Hercules, three feet four inches and a quarter in height.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Mr Horsley published this inscription, and esteemed it one of the greatest curiosities in Britain. It is now in the possession of the Duke of Northumberland.

Mr Horsley gives the following reading and remarks upon it: ‘ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, h. e. Herculi Tirrio Diodora Princeps Sacerdos. It has been twice published in the Transactions by Dr Hunter and Dr Todd. The differences between their copies and this will appear upon comparing them one with another. This copy was taken after the original had been thrice visited and examined with care, and every variation in the former copies diligently marked. Dr Todd's delineation is different both from Dr Hunter's and mine. He translates it Herculi Tyrio divina dona archisacerdotalia vel per summum Sacerdotem offerenda; but he offers no reason to confirm this translation. Dr Hunter's copy has been taken with more exactness, but not without some little variations from the original; nor has he translated or explained the inscription: but the most material difference between the other copies and the original, is in the second letter of the second line, which they represent as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, though it is plainly 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The next letter in the same line is very distinct, as to the greatest part of it; but towards the top is a flaw in the stone. If no stroke or part of the letter is lost in this flaw, the letter must be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; if this break be supposed to contain a part of the letter, which is most probable, then it may either be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or rather a double 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with one face backward, as the double 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is frequently expressed upon Latin inscriptions. If this be admitted, the word will be Tirrio, probably for Tyrio; and the whole may then, as I apprehend, be translated as in the reading.’

‘Several ancient writers take notice of the peculiar regard and worship paid to Hercules by the Tyrians. Arrian says his temple in that city was the oldest upon record. Diodora the Arch-priestess, mentioned in this inscription, might perhaps be devoted to his service. That this was an office of great dignity, and not below persons of the first rank, appears from another inscription, produced by Montfaucon, which is, "Caracylaea Arch priestess descended from Kings." We have likewise an inscription in the Marmora Oxoniensis, where one Aurelia Fausta has this title given her: that inscription having been erected at Smyrna, the learned Editor supposes the Lady was Arch-priestess to Diana; and among other reasons he assigns this, because Priestess ministered only to female Deities. Now if this observation was universally true, it would destroy the supposition above mentioned, relating to Diodora. But there is an inscription in Gruter, ATERIA SACER — DATIS PA—, which I think can mean nothing else but Ateria Priestess of Pluto. And Pausanias says expressly, that it was customary for a virgin to officiate as Priestess in the temple of Neptune, in Calaurea. It appears therefore, by these instances, that women were not wholly excluded from the priesthood of male Deities. Caracylaea, in the inscription of Montfaucon, is said presently after to have been wife to C. Julius Severus; the same, as Montfaucon thinks, who, according to the Fasti Consulares, was Consul in the year 155. And why may we not suppose that Diodora was married to some commander of the Roman forces, who brought her hither, where she erected this altar, in honour of the Deity to whose service she had been particularly devoted? And the like may be said with respect to other Grecian Deities, whose altars are found here in Britain, (as Jupiter Dolichenus and Dea Syria) which might be set up by persons originally of those countries where these Deities were more particularly worshipped.’

The other altar is dedicated to Astarte,
[*]
a Syrian Goddess, and is now in the possession of the Rev. Mr Graham of Netherby. The engraving is copied from an elegant one given in the Archaeologia. Dr Stukeley gives the following reading of it:
Marcus Egorast, the son of

Acherm, dedicates this altar to Astarte.
[*] The names he presumes are Syriac, Arabic, or Punic, and the adoption of Marcus proceeds from the Roman connection.

This altar, supposed to be inscribed by the Priest, is attributed to a Marine Legion, raised by Hadrian in Syria, called the Ulpian Legion: which followed Carausius in the time of Maximian.[†]

Camden conjectures Corbridge was the Curia Ottodinorum of the Romans, noted by Ptolomy, and the Corstopitum of Antonine. He has this singular remark—that here King John searched for hidden treasures of the ancients; but was deceived no less than Nero, when he sought for the hidden wealth of Dido at Carthage.[‡]

From my view of the extensive ruins at Corchester, near this place, I should conceive it was the chief Roman city in this part of Britain. Leland says, in his time the names of divers streets remained, and great tokens of old foundations.

At a little distance from Corbridge is

Notes

*

Joannes filius Roberte tenet in Capite de Domino Rege Corbruge, quod est Burgus, pro •t• per annum ad feodam firmam.

Robertus filius Rogeri tenet V•lam de Corbridge cum pertinenties ad feodam firmam reddendo 30• annua•m de veteri firma.

Lel. Col. V. 1. p. 199. 201.

↵

†
Brown Wallis names Adam Fitz Allan and Fitz Hugh, Representatives.
↵

*
The annexed plate is a copy taken from the Engraving by Vertue.
↵

*
This figure is Diana, not a man.—R. G.
↵

*
Virg. Aen. Lib. 12. V. 767.
↵

†
Hor. 1 Lib. Carm. Od. 5.
↵

*
This is a mistake in Mr B. for I never told him so, or ever had the least surmise of its being Saxon.—R. G.
↵

*
Spalding Society.
↵

*
Essay or Enquiry into Homer's Life and Writings. London printed, 1735.
↵

*
Duke of Somerset against Mr Cookson.
↵

*
Claudian VI. Cons. Honorii.
↵

*
Mr Blackwall, author of the Inquiry into the Life and Writings of Homer.
↵

*
Horace.
↵

*
See Sir John Clerk's Letter, 6th August, 1735.
↵

†
Virg. G. 2. v. 194.
↵

‡
Virg. G. 2. v. 394.
↵

§
Virg. Aen. 8. v. 284.
↵

*
The oval is much too big for a pearl.
↵

*

Hercules was the symbol of the sun. Julian informs us, that magnificent sports were celebrated at the conclusion of the year to the invincible sun. And the inscription Soli invicto, is found upon the medals of many of the Roman Emperors. Divine honours were paid to him in open temples and groves.

Wallis.

The Corbridge altars have been learnedly wrote on by several ingenious persons, besides those quoted, which are published in the 1st volume of the Archaeologia, V. 1. p. 92, 98. but the best explanation has been given by the Hon. Danies Barrington, in the 4th volume of that work, from whence the following extracts are made.

Both inscriptions, if read at length, make two regular hexameters, (viz.) ‘ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.’ Which conjecture has been confirmed by Mr Graham of Netherby, who says there are still traces of the cross stroke forming the top of the Π, which is the first letter in the name of the person who consecrates the altar.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Mr Wallis (if not an error of his printer) seems to be more mistaken than Dr Todd in his opinion of this altar, supposing it to be an altar in honour of Tyrian Hercules, dedicated to Diodora the Priestess. V. 2. p 127.

There are some singular circumstances attending these altars, which may perhaps be deemed companions.—They furnish the only Greek inscriptions which were ever found in Great Britain; they both consist of a single hexameter; they are inscribed to Syrian Deities; and they are discovered in the same parish of Corbridge —It is not extraordinary that Greek inscriptions should be scarce in England, it is rather necessary to account, why any such should have been discovered: Though the Romans most commonly used their own language and characters, yet some of them must have been born under circumstances which made the Greek tongue more familiar to them; we need therefore only suppose that Pulcher and Diodora (who dedicate these two altars) were the son and daughter of a Roman officer quartered in Greece, or some neighbouring province, and who died soon after he had children by a Grecian wife; the Greek language would certainly be more familiar than the Latin to a Roman with such an education. They both consisting of hexameters, seem to prove, they were dedicated about the same time, and and that they were intended to be companions, especially as their outward form is very similar, as well as the characters made use of. The greater difficulty seems to be, why both altars should be inscribed to the Syrian Deities, Astarte and Tyrian Hercules. This however it seems may be accounted for to ways, Pulcher and Diodora might possibly have either resided or been born in Syria, and had perhaps received some good fortune, which they might ascribe at least to these Deities. It is conceived, that wherever a Roman continued for anytime, he probably worshipped the local Deities, when there were not temples at hand which were erected to the Gods adored at Rome. Such Romans therefore might continue their veneration for Astarte and Tyrian Hercules, when removed from Syria to Britain. But possibly, it is not necessary that Pulcher and Diodora should have been at all in that province. There is one difficulty however still remaining, with regard to the altar dedicated to Tyrian Hercules, which is, that it is inscribed by a Woman and Archpriestess. At first it strikes, that she must have been Archpriestess to such a God, and I believe there are few instances of women having this dignity in the temples of male Deities at the same time that there would be a particular indelicacy if they devoted themselves to Hercules.

As for these altars being found at Corbridge, it is easily accounted for, if the above conjectures are allowed in other respects, because it is known to have been a considerable station, and near to the Roman wall. The inscription on the altar to the Tyrian Hercules hath already been four times engraved, and may perhaps be matter of curiosity to compare the different copies, as the stone is soft, and seems to have suffered within these 70 years, some of the characters being •e •ff•ed—That the inscription is not more ancient than the time I ascribe it to, may be proved, if it was necessary, by the 〈◊〉 inscribed in the last word APXIEPE'A. Though I have no less authority however than that of Montfaucon for this remark, yet it may not be improper to observe, that Se•o Masfe• denies that any arguments drawn merely from the form of characters can be at all conclusive.

Extract of a Letter from Mr John Horsley to Roger Gale, Esq 7th April, 1729.

SIR,

I am honoured with yours of the 3d instant, which this morning came safe to hand: I was not willing to loose the find opportunity of returning an answer, and though I am upon this account obliged to write the more hastily, yet I hope you will excuse it, and attribute it to the true cause, my zeal to serve you in every thing that lies in my power.

There is no inscription in Britain which I can better answer for than the Greek one at C•bridge. I have several times seen and examined it myself with all the nicety and care I could: at first sight I discerned a manifest difference in some things between the original and copies that had been published in the
*Ph. Tr. No. 330, p. 291.
Philosophical Transactions, and was more and more confirmed in my opinion, when I reexamined it, with a particular view to this difference. However, being very diffident of myself, when I happen to differ from others, I prevailed with a curious gentleman to go on purpose to take an impartial account of it. I got also another to do the same, and all our three copies agreed with a surprizing exactness. I have turned over all my papers this morning in quest of the first copy, but can by no means find it; the other I have met with, and sent you inclosed. My own is in the hands of the Engraver at London, and the plate containing this inscription is ready, and I believe wrought off. I take the plain meaning of this inscription to be no more than, that this altar was erected to Hercules by Diadora the Arch-priestess, if it be to the Tyrian Hercules, the 3d letter in the 2d line must have been a double Rho, thus Φ, so as that it is Tirrio for Tyrio. There is a flaw in the stone at the head of this letter, so as that it may have been closed at the top, but by that part of the letter left in the breach, I am very certain that there was no Y in the inscription. The word in the 2d line may be Tirrio, Tiphio, or Tipsio, probably a topical name, but Tyrio I am sure it is not.

‘I discovered another Greek inscription at Lanchester, which by the way I believe to be Glanoventa, and Old Town, Galana, but it is so imperfect, that I could scarce be sure it was Greek: if it will be acceptable, I will transmit a copy of it to you. The last time I saw the altar erected by Diodora, it was in the church-yard of Corbridge. The church of Durham had formed a design to remove it thither, but failed in their attempt: I should be glad if they had made a second with better success. Doctor Hunter told me pleasantly, he would threaten the people of Corbridge with a prosecution from the Spiritual Court, for keeping a Pagan altar in their church yard: I asked him then what he would have done to those of Bowes, who, according to Camden, had used a Heathen stone for their communion table.’

I am, &c. JOHN HORSLEY."

Extract of a Letter to Mr Horsley from Roger Gale, Esq 19th April, 1729.

SIR,

I am much obliged to you for the quick return you made to my first letter, and the most accurate copy of the Greek inscription that you sent with it. It was at the desire of Mr Mattatre that I wrote to you, and both he and I are of your opinion, that the second word could never have been 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; but then it is very difficult to unriddle the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That gentleman has been very busy for some time in giving us a new edition of Dr Prideaux's Marmora Arundeliana; 170 sheets are already printed off, and as he is a person of the greatest learning, industry, and accuracy, we may expect a performance equal to all those qualifications. Since the other Greek inscription at Langchester is so much obliterated that you can scarcely discern whether it is in that language or not, you may excuse yourself the trouble of sending it to me, but I make no doubt of your taking notice of it in your great work, if it is only to shew us that there has been one more inscription in that tongue found in this island, where indeed it is very strange that we should have any at all.

‘As for the inscription DEO HERCVLENTI lately discovered at Riechester, I take it to be the very same as if it had been Deo Herculi, and the termination ENTI to be only a metap lasmus after the Greek manner, as in the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Something like it you may see in other inscriptions, as Chryseti for Chrysae in Reinesius's Syntagma Inser. p. 909.’

ROGER GALE."

↵

*

Astarte was the symbol of the moon, being worshipped by moon-light in open temples and groves, first with pure and afterwards with impure rights. In the sacred writings (Judges iii. 7. 1 Reg. xi. 5.) she it stiled Ashtaroth, also the Deity and Abomination of the Sidonians. The prophet complains, that Solomon went after Ashtaroth, the Goddess of the Sidonians. Jezabel first paid her divine honours in Israel, the most ancient temple, that of Ascalon, 400 prophets serving therein.

Wallis.

—With these in troop

Came Ashtoreth, whom the Phoenicians call'd

Astarte, Queen of Heaven, with crescent horns,

To whose bright image, &c.

Milton's Par. Lost, B. 1. l. 440.

N. B. Hiram King of Tyre, and contemporary with Solomon, built two temples, which he dedicated to Astarte and Tyrian Hercules.—See Josephus, lib. 2. c. 1.

The observations made on this altar in the 1st volume of the Archeologis, by the Rev. Dr Pettingal and Dr Adee, may also be agreeable to the reader in this place.

‘The person who communicated this inscription to the Society a few years ago informed us, that it was found about Corbridge, near the wall, where, as there were many Roman Legions, particularly the Legio Secunda Augusta & Vicesima Victrix, ordered thither, the first from Isca Silurum, the other from Deva, or Chester, in order to keep the wall in order and defend it, we can make no doubt of its being Roman, notwithstanding it is written in Greek characters; for this manner of writing inscriptions was an affectation frequently to be met with in the lower Empire, or after the time of Constantine; and was sometimes carried so far, that when the language was entirely Latin, the character was Greek, and vice versa, examples of which are to be found in Fabretti Inscrip. p. 390 and 465.’

‘I read the first word ACITHC, which I suppose relative to the collective body of Ala Prima Astorum, of which we read, the first was stationed at Condurco, the last at Cilurno per Lineam Valli. Condurco is called by Mr Camden, Chester-le-street, and Cilurno, Walwick.’

‘These Asti, we are told in the Notitia, came from Asta, Colonia Ligurum, now Asti in Piedmont: the portion of lands that in the Agrarian division fell to the Asti, lay hereabouts. I mention this, because it may perhaps throw light upon the particular ΒΩΜΟΝ ΜΕʗΟΡ, which I am inclined to think stands for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; from whence it will appear, that this monumental altar was also an Ara Terminalis; for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies a boundary between lands of different property; and perhaps here, between the allotments of the different companies of the soldiers.’

‘The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 does not stand here, in a religious sense, for an altar whereon they were to sacrifice or make libations to any God, but signified the same as Ara in the Latin inscriptions.’

‘What was the use of this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 when it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and erected on the bounds of lands, we may learn from the Agrarian laws; the placing them on the bounds of their lands, or military a •ments as meers or bounds, to 〈…〉 property; for which reason they are called by Dolobella. Fines Sepul•rii & C••riti, and seem to be confined merely to the partition of conquered lands among the soldiers. The law of Tiberius ordered, Cum Ager divisus m• traderetur extremis a compag•nantibus agris limitibus, monumenta sepulchrave sacrarentur, that when l•ds were to be divided among the soldiers, the monuments or sepulchres should always be in the bounds. Again. Forum igitur sepulchrorum sequenda est con •tio, qua extre• fimbus c•nc•rrentes plu• agrorum cursa, spectant, that the same law about sepulchres should continue and 〈◊〉 which they were appointed as limits between adjoining lands. By which I conceive 〈◊〉 meant, that all the lands inward from that sepulchre did belong to the troop or b•d of which the deceased, whose monument that was, had been a part; as for instance, all the land inward from that monument to another that bounded it on the other side, did being to the A•.’

‘Probably this was monumental boundary on the lands of the Asti who were stationed whereabout, 〈…〉 •ted by the N•a.’

‘The custom of burying on the extreme limits of their lands was very ancient, and derived most probably from the east. In the last chapter of Joshua we read, that he was buried in the border of his inheritance.’

‘The date of the inscription before us seems to be between the years 408 and 455 of the christian •a for the Not•ia, which was written after the time of Arcadius and Honorius, as appears by the words of the title, Ultra Arcad• & Honorii tempora, speaks of the Asti settled ad lineam vall• at the time of writing it, which was after 408, the time of the death of Arcadius, and 27 years after, A. D 435. the Romans totally deserted Britain. So that this inscription is to be placed between the death of Arcadius and the final departure of the Romans.’

Pettingal, May 8th, 1766.

Inscriptions in general, Greek ones particularly, are accompanied with great embarrasments, •ng to their shortness, the ignorance of carvers, and the inaccuracy of transcribers and publishers. Few copies are fac •miles; though this inscription may be looked upon as such, apprehend nothing can make grammar or sense of it, but reading it in this manner:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

‘Here the three most necessary companions in a votive inscription are expresly declared: the Goddess to whom it was dedicated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the thing dedicated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the donor 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It must be observed, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 always governs a dative case of the person other expressed or understood; instances of which in inscriptions are innumerable. Hence 〈◊〉 must be read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.’

S. Adee.

↵

*
Dr Stukeley seems never to have been more unhappy in his conjectures, than when he interprets these words as above.
↵

†

The following short Anecdotes of Carausius may not be disagreeable:

The Emperor Carausius is represented as a graceful person. He was descended of British parents. The British Empire by sea is attributed to him. Constantine instituted the office of Comes Litoris Saxonici, which Carausius filled with immortal honour; the Saxons in that age sending forth a set of daring pirates, who distressed the British coast. Under Maximian he held the office of Admiral of the Roman navy. He advanced to such a height in the esteem of the people, that he was induced to throw off the Roman authority, and assume the Imperial power in Britain. Maximian, with the whole naval force of Rome, approached the British coast to chastise him for his temerity, and his associates for their defection. He withstood them near the Isle of Wight with the British navy: he sought and conquered; and from that time held the supreme authority independent of Rome, superior to all its power. But such is the precariousness of human glory, such the instability of sublunary things, this hero fell by the hands of an assassin, in his palace at York; slain by the traiterous sword of an insiduous wretch, under the specious character of a friend.—There is not in human life a more happy acquisition than a friend, where we can find "the feculence of falshood long thrown down," giving all the mind to benevolence and generosity: but on the other hand, there is not so pernicious an enemy, as he who, under a specious character, insinuates himself into the bosom of a generous and openminded man, and there, like Milton's toad, "poisoning the animal spirits," carries on the operations of the Devil. If the regions of the damned are permitted to send forth the tribes of Lucifer to torment mankind, those of superior diabolic and infernal talents, must take upon them this most accomplished of hellish characters.

↵

‡
Leland, p. 212.
↵

CORCHESTER,

where are the remains of a Roman Station: it is unnoticed in the Notitia, and is conjectured, was abandoned at the time of taking that account of the Roman Empire in Britain. It is not larger than those stations near the wall, before described: the remains of the Pretorium are yet very conspicuous. This station stands on the tongue of land formed by the stream of Cor, at its conflux with the Tyne. Nothing curious remains at this time, but the foundations of a bridge, visible at low water, believed to be of Roman construction.

Dr Todd, in the Philosophical Transactions, supposes the name to have been originally Herculcester, i. e. Castra Herculis. What led him to this opinion, is the altar with the Greek inscription dedicated to the Tyrian Hercules. Mr Horsley was of opinion, ‘that as Corstopidum had been generally, so it is very justly, placed at the station near Corbridge. This place has generally been taken for Ptolomy's Curia Otadenorum, because there seems to be some affinity between the names, and because the Otadini must certainly be placed hereabouts;’ but he differs in opinion concerning this matter, and concludes that Corstopidum and Curia were different names, and altogether different places.

The Ermin-street way, having crossed the Tyne, proceeds towards Ebchester, in the bishoprick of Durham, and continues its course almost in a meridian line to Dover, in Kent, as may be seen in Antoninus's Itinerary. Another military way passes from this place south-west through Dilston Park, over Hexham Fell, to Old Town, in Alondale, and meets with the Maiden Way at Whitley Castle, as is set out in Mr Warburton's Map of Northumberland.

The Romans were excellent architects, and by all the descriptions given of their bridges [*] in Britain, testified their geometrical knowledge: their arch was semicircular, their pillars multangular, with a sharp angle to the stream, like the prow of a ship. The foundations of the piers were constructed of an horizontal arch made of stones, in the form of a wedge, as appears by the remains here. In situations subject to rapid floods, a small arch was formed in the pier, to receive the water when it began to reach the bow of the arch.

Many Roman Antiques have been found here; such as coins, seals, &c. but most of them of the lower Empire.[*]

We passed the Tyne by a fine bridge of seven arches:

Notes

*
Phil. Transactions.
↵

*

Many Seals of Roman work were found at Corchester: Greek and Roman Antiques were always of the most exquisite workmanship; engravings on gems, pebbles, and stones, of the first order for beauty and luster. The beril, the chalcedony, the emerald, hyacinth, the topaz or modern chrysolite, and the garnet, were favourites. The chrystal pebble and the amathyst were also esteemed. They also used the onyx, the sardonyx, the agate onyx, the jasper, the haemachates or blood-stone, which they valued for cameos. Other kinds were not used by the Romans till the lower Empire, when the arts were upon the decline: then camelians and stones of an inferior class were introduced. Of this order and species are the intaglios found at our Roman Stations. The Greek masters excelled the Romans in the art of sculpture and engraving; who resigned their genius more to oeconomical and political refinements.

Wallis.

In Mr Horsley's Works we have the following inscriptions and sculptures:

No. C. Imperatori—Marco Aurelio Antonino tribunitiae potestatis.

This is in the fore wall of a house in Corbridge, on the right hand as you enter the village from the east: it has no doubt been a curious inscription, and is twice taken notice of in the Philosophical Transactions, by Dr Hunter and Dr Todd. I do not understand Dr Todd's account, who says, ‘there I saw altars inscribed, one Imp. M. Aurelio—another Leg. II. Aug. Coh. IIII.’ But this and the following stone which he refers to, are honorary monuments, not altars, and neither of the inscriptions are exactly represented, as appers from the copies I have given, which are taken from the originals. This stone is broken both on the left side and at the bottom; so that although the inscription belongs to one of the Antoninus's, yet whether to Marcus Aurelius, Commodus, or Caracalla, may be a question.

CI. Legionis Secundae Augustae, Cohors Quarta Fecit.

This is in the church wall, and no doubt must be the same with that which Dr Todd mentions. It is of the same sort with those which have frequently been erected by the Legions and legionary Cohorts, when they were employed in building any work, and, I believe, usually set in the face of it. The O and H are imperfect, part of the upper stratum of the stone being gone off.

CII. ‘BISI— —VAL•—’

This inscription is more imperfect than either of the former: it is broken at the top, and at one end, and is now fixed in the corner of a house in the town The letters which remain are very fair, but one cannot tell how much is wanting. I was told that this stone was found not many years ago, and that there were more letters upon it when discovered, which were afterwards broken off by the workmen, when they put it into the wall. If we suppose the word in the lower line to have been Vallum or Valli. and C is in the preceding line, to have expressed the number of paces, we have still more reason to regret the loss of the rest of it. I could not be sure that the last imperfect stroke was the top of an I, though the situation of it so high makes it probable. The leaf before the word Val does not favour the antiquity of it.

CIII. The sculpture represented, is in the front of an old house. The victory is curious and entire, being winged, with the usual drapery and attitude. What she takes hold of, seems to have been the ornamental part of a stone, on which there has been an inscription. The only peculiarity is, that she seems to set each foot on a ball or globe.

CIV. The lesser of these stones is in the jamb of a door, and the larger lies at the door of another house in the town. The people call this latter a horse. I have placed them both under the same number, as believing them to be of the same kind. The latter appears to be a lion, with some other animals under him, the head of which is broken off. In the other, the heads of both animals are gone. The lion does not seem to be devouring or destroying the other animal, but rather desending it, and I believe it is of the same nature with the sculpture at Walw•ck Grange. The larger of these figures is very coarse, and much defaced.

CV. The market cross stands on an altar, on which there has been an inscription, but now defaced. On the sides of the altar are the figures described below. They were half covered under the ground, or under the steps of the cross; but the earth and steps being removed, they appeared at full length, and are pl••ly two human figures; in one hand of each nothing can be discovered. One of the figures seemed to be in a posture of motion, with a lyre or harp in his hand, which made me suspect it might be Bacchus; and the other holding a bow unstrung, like Apollo; unless both may be supposed to represent Apollo There was a faint stroke went up from the end of the bow, which possibly may have been the string, or an arrow which Apollo he•d together with the bow.

↵

DILSTON

next attracted our notice. The Mansion-house is now in ruins. Its situation is fine, on the brink of a steep hill cloathed with wood, descending to the brook of Devil's Water. The approach we made was romantic: the rivulet at its conflux with the Tyne flows out of a deep dell, forming a grand natural cascade, after having passed a bridge of a single arch, which leads to the mansion: through this arch a mill is seen, over which are lofty and impending cliffs; the whole embowered by trees, extending their branches from each side of the dell, and spreading out a leafy canopy, at least an hundred feet in height, shadowing the lower objects with a solemn gloom.

We approached the mansion, now consisting of disconsolate and ragged ruins—the hollow halls, hanging stairs, and painted chambers, present a sad memorial of the fate of their last unhappy Lord.

This was the possession of the ancient family of Devilstons,[*] who held it from the time of the conquest for several generations. They were in possession in the reign of King Henry III. as appears by the escheats of that time. It afterwards experienced many changes of owners, being successively held by the Tynedales, Crasters, and Claxtons; and at length became the estate of the Ratcliffs in the reign of Queen Elizabeth.[*]

The devastations made by Time in ancient structures, mark them with solemn beauties: an inspection of castles and strongholds in ruins, gives the traveller pleasure; historic facts arising on his mind, fraught with images of the tyranny and oppression of feodal powers now extinguished, he rejoices that the vassalage and cruelty which marked those times are no more; he regards such monuments as the broken prisons, where tyrants held in chains, those whom their avarice and love of rapine characterized with the epithet of enemy. He looks upon them as the mementos of days of distress, when every man formed his greatness, by the number of fellow-creatures he could harness, to minister to his pride, and contribute to his crimes: as dens of savages, and animals of prey, who, like the wolves of the forest, held warfare with all the creatures of the earth; and worse than wolves, employed the powers of rationality to render them more rapacious, more cruel, and more blood-thirsty than mere animal instinct could insinuate to the heart: even cruelty, blood-thirstiness, and rapacity against their fellow-creatures, of which wolves are not accused. He looks upon them as monuments of sepultured oppression, over which the olives of peace are woven by the hand of liberty. He regards them as the hallowed records of all those inestimable jewels which beset the British diadem, and enrich the British constitution; whose luster strikes the eye of the whole observing world with envy, admiration, and astonishment.

But Dilston gives the observer other sentiments: tears arise upon the eye for the crimes of men, who in opposition to salutary laws (for good effects stamp the law with the character of propriety) through mistaken principles, imbrue their hands in civil discord. It is the mistake in principles, gives the tears to flow: resolute wickedness extinguishes all pity; but humanity feels for man's hallucinations, for the errors of judgment —for such, pity is even divine.

Another disagreeable reflection wrestles for a place in the contemplative mind, on such a view—strange, is the rapacity of men, who are ready to take possession of the moment of overthrow, and with greedy hands seek to share the spoil, even of him for whom once they fought, of him whom they had loved, had served, had feared—their patron, protector, and friend. The lower class of mankind have but few estimates to govern their actions; whilst prosperity attends, you are served, you are beloved, you are adored: take away that, and the wretches return to their original ferocity, and each endeavours to gain what he can from the ruins.

From Dilston we made a short ride on the banks of Devil's Water, where there are many fine sylvan scenes: we gained the western eminence above

Notes

*
Thomas de Devilston te
•
et

•

y
•
lam de Devilston per tertiam partem unius militis, sicut praedecessores a temp to conquesti. L
•
Cell. V. 1. p. 202.
↵

*

- Sir George Ratcliff 10th Queen Elizabeth.

- Sir Edward, whose estate was sequestered by parliament, 4th King Charles II, 1652.

- Sir Francis, married Mary Tudor, natural daughter of King Charles II. by Mrs Mary Davis. He was created Baron of Dilston, Viscount Langley, and Earl of Dernwater, 3d James II.

- James Earl of Dernwater married Mary Ann, daughter of Sir John Webb, of Dorsetshire. His attainder, 1715.

- Lady Dernwater died at Brussels, 1723.

- In 1731 the young Lord Dernwater died, and left a sister who married Lord Petre in 1732, having a fortune of 30,000l.

Wallis.

↵

NUNSBROUGH,

where lays the most picturesque, though confined landskip, the whole county of Northumberland exhibits. We ascended to the brink of the precipice, near 200 feet high, from whence we looked down upon a sequestered vale, almoss insulated by the brook, consisting of a fine level plot of corn land, of about eight acres, in the exact form of a horseshoe; the brook passing over a rugged rocky bottom, under the shadow of lofty hills, in various broken streams was seen on each hand, foaming from fall to fall, which gave a beautiful contrast to the deep hue of the groves. From the brook, the hills to the left arise precipitous, cloathed with a fine hanging wood, then glowing with a full sunshine; to the right, the steeps laying from the sun, and in the deep shade, were broken, and scattered over in wild irregularity with brushwood, and here and there a grotesque and knotty tree presented itself impending from the precipice; in front, a fine eminence of brown rock lifted its rugged brow, and closed the circle, dividing the waters with a promontory a few yards wide. In the clefts, and on the little levels of the rock, some shrubs grow; on its crown stood ripened corn, margined with hedge-row trees, through which a cottage was discovered; and by its foot, a winding road soon escaped the eye in intercepting woods: the rays of light fell happily upon the cliffs, and brightened their colouring. To the right and left, the more distant brook shewed itself in deep and rocky dells, embowered by lofty oaks. To the right hand, the hill which surmounts the wood, is topped with a plain of grass ground, on whose brink stands a farmhold, accessable by a narrow path winding up the steep, from whence the woods make a beautiful curviture: the distant back ground is composed of heath lands. On the left, woodlands were seen on the circus, winding on the mazy channel of the brook, here and there intercepted by heathy eminences; the back ground very distant, and tinged with a misty azure. To grace the little enchanted vale, reapers were busy with the harvest: in some parts the furrows looked like waving gold; in others they were embossed with upset sheafs. This is the finest natural theatre I ever saw; the circle is almost geometrically just; the plain would have suited those exhibitions, of which we read, with an anxious curiosity, in the histories of the Ancients; they would have given it life, taken away the rusticity, and made it noble. When we descended to the vale below, it appeared only to want some of the sacred rites, to improve its solemnity, and compound the idea of hallowedness with greatness. One possessed of a true taste for natural beauties, is apt to be wound up to a pitch of enthusiastic rapture, at such scenes as these; where every subject that can compose a rural prospect, are thus fortunately adjusted and disposed. It is not possible for me to write with temperance on such a subject.

We again returned to Hexham; an agreeable retreat after our little excursions.[*]

On our next ramble we visited

Notes

*

From the Manuscripts of the late Roger Gale, Esq Letter from Mr Robert Cay to Mr Gale, of another Piece of Plate found near Hexham.

27 July, 1736.
SIR,

One of the Duke of Somerset's Officers had an antique piece of plate here a few days ago. It was said to be found in the river Tyne, at a very small distance from the place where Mr Cookson's was discovered. I have not had the pleasure of seeing it, but from the description given of it, I would suspect it to be a Patera. I am, &c.

ROBERT CAY.

I send you an impression of a Seal lately found at Norton, near Stockton: I fancy it to have been the seal of some Abbey or Abbot. Can the animal be designed for one of the locusts described by St John in the Revelations. The inscription round the seal is very fair, and plainly ‘"I•SV BAB• WINF•T: ADRAT."’

↵

BEAUFRONT,

an elegant situation on the north banks of Tyne, commanding a beautiful prospect of Hexham plains. I have already given a description of this vale, therefore to enlarge upon it, though tempted by various points of view, where its beauties are differently disposed, would become wearisome to the reader: it must suffice to add, that from Beaufront the river is seen in several canals, and Hexham appears crowning the opposite eminence, with singular beauty. The house is upon an extensive modern plan; but as we had not access to it, I cannot say any thing of its convenience or taste.

Mr Wallis derives Beaufront from Bellus Locus, but for what reason is not shewn. This was the seat of the Carnabys, so late as the reign of Queen Elizabeth. It is now the possession of the family of Erringtons, of Errington, north of the Roman wall.[*]

We passed by the Hermin-street, or Watling-street, leading from the station of Corchester to

Notes

*

- William de Errington. High Sheriff 47 King Edward III.

- Sir Thomas de Errington, one of the Conservators of the Borders 12 King Henry VI.

- Sir Gilbert de Errington, a partizan of King Edward IV.

- Nicholas Queen Elizabeth.

- Thomas —

- John, the present owner.

Wallis.

↵

PORTGATE,

an opening in the Roman wall before described.

THOCKRINGTON

was in view in our road to St Oswald's.[†] It appertains to the See of York, and is one of the smallest prebends of that cathedral.

We ascended the Beacon Hill, or Mote Law, about a mile east of St Oswald's, fortified by a square intrenchment; in the center of which is placed a hearth stone, used for the fire, in times of public danger, to alarm the country. From thence we had a view of

Notes

†
It was impropriated by Richard Bishop of Durham, A. D. 1204. Its first fruits 2 l. 17 s. 1 d. Browne Wallis, vol. 1. p. 168.—Wallis, 115.
↵

LITTLE BAVINGTON,

the seat of the Shaftoes, in the time of King Edward I. in whose family it has continued since that aera.[*] The ornaments around it are modern, and some of them in that taste which doth no great honour to the age. Mock-ruins, and such works of fancy, afford no beauties. The plantations are pleasing, and the piece of water, from its situation, is elegant.

We arrived at

Notes

*

- William Shaftoe 33 King Edward I.

- William 47 King Edward III.

- William 16 King Richard II.

- Alexander 5 King Henry V.

- William 5 King Edward IV.

- John 6 King Edward VI.

- William 19 King Charles I.

- William Shaftoe 1 King George I.

- George Shaftoe Delaval, Esq Sheriff of Northumberland, 1740.

Wallis.

↵

ST OSWALD'S,

otherwise called Holy-den-Heauveden, [†] or Heavenfield, [‡] where Oswald King of Northumberland obtained a singular victory over the British usurper, Cedwall, or as Camden has his name, Caswallon, King of Cumberland.

Cedwell, flushed with his success over Anfred King of Bernicia, (whose army he had lately routed) and proud of victory, approached Oswald with contempt, who had gathered together a small body of faithful adherents, and lay in a fortified camp, prepared to oppose the invader. Oswald beheld the numerous army of his enemies with astonishment, when he compared them to the little band on whose arms he must confide. He perceived, that was his dependance alone on man, the fate of his troops was obvious; they would be overwhelmed by the numbers of his foes. The propriety and justice of his cause, gave him a degree of fervour, which denied dismay; and over his hitherto unenlightened soul, a new spirit of confidence was diffused, as he cast up his eyes towards heaven, and rejected the idols in whom he had been taught vainly to trust. He erected a cross in the front of his army, and bending to the earth, called upon the name of Christ, beseeching his mediation with the Father of all, in whose hand alone is the event of battle, that he would establish justice on the face of the earth. As inspired, he arose and called aloud to his troops, (as Bede writes) ‘Let us all kneel down, and beseech the Almighty, the living and true God, of his mercy to defend us against this proud and cruel enemy.’
[*]
After this prayer, he put his little army in battle array, his troops being warmed with that energy which devotion gives, and which prompts to intrepid actions. Cedwall advanced, arrogantly confident in his numbers, and insolent from his victories, assuring himself of vengeance on his opposer, whom he sought with contempt. He attacked the intrenchments, and mounted the ramparts in person; when a fatal shaft pierced his bosom, and laid him in the dust. His followers, dismayed at the fall of their leader, halted—a panic seized them—their swords stayed from assault, and as if perplexed by inconsistent commands, they began to retire in confusion. Oswald perceiving the change, took advantage of the occasion, and instantly rushing upon the enemy, in a dreadful onset, put them to flight: the carnage became horrid, the number of slain was incredible, and those who escaped the sword were totally dispersed. It seemed more than the human hand could effect, to obtain so compleat a victory, had not the interposition of celestial powers confounded Oswald's foes.[†]

The convent of Hexham built a church here, in honour of St Cuthbert and King Oswald, in commemoration of this event. Oswald being slain at the battle of Macerfield, in the 38th year of his age, fighting against the Mercians, was canonized. A silver coin was found near the place where the above-mentioned church was built, with the head of St Oswald, which was used for a long time by the convent of Durham, as their common seal, in honour of his memory.[*]

In our way to Chollerton, we viewed a place called

Notes

†
Lel. Itin. vol. 7. p. 53.
↵

‡
Bede.
↵

*

Bede says, ‘No sign do we find of the christian faith, no church, no altar, through the whole kingdom of Northumberland, to have been erected, before this noble leader and conductor of an army, directed thereto by faithful devotion, did raise the ensign of the cross, when he was preparing to fight against a savage and bloody enemy. When Oswald perceived in his battle, the divine aid which he had so earnestly implored, he became a professed christian, and sent for Alden of Scotland, to catechise and instruct his people in the christian religion.—The place of victory was called Heavenfield.’

In Camden we have the following ancient Dystich:

Quis fuit Alcydes' quis Caesar Julius? aut quis

Magnus Alexander' Alcydes se superasse

Fertur. Alexander mundum, sed Julius hostem;

Se simul Oswaldus, & mundum vicit, & hostem.

↵

†

‘Oswaldus, erat namque filius potentissimi Regis Ethelfridi cujus pater Ethelricus Rex, cujus pater Ida Rex, a quo, ut Beda refert, regalis Northanhymbrorum pro sapia cepit orignum."—"Regni autem sui IX anno sanctissimus ac pi•ssimus Rex Oswaldus primus in tota Berniciorum gente signifer fidei Christianae & fundator ecclesiae Lindisfarnensis, ex qua omnium ejusdem provinciae ecclesiarum manarunt primordia, a paganis in bello, prostratus occubuit. Cujus caput in cimiterio ecclesiae prefatae, manus vero cum bracn•is quas Rex interfector a corpore praecidi jusserat, in urbe regia conditae sunt,’ &c. &c.

Symeon Dunelm.

↵

*
There is an engraving of this seal in the appendix to Dr Smith's edition of Bede's Church History.
↵

HANGING SHAWS,

an exploratory mount, around whose sides are flights of terraces, where the people in arms might at once shew their force to an approaching enemy, rank above rank, and also advantageously defend themselves upon an assault.

From thence we had a view of the village of Halyton and

HALYTON MESNES,

the seat of Christopher Soulsby, Esq

This place, it is said, was stained with the blood of Ethwald King of Northumberland, who fell by the treachery of Syga, a nobleman of his court.

We proceeded by Chollerton, having a view of the house of Errington, with the adjoining tower, as we passed up the river, on one hand; and on the other,

HAUGHTON CASTLE,

situate on the western banks of North Tyne, formerly the possession of the Swinburns and Widdringtons.

This castle is chiefly dismantled, some few apartments only remaining habitable; among which is one, made in an aperture in the wall, whose thickness affords a chamber, capable of receiving a bed and some other furniture. This has been an extensive fabric, immensely strong in its structure, but now no otherwise remarkable, than for those circumstances mentioned, and the fine grove in which it stands embowered.

We passed the modern seat of Mr Riddle,[*] which arose from the ruins of

Notes

*

- Dukentinus de Riddell

- Patricius —

- Walter —

- Sir Jurian de Riddell 1 King Edward I.

- Sir William —, High Sheriff 8 King Edward II.

- William —

- Hugh —

Sir William de Riddell- of this family, who lived in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, was one of the Lessees, in trust for the Corporation of Newcastle upon Tyne, of the manors of Gateshead and Whycam, in the bishoprick of Durham, worth 50000l. per annum, by Dr Cradock's computation. His seat was the Abbey of St Edmund, in Gateshead.

Wallis.

Sir Thomas of this family was a loyalist in the civil wars of Charles I. and so formidable an enemy to the Oliverians, that they offered 1000l. for his head. He narrowly escaped them from Berwick on Tweed.

He was great great grandfather of the present Mr Riddle.

↵

SWINBURN CASTLE,

an elegant stone building, covered with woods. Nothing can be more agreeable to the traveller, than to observe the improvements of a country, and the advances of cultivation. Mr Riddle's house commands an extensive view, but it is over an open and ill-fenced tract. He is making rapid progress in the cure of this defect, and multitudes of quick fences and plantations are arising, which in a few years will extinguish the disagreeable traces of that hostility and devastation, which before the union marked this country with the melancholy memorials of warfare; and in their place give to the eye all the charms of rural opulence.

In the reign of King Edward I. it was the possession of Peter de Gunnerton,[†] as a member of the Barony of Bywell, held under the service of two Knights fees. In the reign of King Edward II. it was the property of Adam de Swynburn,[‡] who leaving a daughter, Christian, it passed by her in marriage to Sir John de Woodrington, of Woodrington Castle; in whose family it continued for several successions.

Notes

†
Escheat 1. Edward I.
↵

‡
Escheat 20. Edward II. and 10th Queen Elizabeth.
↵

CHIPCHASE CASTLE

next attracts attention, the seat of the late Christopher Reed, Esq as also his predecessor, John Reed, Esq who gave it great improvements. Its situation is beautiful, on a declivity, on the eastern banks of North Tyne, commanding an elegant prospect. The river forms a fine canal in front, washing a woody steep on this side, and on the other the foot of a wild projecting cliff: Nunwick enriches the more distant view, surmounted by Symondburn Castle: the Tyne, winding through the vale in various meanderings, often shews itself; whilst woods, rocks, and heathy eminences, in a happy manner, mingle their various beauties with the cultivated lands upon the landskip.

Chipchase, according to Camden, once belonged to the Umfrevills. It was the possession of Peter de Insula in the reign of Edward I. Soon afterwards it became the inheritance of the Herons,[*] and continued in that family for several generations, till Sir Charles Heron sold it to Mr George Allgood, from whom the family of Reeds [†] purchased.

We advanced to

Notes

*

- Sir John Heron, Knt. King Henry VIII.

- Sir George —, Keeper of Tynedale King Edward VI.

- Sheriff of Northumberland 13 Queen Elizabeth.

- Killed on the Scotch borders, 1575, when Sir John Forster, Lord Warden of the Middle Marches, and Lord Russel were made prisoners.

- Sir Cuthbert —, Sheriff of Northumberland 1625, created a Baronet 12th King Charles II.

- He made considerable additions to the castle 19th King James I. He married Elizabeth, third daughter of Sir Richard Graham of Netherby, in Cumberland, Bart. afterwards Lord Preston.

- Sir Charles, a third son.

- Sir Harry, who sold these possessions.

Wallis.

↵

†

- John Reed of the family of

- Reeds of Troughend, by the river Reed.

- Christopher Soulsby, his nephew, who took on him the name of Reed.

- High Sheriff of Northumberland 1764. He married the eldest daughter of Sir Francis Blake of Twisel.

Wallis.

↵

WARK,

a small town on the river Tyne, which has nothing remarkable but an exploratory mount, called the Mote Hill, and the ruins of a house of the Ratcliffs. It was granted in the reign of King James I. to Howard Earl of Suffolk, and came by sale to the Earl of Derwentwater, and is now part of the possessions appropriated to Greenwich Hospital.

We now prepared to leave the beauties of Tynedale; the cultivated vale narrowed, and we approached to those wild and barren heights, which mark the Highlands of Northumberland with all the characteristics of a Scottish desert. As we advanced to Risingham, we passed within view of

BELLINGHAM,

a town seated on the eastern banks of North Tyne, the estate of the ancient family of Bellingham,[*] whose castle, now in ruins, is near adjoining to the village. At Hareshaw Linn, a little way north of Bellingham, is a fine water-fall, breaking through a rugged channel, divided by several rocks, the whole tufted with grass and shrubs: the land on each hand is lofty, and shews many shelving rocks and projecting cliffs, rendered highly picturesque by impending trees, which give infinite beauties to the landskip. On the opposite side of the river to Bellingham, lays

Notes

*

- Robert de Bellingham 2 King Richard II. and 3 King Henry IV.

- Richard 33 King Henry VI.

The family arms, three hunters horns, sable, stringed, gules.

Two parts of the manor belonged to the Archbishop of York, as appears by the escheats of 3 King Henry V.

↵

HEZLEYSIDE,

on an eminence cloathed with wood, the seat of the Charltons,[†] commanding a view of the town of Bellingham, and a mountainous offscape, varied with verdent sheep-walks, rocks, and wood.

We entered Redesdale, which by the Testa de Neville, is said to be the dominion of the Umfrevills, who held it by the service of repelling thieves and robbers. Pleasing prospects were no longer the temptations to our progress; we were led only by the love of antiquity.

Notes

†

- William Charlton, Esq King Edward VI.

- William King Charles I.

- Sir Edward 21 King Charles I.

A loyalist, and his estate sequestered by parliament in this reign.

- William Charlton, Esq 1722.

- Edward the present owner, who married Teresa, sister to Sir Edward Swinburn of Capheaton, Bart.

Wllis.

↵

RISINGHAM

was the habitancum of the Romans, and lays upon the Watling-street. It is not mentioned in the Itinerary of Antonine, yet must have been a Roman Station about the time of Aurelius Antoninus, by the inscriptions and coins found there. It is situate on the banks of Reed, and contains within the Vallum, three acres, three roods, and twenty-six perches of land. It is presumed the Itinerary was composed in the time of Caracalla, before which this station might have been deserted. Near Risingham was standing some few years ago, a mile-stone, without any inscription. Dr Hunter communicated a coin found here, the reverse struck with the figure of a wolf, the legends totally defaced, except the words Augustus Pius.[*]

Camden says Risingham implies the Giants habitation. It is remarkable, that in the darkness of antiquity, we find innumerable traditions of powerful persons, and mighty atchievements, under the characters of Giants; which at this time, according to Mr Bryant's most excellent work, denote some great temple, the character of some powerful people, some mighty Ruler, or miserable Tyrant. Camden relates, that the inhabitants in his time had a traditional tale of the God Magon, who defended himself here, and maintained his fortress against a certain Soldain or Heathen Prince. This relation, he says, is authenticated, as to the reality of such a personage as Magon, in the ages of antiquity, by two Roman inscriptions found in the river there. From our utmost endeavours, we could not trace any remembrance, legendary tale, or heroic song, touching such person as Magon, now remaining.

The inscriptions given by Camden are as follow:

DEO

MOGONTI. CAD

ET. N. DN. AVG

M. C. SECVNDINVS

BF. CO. HABITA

NCI PRIMASTA—

PRO SE. ET. SVIS POSVIT

Deo Mogonti Cadenorum & Numini Domini Nostri Augusti Marcus Caius Secundinus Beneficiarius Consulis Habitanci Primas, tam pro se et suis posuit.—Mr Horsley reads the latter part of this inscription "Prima Statione pro se et suis posuit." The altar on which this inscription is cut was taken out of the river Reed, which runs near this station. He says, ‘this altar Camden justly supposes to have been erected to the topical God Magon, worshipped by the Cadeni or Gadeni, a neighbouring people of the Otadini, and to the Deity of the Emperor, by one Secundinus, a Beneficiarius of the Consul. Reading the two last words of the fifth line PRIMASTA for Prima Statione, makes the sense natural and easy. Risingham is an advanced station beyond the wall, and for ought that appears to the contrary, might, at the time when this altar was erected, be the most northerly station of any. The name Secundinus frequently occurs in Gruter. ’

DEO

MAVNO CAD—

INVENTVS DO—

V. S.

This altar was also taken out of the river. Mr Horsley says, ‘according to this copy, it appears to have been erected to another topical and tutelar God of the Cadeni. It is a question whether Mounus may have been the same with Matunus, to whom an altar was erected at Elsdon, a few miles from this place; or, perhaps the same Deity is here designed as in the former. The third line in the inscription has no doubt contained the name of the person who erected this votive altar. We find the name Inventus in Gruter. ’

I must leave the Roman line, and attend to more remote antiquity, to define, if possible, the name of Magon. I presume Mr Bryant has thrown such happy lights upon the ancient mythology, and has proved his principles by such testimonies, that with implicit confidence I may adopt his maxims. I shall have several occasions to resort to his work, in the progress of my journey through the mountainous part of this county, for etymologies of those ancient names, which without his directions I should have passed over as incomprehensible; and so lost in the mists of antiquity, as to remain without solution.—As it is little doubted, fire-worship was once the accepted religion of this island, introduced by eastern visitants, and professed and practised by the Druids; in these wild and uncultivated parts, it is most probable, the strongest evidence thereof would remain to this age. I find in Mr Bryant's radicals, as he terms them, that the word Ω—ON, was one of the titles of the Sun among the Amonians,[*] and was often in combination with other epithets, used by the Syrians, Cretans, and Canaanites. He also therein speaks of the word Macar, as a sacred title given by the Amonians to their Deity, and was frequently compounded Macar—on: from whence a people were donominated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Macarones, and places were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Macron. The corruption of a name, received from the pronunciation of unlettered and ignorant inhabitants, who had handed it down traditionally for ages, is not to be wondered at; from Macron to Magon is a simple and easy corruption. From the inaccuracy of these rude inscriptions (as appears in the second, even in the name of the invoked Deity) it is not to be wondered that G took place of CR; or from the obliterations in them through age and time, the transcriber might mistake • for G, a small letter being frequently introduced in the middle of a word. Take Mr Bryant's arguments on traditions of the like nature, and the whole relation given by Camden is resolved into an historic fact—that the worshippers and priests of On, who held here their religious rites, in the temple of the Sun, were a formidable society, powerful in their numbers and their learning.

That the eastern religion and rites were introduced to this island is certain; that the Romans, in many instances, are known to have adopted the topical Gods; they also, from an error in etymology, gave to persons, names which were relative to places; and when in Britain, they either introduced their own manner of worship, or otherwise adopted the British Deities, or rather the Amonian titles which they found there, and gave them persons as Divinities. To prove this, I shall quote the inscription before spoken of, in the Cottonian collection, found at Great Chesters (page 35) [†] Sur being a title of the Sun, ‘Syria being denominated from thence, is at this day called Souria, from Sur and Sehor, the Sun. That Suria was not merely a provincial title, is plain, from the Surya Dea being worshipped at Eryx, in Sicily, and from an inscription to her at Rome.’

The Romans had an aversion to the Druids, who suffered no idols to be set up: they took infinite pains to extirpate them, and destroy their monuments. Here then we find the remainder of Camden's tradition, that the priests of On, the worshippers of the Sun at Risingham, long withstood the Roman arms: to pacify the people, and incite them to mix in their worship, the Romans erected their Altars on the sacred mount, and inscribed them with the Amonian titles.

If I may be allowed to make another conjecture, that the topical Deities to whom these altars were dedicated, prove the worshippers of the Sun held here the Amonian Rites, and that from thence was derived the tradition mentioned by Camden, I would presume this latter inscription was either incorrectly copied, having in the original an A and M mixed thus •, or the first letter in the name of the Deity was omitted by the Sculptor, or intentionally neglected by the Dedicator, as appears in many other instances; and that properly it should have been AMOUNO: Amoun being a Grecian mode of expressing AMON. I have before shewn, from Mr Horsley's authorities, that the Grecian expression is used in many Roman inscriptions yet extant. This altar would then appear to be dedicated to Ammon, the topical Deity of Risingham, at the time of the accession of the Romans. For the sake of impartiality, it it is necessary to admit, that the dedication to Ammon might be from Grecian auxiliaries; as Plutarch says, ‘that of all the Egyptian names which seemed to have correspondence with the Zeus of Greece, Amoun or Ammon was the most peculiar and adequate.’ And from Herodotus we learn, that ‘almost all the names of the Gods in Greece were adventitious, having been brought thither from Egypt.’

Camden says, so much we may gather from these inscriptions, as to ascertain the name of the place Habitancum, and that he who made the first inscription was Beneficiarius to a Consul, and Primate of the place. The Beneficiarius was either by promotion, or arising from exemption of military service by dispensation: they attended the chief officers of the army: they seem to have been somewhat like those we now call Cadets: [*] and the Primaes, as appears by the Codex Theodosii, were chief magistrates of cities, towns, or castles. Camden leaves us in the dark as to Magon, not even determining whether he was esteemed the tutelar God of the Gadeni, whom Ptolomy placed next the Ottodini.

The following Inscriptions found at Chester Hope, near Risingham, have been communicated to me.

D M

AMELIANVS

ANNORVM

X

D—

IVLIONA

NI FILIA VIXIT

ANN—S XVI. M. XI.

DI—XIIII

The following is walled up, in a house upon the station, and reversed. It is cut on a stone about 18 inches square.

DOLOCHENO

C. IVL. PVBL—

PIVS TRIB.

V. S. L. M.

Mr Horsley gives the following reading and remarks upon it: ‘ Jovi Optimo Maximo. Dolocheno Julius Publius Pius Tribunus votum solvit libens merito. This was published some years ago by Dr Hunter, in the Philosophical Transactions. I am of opinion it has been the body or plane of an altar, having met with several parallel instances, where the capital and bases have been struck off from altars, in order to fit them for walls, or such other uses. The appearance of the stone favours this conjecture, and upon this supposition, I believe the altar has been inscribed to Jupiter Optimus Maximus Dolochenus, and that the letters I. O. M. have either been at the top of the plane, and struck off with the capital, or else upon the capital itself. The word Dolocheno is very plain upon this inscription; but in all other inscriptions, and writers who mention this Deity, the name is spelt with an I or Y in the second syllable; excepting one, which though it be so likewise in Gruter, yet in Petrus Apianus, who had published it before, it is writ, as Montfaucon observes, with an O, in the second syllable, like this. Possibly the letters PVBL, in the second line, may not be another name of the person, but stand for Publitia, the name of the tribe to which this Caius Julius belonged. This tribe is often mentioned in Gruter. ’ As to the Divinity Dolochenus, I shall have occasion to quote Mr Horsley very fully on an inscription which occurs at Benwell.
[*]

In Camden we find the following inscriptions:

AVR. ANTONI

NI. PII. AVG. M

MESSORIVS

DILIGENS TRI

BVNVS SACRVM

Mr Horsley's reading and remarks on this inscription are as follow: ‘ Aurelii Antonini Pii Augusti Marcus Messorius Diligens Tribunus sacrum. The original was removed by Sir Robert Cotton, for it still continues at Con•gton: the upper part has been broken off, and the first line now remaining is partly covered, by being built up in the wall of the summer-house; the rest is yet very plain. There is no doubt but Pro Salutae Imperatoris M. has gone before, and perhaps the altar has been to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, or to Jupiter and the Numina Augusti. It is not easy to determine to which of the Antonines this inscription belongs. If this station was in ruins, as some think, in the reign of Caracalla, the supposed author of the Itinerary, then the inscription could not be to him: besides, the titles Felix, &c. are usually added to him; and in our British inscriptions he is often joined with Severus, after whose death he immediately left the island. M. Aurelius Antoninus, called Philosophus, had wars here, and his Legate, Calpurnius Agricola, is named in an inscription or two in these parts: and I am apt to think, that both this inscription, and some others in the north, belong to that Emperor.’

NVMINIB

AVGVSTOR

COH IIII GAL

EQ

FEC.

Of this Mr Horsley gives the following reading and remarks: ‘ Numinibus Angustorum, Cohors Quarta Gallorum Equitum fecit. The original of this is also at Conington, and placed above the summer-house door. The sculpture has suffered by the weather, but the inscription is still very legible. The Emperors, in honour of whom it has been erected, I take to be Severus and Caracalla, who were much hereabout, and, I believe, were possessed of this very station. This Cohort seems to have been like a flying squadron, for by inscriptions we find them in several places. The inscription is included in a kind of corona, or rather an octagon, circumscribed by a square moulding. There are ornaments of eagles heads on each side, above which is the appearance of two faces, probably designed for those of the Emperors referred to by the inscription. Mars and Victory, in their usual dress and appearance, are set in a nich, one at each end of the stone. The other ornaments seem only to be such as pleased the fancy of the Sculptor. The Victory treads on a globe, and no doubt the general meaning is, that the Emperors had warred successfully, and gained a victory over the whole world.’

DEAE TER

TIANAE. SA

CRVM. AEL

TIMOTHEA P

V. S. LL. M.

Of this inscription Mr Horsley gives the following reading and remarks: ‘Camden has given us the name of another topical Goddess in an inscription, the original of which is lost; namely, Tertiana, which a learned friend conjectured to be the Tertian Ague: and it is well known the Goddess Febris was worshipped among the Romans.’

DEO INVICTO

HERCVLI. SACR

LAE•L. SALV•NVS

TR•. COH. I. VANGI

V. S. P. M.

On this inscription Mr Horsley gives the following reading and remarks: ‘ Deo invicto Herculi sacrum. Lucius Aemilius Salvianus Tribunus Cohortis Primae Vaugionum votum solvens posuit merito. The Cohors Prima Vaugionum, a people of Gallia Belgica on the Rhine, seem to have been in garrison here the latest and longest, though neither this Station nor Cohort are mentioned in the Notitia. A Tribune of this Cohort is mentioned in a funeral inscription at Walwick Chesters. This is a very stately altar, erected to the invincible Hercules: it remains yet at Conington very entire, and is, I think, one of the largest altars I have seen, that are so beautiful. On one side is an ox in basso relievo; on the other, an ornament not unlike a curtain, for I could not say it was a festoon, and it is rather too large for a priest's veil: I imagined it to represent the aulaeum, that separated the adytum, or some such thing.’

COH. •. VANG

FECIT. CVRANTE

IVL. PAVLLO. TRIB.

Mr Horsley's reading and remarks on the above are: ‘ Cohors Prima Vaugionum fecit curante Julio Paullo Tribuno. The original is also at Conington. Paullus is here with a double LL; and the F in fecit looks like the lower Empire.’

HERCV

LI. IVL

PAVLLVS

TRIB

VS

Mr Horsley's reading and remarks on this are, ‘ Herculi Julius Paullus Tribunus votum solvit. This altar stands instead of a gate-post, in the side of what was once the south gate of the station, but is now used as a gate for the field. When I was informed of this altar, I was told that a great many more letters were formerly visible upon it. It has been a fine altar, but is now turned up-side-down, so that the capital was hid in the ground. It is not improbable, that the inscriptions and altars dedicated to Hercules, have been designed as a compliment to the Emperor Commodus, who, as it is well known, was called Hercules Romanus. Besides this Julius Paullus, I find three other Tribunes, who commanded this Cohort of the Vangiones. ’

D. M.

BLESCIVS

DIOVICVS

FILIE

SVE

VIXIT

AN. I. ET.

DIES XXI

Mr Horsley says, ‘this inscription has in its manner so much the appearance of the lower Empire, as to confirm that the Romans were late possessed of this station. The original is now at Conington. The rudeness of the letters, the scattered position of them, and the stops on each side the I, in the last line but one, are very remarkable. Though DM be at the top, yet it is not an altar, of which there are other instances.’

ICOSCvIPRE—

M. AVRL. CAST—

VETVSTATE CoNLABS—

This station was certainly gone to decay before the reign of Caracalla, and afterwards was restored: and this opinion is favoured by the last imperfect inscription, found at this place; from whence it appears, that somewhat had been repaired which had gone to ruin through age.

The remarkable effigy of Robin of Risingham, as it is called by the country people, next claims my attention: I will in the first place give Mr Horsley's description, and then offer some few remarks of my own. ‘The remarkable figure which usually goes by the name of Robin of Risinghom, or Robin of Redsdale, is cut upon the face of a huge piece of rock, that has fallen off from the main one. It is on the side of a hill or rock near the park head, and about half a mile from the station at Risingham. The image is in basso relievo, and both the sculpture and stone very coarse. I take it, by the drapery and symbols, to be certainly Roman, though some, from the rudeness of the sculpture, have thought it British: and probably it is the Emperor Commodus, represented under the figure of Hercules. The square stone beside him, must I suppose be an altar, and what he carries in his left arm a club: on his left shoulder are distinctly seen a quiver and arrows, and in his right hand a bow, which agree with the character given him by Herodian, who celebrates him as a most excellent archer. What he wears on his head looks like a helmet. Every body knows that Commodus affected to be called the Roman Hercules, and to be worshipped as such. We have his coins with Herculi Romano Augusto, Herculi Romano Conditori, &c. This figure then might represent the Roman Hercules triumphant and victorious, after things had been settled in Britain by Pertinax, and Commodus assumed the name of Brittanicus. The face of the whole piece of rock on which the image is cut, is an irregular figure of five sides: the side which rests in the ground is six feet and an half; the perpendicular from the vertex to this side, eight feet; the two sides to the right of this perpendicular each of them five feet; the uppermost side to the left seven; and the lower four; and the stone is just about six feet thick. The figure stands upright.’

The doubts which I entertain that this is Roman work, are founded upon the following circumstances: The vest in which the figure is habited is open from the waist to the knee; round the waist is a belt buckled before: the loose garment on the shoulders, leaving the right arm bare and at liberty, is put on in the manner of the Scotch plaid: the cap is not similar to any one I remember to have seen in Roman sculptures: the bow is in the right hand. But that the reader may pass his own judgment upon this sculpture, I have given an etching of it.

If we descend to modern times, we will find several personages distinguished by the name of Robin of Redesdale. One of the Umfranviles had that appellation; and in the time of Edward the Fourth, we find one Hilliard of the Lancastrian party thus denominated.
From Banbury the northern men under the conduct of Robbin of Riddesdale[*] hastened to the manor of Grafton, where the Queen's father then lay, whom with his son John they suddenly surprized, and at Northampton cut off their heads.

Before I quit the neighbourhood of Bellingham, I must notice the remains of a castle situate near the confluence of the brook Tarset and North Tyne. I did not view the place; the description, together with a drawing, was communicated to me by my friend, at Newcastle. It stands within the Lordship of Tarset, and has the name of Tarset Castle. Camden says it was a castle of the Comins. The area is of an oblong square, in length about 120 yards; defended by a deep foss, near 10 yards in breadth, on the north, west, and south sides; the east laying on a steep descent. At each corner of the area appear the remains of turrets or mounds. There seems to have been an outward wall, to defend the tower.

Near to Risingham is

Notes

*
Horsley.
↵

*
Gen. chap. xli. ver. 45. Exod. chap. i. ver. 13.
↵

†
Bryant.
↵

*
Horsley.
↵

*

Besides the sculptures and inscriptions here noticed, in Mr Horsley's work we find the following, appertaining to this station.

LXXXIV. Marti Victori Julius Publius Pius Tribunus votum solvit libens merito.

This Mr Horsley says remains at the station (though I could not discover it, and presume it has been moved since his time). There are effigies of Mars and Victory on the capital, and an o••s head on the base of the altar. Mars has his usual dress and symbols, a shield in his left hand, and a spear in his right. The Victory in her usual drapery, holds a globe in her right hand, and a palm branch in her left. The figures and inscription Marti Victori explain and illustrate each other.

LXXXVI. Militum cui praeest Marcus Peregrinus Superstes Tribunus.

The original I found placed for a seat, at the back door of a house at Chesterhope. The first word may have been Militum, and the other letter a C. in CVI: and as the Cohors Prima Tungtorum, has Militum annexed, I once suspected that this altar rather belonged to the Tungrian, than the Vangiones, from the inscriptions at the House-steads, in one of which we also meet with the name Superstis. The altar is of a hard reddish stone, but finer than usual.

LXXXIX. —Cui praeest Nonnuis Aurelius Castus Vetustate. Conlabium.

This seems to be the broken inscription given in Camden, and before mentioned. It is very evident, it was erected on the repairing or rebuilding some public edifice, that through age had gone to ruin: for so much does the usual expression Vetustate Conlabsum imply. Aurelius Castus seems to have been the name of the Praesect: but what Cohort he commanded, that was imployed in this work, is not to be known by the inscription. I can imagine no resemblance between the first letters in the inscription, and those in Gallorum or Vangionum, and yet there is no evidence from any inscription, of any other Cohort being there. The N in the word Conlabsum, is silent, as it often is in the middle of a word, before another consonant; and so is frequently omitted by the workmen, who usually wrote as they were accustomed to pronounce.

XCI. Dis Manibus—v•it annis—

Of which little more can be known, than, that it has been sepulchral.

XCII. There is nothing more worth our notice within the station, but the following sculpture. Three human figures are on one side, and a man holding a horse on the other side of the same stone, which is of a cu•ical form: these figures are much effaced. The man, who holds the horse on his left hand, appears to be in somewhat like an Armenian dress, with a hasta in his other hand. Two of the other figures are leaning upon pillars, one of which has a staff in his right hand, with two serpents twisted about it, the symbol of Esculapius, whose image I take it to be. And the short figure which stands next, exactly agrees to Telesphorus, the God of Recovery, who is always represented in this manner, with a cloak covering both his arms; and is often placed between Esculapius and his daughter Hygicia, and sometimes standing by Esculapius alone: in both cases he appears like a boy. He stands with Esculapius alone in a medal of Caraca•la, and between him and H•gieia in the medals of Lucius Verus and Philip the younger, as also in a sculpture of Montfaucon. The God and Goddess of Physick and Health, and the God of Recovery, are proper companions one of another. The third figure here may be Hygieta, with the cal•thus about her head; the drapery is very doubtful, and the serpent, her usual symbol, does not appear, in which the sculpture agrees with that of Montfaucon. A man holding a horse, may be an emblem of victory, peace, or security. In a medal of Commodus with Fortunae mane•ts on the reverse. Fortune sits holding a horse by the bridle. There is so great a resemblace between this fourth figure and that of Castor upon some coins, that it has created an opinion in me, that it may have been intended for Castor, or Geta, under that figure, holding his •lla•us in his hand. If the habit be set aside, (which is very obscure) how exactly does th•s answer to Vise•as• 's account of a coin of Getas, where he is represented in the figure of Castor in a military dress, holding a spear in his left hand, and leading a horse by the bridle with his right. The figure here indeed, holds the spear in his right hand, and the horse in his left; but that is no material difference. Castor is usually distinguished from his brother by a horse, according to Horace.

Castor gaudet equis, ovo prognatus eodem

Pugnis.

But Montfaucon has given us a sculpture of Castor and Pollux together, each holding a horse and a spear.

Two inscriptions in Mr Warburton's Map of Northumberland, whose originals I could not find, are thus represented:

FORTVNA

AVG

AEL

PROCVLIN

V. S.

Fortunae

Augusti

Aelius

Proculinus

Votum solvit

I suppose this has been an altar. The E at the end of the first line I fancy has been overlooked. The copy of the other is more confused and unintelligible. All we can ascertain is, it has been dedicated Marti Victori.

MARTI

VICTOR

—RRON—

AV—EINV—

TRIB. AV—

About half a mile north from Risingham, close by Watling-street, lies an altar much of the same size and shape with that at Risingham, which stands in the gate of the station. It has a Praefericulum and Patera on one side, and a garland on the other. There has no doubt been an inscription upon it, though now not the least sign of a letter appears. I think this cannot well be the same altar, which with the inscription upon it, Dr Hunter has described in the Philosophical Transactions; for the Doctor says he found that near Riechester. The inscription the Doctor has given us runs thus:

D. M.

C. IVL FL.

INGEN

—

MILEG

VIV F

Dis Manibus

Caius Julius Florus (or Flavia Triba)

Ingenuus

—

Miles Legionis

Sextae Victricis (Piae) Fidelis

According to some, there is another instance of four names for the same person, and where Caius Julius make two of them: Though Mr Ward there also chooses to refer one of the names rather to the tribe.

↵

*
Hist. England, A. D. 1468.
↵

ELISHAW,

a small village on the Watling-street, which crossed the river at this place, the remains of the bridge appearing.

From Risingham to Elsden, the traveller, in all the perplexities of a rainy and desolate country, must be proved a patient christian, if he forbears to execrate the want of guide-posts, and the neglect of those, whose duty it is to remedy the delay, fatigue, hazard, and anxiety of the stranger, whose stars infatuate him to engage in the labyrinths and wilds of such a country.

ELSDEN

is a small town of antiquity, supposed to have its date from the time of M. Aurelius Antoninus: two Roman altars were found, inscribed to that Emperor, in a hill called the Mote Hill.[*]

This mount is intrenched round, the mote yet remaining of a great depth: to the north, which is the weakest part, a breastwork is cast up. The bones of animals, remains of sacrifice, have been discovered here, with urns, ashes of the dead, and broken inscriptions.

Elsden was the estate of the Clennels in the reign of Edward the First; it afterwards came to the Greys and Howards; and now is part of the possessions of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland. Near the church is an old tower, which is occupied as the Rectory-house, on which remain the arms of Umfranvils, ancient Lords of Harbottle, Otterburn, and a large district here.

On the front of this tower is an inscription, in the following form: R. D. de rede. Which may be read, Robertus or Rogerus Dom. de Rede, and referred to Umfranvil Lord of Pruddowe, who died about the year 1325.

The following inscription (found at Riechester, and now preserved in the church at Elsden) with its reading, was communicated to me: ‘GENIO EI SIGNIS COH I. • ARDUL OR. E Q • T•CINI VALERI ANVS TRIB. P.’ ‘Genio et signis Coh. primae Vardulorum Equitum. Titus Licinius Valerianus. Trib. P.’

Near to Elsden is a place called Berenes Knowl, where Mr Wallis says ‘is a British temple, the stones numerous, of various sizes, in a circular order.’ I used great diligence to find this place, but in vain; neither was I able to gain any intelligence from people in the neighbourhood.[*]

On the Tod-Law, a mount on the adjoining moor, Mr Wallis also says are three stone columns, placed in a triangular order, 12 feet distant from each other, and each column near 12 feet in diameter.[†] These he presumed are sepulchral, or monuments of some memorable event. It was the custom of the Danes, at the solemn investiture of their Kings, or men of chief authority, to erect monuments of this nature; and to that people it is most reasonable we should attribute such erections.[‡]

The remembrance of the battle of

Notes

*

Mr Horsley gives us the following inscriptions found here:

BONOGENERIS

HVMAN. IMPE

RANTE. CALPVR

NIO. AGRICOLA

AVG. PR. PR. POSVIT

AC. DEDICAVIT

C. A. ACILIVS

This was removed to Durham, where it now is. It is very curious; and the remark is just, which the ingenious Dr Harle made, when the altar was first dug up, that the lines which are wanting, had been evidently struck out with a tool; which is usually observed to have been practised on revolutions in the Empire, or upon the persons falling into disgrace, who is mentioned in the inscription. This particularly is thought to have been done with relation to Geta, by the order of his brother Caracalla, in some other inscriptions in Britain; though I cannot think that the name of Geta has been upon this altar; for this neither agrees with the letter C, yet very plain and visible, nor with the sequel of the inscription, which is very clear and distinct. Bono generis Humani Imperante Calparato Agric•la Legato Augustali Propraetore posuit ac dedicavit C•ius A•l•s Acilius. The first words in the filth line are undoubtedly Augustali Propraetore, which makes it certain, that Legato, and the name of the Lieutenant, have gone before, according to the usual form. If we suppose Calparuius Agricola to be the name that has been designedly erased. I believe that as the letters will exactly fill up the empty space, so that supply will suit very well, both with what goes before and what follows. Imperante Calpurnio Agricola, I take to be the same with s•• Calpurnio Agricola, or perhaps fussu Calpurnii Agricola, which so frequently occurs in such sort of subscriptions. There is some difficulty in forming a notion of the meaning of an altar erected Bono generis humani; but this may seem as intelligible as an altar erected Bono sato, Bono event•i, &c. and perhaps has much the same meaning. There are coins with Salus Generis humani upon them. If the conjecture concerning Calpurnius Agricola be admitted, it will then follow, that this inscription belongs to the time of M. Aurelius Antoninus, whose Legate this Agricola was; and consequently that the Romans were in his time possessed of this station.

Having given my own sentiments of this inscription, I must acknowledge, that a different conjecture has occurred, which several of my friends incline to prefer: and that is, that the following fragment and this may have been originally but one stone, and that the whole inscription has run thus:

DEO MATVNO

PRO SALVT ET

—

BONO GENERIS

HVMAN. IMPE

RANTE GETA. AVG.

SVB — — — LEG

AVG. PR. PR. POSVIT

AC DEDICAVIT

C. A. ACIL.

Deo Matuno

pro salute et

bono generis

humani Impe.

rante Geta Augusta

Sub — — — Legato

Augustali Propraetori posuit

ac dedicavit

Caius Aulus Acilius.

But I do not think it probable, upon reviewing them, that both the fragments have been parts of the same stone.

We have here the local Deity Matunus, concerning whom I can learn nothing more than his name.

↵

*
Mr Collier, at my instance, took great pains to discover the monument spoken of by Mr Wallis; but without effect.
↵

†

From the Manuscripts of the late Roger Gale, Esq Extract of a Letter from the Rev. Mr Robert Patten to Roger Gale, Esq

Penrith, 30th January, 1730/1.

At two places hard by the causeway, I observed two Tumuli, one of them with two circles of stones, and the other upon a raised square piece of ground. We have several Tumuli which I did believe to be Danish, for I have seen in Denmark some of the same fashion with these, and the like number of stones, viz. 24, set in two circles; and what confirms my opinion is, that very near my house is a large one, by the neighbours called Harnsley Hill; but in the writings which the gentleman has to whom it belongs, it is written Harold's Hill. So I presume some Dane or Saxon has been buried there.

Sir, yours, &c. ROBERT PATTEN.

↵

‡
Of this monument also it was not in our power to gain any intelligence.
↵

OTTERBURN,

so famous in story, led us again towards the banks of Reed: the entrenchments are still discernable, and the number of Tumuli [*] scattered over the adjoining ground, mark to future ages the slaughter made there.

The disturbances in England in the time of King Richard II. induced the Scots to invade the borders, in the 12th year of that reign, with about 3000 men, under the command of Sir William Douglas, by some authors stiled Earl Douglas. They were attacked in their camp on the 5th of August. 1388, by a body of English forces, commanded by the Earl of Northumberland, and his two sons, Henry Percy and Ralph Percy, young men of martial spirit, at Otterburn.[†]

The armies engaged by moon light, a season when battle would have redoubled horrors, especially where the conflict was hand to hand; when each combatant met his opponent in trial of skill and strength: this mode of fighting must render the business and confusion of the conflict dreadful beyond description. Douglas, ambitious of laurels, and desiring some distinguished atchievement, sought for young Henry Percy, who for his intrepidity and martial prowess was surnamed Hotspur. He met him in the hottest of the battle, insolently braved the young hero to engage, and Douglas fell beneath his valorous sword. The rumour of their leader's overthrow ran through the Scottish lines; they were intimidated, and began to fly; but at the instant the panic was becoming general, and the English were advancing in hopes of victory, the Earl of Dunbar came up with a large reinforcement, and the Scots rallied. Now overpowered by numbers, and faint with the fatigues and bloodshed of the fight, the English gave way, and the invaders were victorious: yet so powerfully, and with such gallant resolution, did the English maintain the battle against superior force, that the loss on each side was said to be nearly equal. The English left 1800 dead upon the field. Among the prisoners were Lord Percy and his brother, Sir Robert Heron, Sir Robert Ogle, Sir John Lilburn, Sir John Colwell, and many other valiant men of Northumberland.

A circumstance attended this day, as unfortunate to the Northumbrians, as shameful to their allies: the Durham militia was approaching, but did not come up in time to support the English, before they had left the field to the victors: the Scottish leader not willing to hazard any more of his troops, thought it expedient to use stratagem, and accordingly assailed the reinforcement in a mode totally new, and happily prevalent: he caused all his soldiers to blow the horns which were used to sound an alarm; the stilness of the night, the echo from the hills, and the terrors which the overthrow of the Northumbrians had impressed upon their minds, wrought so powerfully, that the militia were seized with a panic, and put to flight without seeing an enemy, vanquished solely by the tremendous idea of thousands approaching flushed with success.

Replete with melancholy reflections, arising from such a scene and retrospection, eight miles to Riechester must necessarily pass heavily; it is the business of a sentimental writer to catch the momentary ideas and living sentiments as they rise; the illustrious names renewed to memory, by the place of Otterburn fight, the Percies, the Herons, Ogles, Lilburns, and many more, busy on that famous night, brought upon my mind reflections on the honour of pedigree. Our ideas are apt to class themselves into comparisons. Whilst I ruminated on the subject of descent from Heroes and illustrious Personages, Men who had acquired Fame, Honour, and Title, by virtuous deeds and a service of propriety, I determined that the Pride of Pedigree was laudable, so long as the descendant did not debase his blood by ignoble and impious actions. I admitted it as a maxim, that such had a right to public place, pre-eminence, and distinction. Then it was, I took (as it were) the other hand into consideration; a review of the modes of the world; and thence proceeded to compare my determined principles with characters well known to me. I remarked many who claimed place and distinction, and stand up as the givers of modes, and rulers of what shall be called propriety of manners; such a groop of characters crowded upon me, (the mushrooms of a morning) all rushing with ardour and avariciousness of mind to the goal of pre-eminence, Wretches sprung from the filth of a corrupted age, that their mimick importance created in my mind so ridiculous a picture, even amidst the wastes and wilds where I travelled, and in defiance of all the deformities which nature spread around me, I could not forbear laughter.

All this time were we climbing with infinite difficulty, and no small hazard, to gain a sight of the cataract called Chattlehope Spout, which, when attained, was a trifling recompence for our labour. The waterfall is 75 feet in height, not immediately perpendicular, the stream being interrupted near the middle by a projection of the rock, from whence sliding gradually some feet, it falls a second time. The precipices are naked, and there are no picturesque beauties in the whole scene. All around you are rude and barren heights.

The Roman Station

Notes

*

Extract of a Letter from Mr J. Horsley to Roger Gale, Esq 13th December, 1729.

SIR,

I was obliged to be from home two or three days after the receipt of yours, which has occasioned the delay, for a post or two, in my communicating to you a discovery that has lately been made in the grounds of Otterburn, in this county.

There was a large Cairn of stones, computed to about 60 ton, which they had occasion to lead off; when the stones were removed, they discovered at the bottom, a large stone, rough and undressed, la•d upon the ground, in form of a grave-stone, with smaller stones wedged in between it and the ground, wherever there were any interstices. When this was taken off, there appeared 〈◊〉 the ground a cavity in form of a grave, about two yards long, and four feet broad at the top about a foot and a half deep was some very fine mould; next to that some ashes •aid in fine white sand; the sand was above two feet thick; the whole depth of the cavity or grave being near four feet. There were mixt with ashes, what they took for small pieces of burnt bones, very black, but no entire bones. There were several pieces of burnt wood, like charcoal. I have not yet seen the place myself, but I have this account from an eye-witness, who exam•ned every thing very carefully. I design to go thither myself in a few days, and if there be any thing which you think proper for me to attend to more particularly, I should be glad to know it.

Yours, &c. JOHN HORSLEY.

↵

†
R
••
path's B

•

rder History▪ "An army almost thrice as numerous as that of the Scots."— I know not by what authority this is asserted.
↵

RIECHESTER,

or as Camden calls it, Bremenium, was the ne plus ultra of our wish in this part of Northumberland. It was esteemed the strongest station the Romans had in the North, and was the capital or chief fortress of the Otadini. C. Caepio Charitenus and Lucius Caelius Optatus commanded here, the latter having a Cohort of the Varduli from Hispania Citerior, the former a detachment of Exploratores. Many Coins, Altars, and other Remains have been found at this station, especially the Coins of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus.[*] An Altar was found here, now in the possession of the Rev. Dr Sharp, inscribed by a Cohort of Varduli to the Emperor Caracalla. This station is defended by a wall of ashler-work, seven feet in thickness, with motes and treble rampiers, as outworks.[*] In the front of a new-built house, about a quarter of a mile to the south of the station, is a sculpture (discovered here) having a tree in the center, a hart on one side, and a crescent on the other, of but indifferent workmanship. The remains of an Hypocaust has lately been opened, and three pillars obtained therefrom, which supported the upper floor. The altar before mentioned to be preserved in Elsden church was found here.

This station takes its name of Bremenium, as is presumed, from being Castrum in Rupe, which is the true description of its scite, it being placed on the brow of a steep and rocky hill, or rather, as Camden calls it, a rocky mountain, commanding the pass of Reedsdale. On every hand the prospect is horrible, except the narrow valley, watered by the Reed, which is looked down upon from this rugged eminence.—How little improvement this country has experienced since the union, notwithstanding the great advances husbandry hath made northward,
[*]
will appear by comparing the description given of it by Camden two centuries ago, with its present state. ‘There are hills hard by so boggy, and standing with water on their summits, that no horsemen are able to ride through them. And again, Mountainous desert and impossable, such as this tract is.’

Camden preserves this Inscription:

D. R. S.

DVPL N. EXPLOR

BREMEN. ARAM.

INSTITVERVNT

N. EIVS C CAEP

CHARITINO TRIB

V. S. L. M.

Deae Romae sacrum Duplares Numeri exploratorum Bremenii Aram instituerunt Numini ejus Caio Caepione Charitino Tribuno votum solverunt libenter merito.

Mr Horsley's remarks on this altar are as follow. ‘The original was removed to Connington. The plain and distinct mention of Bremenium upon this large altar does strongly argue Riechester to be the place. The implication and proper cut of the letters, which is neglected in Camden, I have endeavoured to supply from the original. No body that I know of, has given a satisfactory explication of the D. R. S. at the top: I think it plain that they are to be read Deae Romae sacrum. That they made a Goddess of Rome, and erected altars and temples to her, needs no proof to those who have any acquaintance with medals and other Roman Antiquities. There is a curious altar at Elenborough, erected Genio Loci Fortunae Reduci Romae Aeterne, &c. I once thought of Diis Romanis sacrum: but this suits not with Numini ejus in the body of the inscription; for which reason the learned Dr Gales reading Deabus Rumabus Sacrum cannot be admitted. The altar then is sacred to the Goddess Rome, erected by a Duplares of a detachment of Exploratores or scouts at Bremenium, under the command of Caius Caepio Charitinus the Tribune. Caepio is a consular name, and we read in the Notitiae, of a Praefectus Numeri exploratorum Lavatris. Whether they were the same with these, I will not undertake to determine. The Duplares were soldiers, who had a double allowance of corn, of which a part of the Roman soldiers pay consisted. The Exploratores were, like our scouts, sent out to discover the enemy or their country. When they were in garrison, it is probable they were generally placed, in the more advanced stations, or such as were most conveniently situated for prospect and discovering the first approach of the enemy; as also for guarding the passes against their inroads.’

Camden adds, ‘that Ptolomy speaking of Bremenium, places it in this very scite, and part of the country; and from thence Antonine begins his first journey in Britain, as from the utmost limit of the Roman province at that time. When the barbarous nations had broken through the wall of Antoninus Pius, and would in consequence hurry over and lay waste all the country before them, the wall of Hadrian laying neglected to the time of Severus, we may necessarily admit that this station was regarded as the limit of the Empire, from whence the old Itinerary, which bears the title of Antonine's, began, viz. a Limitis. The construction given it, to imply a Vallo, is only a gloss put on it by the transcriber.’

Mr Collier communicated to me the drawing of the following Sculpture and Inscription, lately found at this station, and now in the possession of the Rev. Mr Jolly. It never was published. He informed me it was found near the eastern entrance into the station, is about four feet nine inches in length, and two feet three inches in breadth.

Mr Wallis says, ‘there is nothing more, worthy of remark, by the alpine streams of Reed and North Tyne.’ I wish I could have been as readily transported from Riechester to Wark, as I transmit the reader on the feathers of the grey goose wing: we did not pursue the Reed any further northward, though informed, that near to Bridhope Crag, a little above Riechester, there are two large square entrenchments, with two openings on every side, each defended by an outward mole of an oblong form, at the distance of six yards from the aperture: the description given of them, shews they are similar to the large entrenchment on Stainmore, at Roy Cross, [*] which is attributed to the English under William the Conqueror, on the defection of Cumberland and Northumberland, who were supported by the Scotch Monarch.

Notes

*
Ph. Tra. No. 474, 482, vol. 44. p. 344.
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*

Extract of a Letter from Mr Robert Cay, of Newcastle, to Roger Gale, Esq

Newcastle, 12th December, 1732.

In the Notitia we meet with Tribunus Cohortis I Hispaniorum Axeloduno: in the Netherby inscription we have Tribunus Coh. I Acl. Hispanorum Eq. I think we have not met with any former instances of the title Aelia ascribed to this Cohort. Mr Horsley, page 95, conjectures, that the Cohoris Prima Hispanorum Equit. might be part of the Ala Herculea; but I believe, Sir, if he had met with this inscription, he would have thought otherwise. In the Notitia, as he observes, p. 94, we do not meet with the expression Cohors Equitum, but as in many parts of that book the place of the officer's residence seems chiefly to be intended, I know not whether we ought always to suppose that the whole body under his command was in the same place; therefore I am more surprized, that we never meet with Tribunus Coh. Equitum. Among the stations per lineam V••li, there is none said to be commanded by a Praefectus Alae, which appears to have been much larger than some of those where Tribunes of Cohorts are placed; and I know no instance of a Commander of an Ala stiled Tribunus. I would therefore suppose, that an Equ•strian Cohort consisted of two Alae, though it might not be very common to mention them as Cohorts; and perhaps the Ala Prima Herculea and the Ala Vettonum might compose this Cohort.

Sir,
yours, &c. ROBERT CAY.

An Answer to the preceding Letter by Mr Gale.

London, 28th December, 1732.

Mr Horsley's reason for supposing the Cohors Prima Hispanorum to have been part of the Ala Herculea, is their being quartered nearly together; the first at Elenborough, and the other at Old Carlisle, as appears by inscriptions found at those places.

I believe this Cohort arrived in Britain with the Emperor Hadrian, and continued there till the Romans quitted the island, and in a series of about 300 years, it must have made several marches and counter marches from one camp to another. My reason for thinking it came hither with that Emperor, is from its appellation Aelia, and its country Spain; the latter of which might prevail with him, who was a Spaniard by birth, to dignify it with one of his own names; and when he transported the Legio VI Victrix into Britain, he might bring this Cohort among the Auxiliaries that were joined to it: this also inclines me to think it was part of one of the Alae belonging to that Legion, which seems always to have been employed in the North, and to have had its head quarters at York.

The legionary Alae consisted of several Cohorts of foreign Auxiliaries, though of how many is uncertain: sometimes we are told they were equal in numbers of men to the Legion, and sometimes that they exceeded it: it is therefore probable, that both the Alae of a Legion might contain ten Cohorts, the number of those that constituted a Legion, when compleat.

I cannot therefore agree, that the Cohors Prima Hispanorum was composed of two Alae, the 1•. Herculea and the Ala Vettonum; since Alae were formed of Cohorts, and not Cohorts of Alae.

Ala also imported a large independent body of horse, and of this sort seems to have been the Ala Vettonum, and the Ala Prima Asturum, the Ala Sarmatarum, &c. all which carry the the names of the countries they originally came from.

The Legio VI Victrix was in Britain when the Notitia Imperii was compiled, as were all those Ala; it is not therefore unlikely, that the Ala I Herculea, and the Ala Sabiniana were the wings properly appertaining to it, one so called from the Emperor Maximianus Herculeus, the other retaining the name of the Empress Sabina or Sabinia, either the wife of the Emperor Hadrian that brought this Legion into Britain, or of the Emperor Gordian the Third, who honoured the other wing of it with his own name, which is most probable, because from the name Sabina the appellative adjective Sabinia would be properly formed; and from the name Sabinia, wh• 〈…〉 Empress, as appears from her medals, the true formation of the adjective thou ••e Sa••mara.

When the ••titia, as it now stands, was wrote, the Legio Secunda Augusta was withdrawn from 〈…〉 Wales, its long and ancient quarters, to Richburrough, in K•nt, and the A•iane that composed the wings of it, were in all probability the forces that garrisoned the stations upon that coast against the Saxons, as the wings of the Vlth [The horse of a Legion was in the A•ae, the body 〈…〉 so that the wings were the properest to 〈◊〉 the country 〈…〉 whi•• the main body lay in 〈◊〉.] defended the northen borders against the Scots and •••ts, while the main body of that Legion lay in its head quarters at York. The Britons, when the Romans abandoned this island, and for many years before, were entirely friends with them, united in the same interest and almost the same people, so that they had no occasion to keep any troops upon the borders of Wales but rather to withdraw them ad lineam Va••i to defend their friends and confederates against the Barbarians on that side; and to the 〈…〉 on the other, to protect them from the depredations of those 〈…〉 for a• that time they were no more. It is very strange, I must own, that no 〈◊〉, have been found, in any of these eastern and southern station, and so many of them in the northern: I can impute it only to the long residence of the Roman forces in the north, with many 〈◊〉 peace and •ase, which gave them leisure to erect temple, altars and 〈…〉 glandeur there, and to a short stay upon the Saxon coast, in coast, in continual a• arms, that gave them time to think of nothing but the defence of themselves and country: and all the remain of their •fications and castles in th•se parts speak them to have been of the lowest Empire

Upon this occasion give me leave to observe, that the Notitia Imperit has given you the state of the Roman government and forces in Britain, not as they really were, when that account of them is supposed: have been compiled, at the latter end of Tho•s the Second's reign, about the year 445: but as they stood in the year 401 or 402, when the aforesaid Legions were •t 〈…〉 it is evident they had been recalled before that time. When the Legis Secu•da •g•ta left 〈◊〉 not so 〈◊〉, but I think we may safely determine, that the Legio VI. V forsook us, when St• drew together all the forces of the Empire to his assistance against Alari• the 〈◊〉, which was about the year 401. from the following verses of the poet Gla•:

Ve• a• extremis Legio praetenta Britannis,

Qur Sente dat fraena T•uci, ferro notatas

Pe• eras res, picta moriente, figuras.

Which is such a defer• of this Le•n, and its employment, that I think it puts what I have conjectured upon its departure out of doubt. As we have no mention at that time of the second Legion, nor afterwards it was probably reca••ed before the sixth; so that what the N•titia gives us of the Romans in Britain, seems to be copied from an account taken at a time when they had a flourishing civil power, and a good army residing here, and not to relate to the latter end of T•dosius the Second, a time of the utmost confusion and disorder. when they were not able to defend their own 〈◊〉, and their Ro•a Eterna against the ravages of the Goth.

But to return: The Commanders of both sorts of alae were •led Praefecti, the same title as Commanders of Legions were honoured with: and to be a Praefectus Alae, more interest was made than to be a Praefectus Legionis, as being more profitable, and sooner attained, by rising quarter t•t through the several degrees of military promotion. But the proper title belonging to the Commander of a Co•ort, seems to have been Tribanus, the Notitia Imperis constantly •l•ng them so, though that title is not always observed in the inscriptions, where we find frequently 〈…〉. The true name was probably Tribunus, and Praesectus as a title of a greater dignity, only a compliment to the officer, as we call all our Lieutenants and Ensigns at this time Captains.

Cohors was properly a company of foot, Turma a troop of horse; the Commander of the latter was rightly called Decurio, and frequently Praesectus,
Cohors Equitata Milliaria Centurias X. Coh. Eq. Quingenaria Centurias VI. Peditata Mill. Centur. X, &c Vide Hyginum de Castramet. et schelii Commentaria in Io Xo. Thes. Rom. Antiq. Graevii.

like the Captain of a Cohort. Vegettus, a late author, and who lived a little before the Notitia was compiled, tells us, that the first Cohort of a Legion was called Milliaria, that it consisted of 1105 foot soldiers, and 132 horse; that the other Cohorts had only 555 foot and 66 horse; that the Commander of the first Cohort had the title of Tribunus, and that those of the other Cohorts were stiled either Tribuni or Praepositi at the Emperor's pleasure. Other authors differ as to the number of men in a Cohort, and I never met with a Praepositus Cohortis in any book else, or inscription: perhaps it was a late distinction, and but just brought into fashion when Vegetius wrote.

However, in imitation of the first legionary Cohort, it is not improbable that the first auxiliary Cohort consisted likewise of above 1000 men, and the rest of more than 500 (the 4th and 7th, it is said, were above 600); whence they were called Quingenariae, as the first was Milliarta▪ and I think the inscription you sent is a strong proof of this conjecture, the note ∞ there being the character of 1000 in number, and consequently the last words of it are to be read— Tribunus Cohort•s Primae, Aeliae Hispanorum Milliariae Equitatae, and not Equestris or Equitum, as used by Pliny and other polite writers: Equitata being the camp word, and not denoting a Cohort consisting entirely of horse, but a Cohort formed partly of foot and partly of horse, as is evident from Hyginas de castrametatione, who wrote expresly upon that subject, and in the military style.

Sir,
yours, &c. ROGER GALE.

Extract of a Letter from Sir John Clerk to R. Gale, Esq

Edinburgh, 29th October, 1734.

I know very well that the first Cohort of a Legion used some times to be called Milliaria, for so Rosinus and Vegetius, and before them Modestus had taught me. I know it consisted both of horse and foot, but I thought it a tautology to add after prima Cohors these letters. 〈◊〉 EQ wherefore I imagined that there was more intended (viz.) directly to signify that the whole Cohors consisted of horse, in number 1000, or that there was belonging to the Cohors 1000 horse, who were quartered at Netherby; but what was of greater weight with me was, that I believed, that in the latter times of the Roman Empire there were Cohorts entirely of horse Pliny, in the tenth book of his Epistles, and I think the 107th Epistle, furnished me with a direct proof of this, for he expresly mentions the Sexta Cohors Equestris. There was another proof occurred to me, from the 25th chapter of Suetonius in Vita Claudii, where Coho•s is mentioned inter Equestres Milites. In the main, I thought it would do as well to read the letters • EQ. Mille Equitum, as to call the Cohort Prima Milliaria. I pleased myself also with the fancy, that if the old Lipsius had seen this altar, he had acquiesced in the above cited words of Suetonius, and not have read them Semestres Militias. Some of your editions of that author will direct you to a squabble amongst the Critics upon the reading of those words, which in my apprehension this very altar at Netherby may decide: but be the reading what it will, it pleases me to think that there were Spanish horse amongst us in former times, which perhaps contributed not a little to that breed of horses which is in those parts to this day. I believe the Jock•es will not approve of this conjecture: we generally attribute our breed of galloways to Spanish horses, though we carry their origin no farther back than the Spanish invasion in 1588, and the ships which were cast away on our coasts; but this is an episode I can easily pass by.

I have only now to add a conjecture of mine, as to the apparent streets in the town of Netherby, (viz.) that they were stables for horses, and of this very kind there are several in the station at Middleby: nothing was fitter than horse to defend them against my old countrymen the Fugaces Caledonii.

I am, &c. J. CLERK.

Extract of a Letter from Mr John Horsley to Roger Gale, Esq

11th April, 1729.
SIR,

The• have lately converted a part of the Station at R•chester, the ancient Bremenium, into a garden, in •gging which •everal 〈◊〉 and Inscriptions have been found: there is one that 〈…〉. SILV•NO PANTH••. and another very lately thrown up, DEO HERCVLENT•. I would have had it •li, but the letters are plain, and there is no offering any violence to them. It is 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 altar, and this is the whole of the inscription. If it be not some Topica. Detty, I know not what to make of it.

I am, &c. JOHN HORSLEY.

Extract of a Letter from Mr John Horsley to Roger Gale, Esq

13th June, 1729.

Since my last to you, another inscription has been found at our R•hester. The stone and and letter, are coarse, and a part of the bottom broke off, but what remains is very distinct, and I believe there has not been much, if any thing more at first. It runs Di• Man•hus Hermaco•a A•am• Hon•rat•s Tr•nus I think that •l•no shews Hermacora to be designed for the ca•ve case, after the Greek manner. This favours your opinion concerning Hercul•n•; but it is much more favoured and confirmed by what I neglected to acquaint you with in my •a•, that is, a figure 〈…〉 on the •ice of the al•r.

There is an inter• 〈…〉 •e•e of a rud• 〈◊〉 in the Library at Edinburgh, to the Emperor A•t• 〈◊〉 which according to Mr Gordon was erected by the Logi• G••a •. According to Mr •rt 〈◊〉, in Camde• Britannia, it is quite another inscription, though I have 〈◊〉 proofs of its being the same stone as that represented by him. Upon a very close, impart 〈…〉 repeated •ew of the letters in the original, I read it CO••. CVGERNORVM. I am the more •ured of this reading, because I did not then remember the name of the C•g•• and so was led to this reading only by a careful inspection of the original Impera• 〈…〉 A••• Haer••• •ntonino A••o l'•o Patri Patriae, Consult ter ••• I 〈…〉 imp•te• it.
T
•

t H• L• Cap •n 16• 18. I had read the same in Tacitus again and again but yet it did not occur to me at that time. 〈◊〉 an ingen•us friend of that University suggested to me, that the 〈◊〉 of the Ba•a• 〈◊〉 C•g• were oftener than once •ntly mentioned by Tacitus, which I then re• l'•fted, and •u•d to be true [*]

There is an interupt 〈◊〉 discovered at L•ter, in the cou•y of Durham, that seems by the letters to read COH VARDIOR—R—EQ •rs Va•d•run. Equita•. But of the Vardis, [†] I must still ••y, as I was at first ready to •ay of the C•gernt,

Di• quibus in terr••.

I am, &c. JOHN HORSLEY.

From Mr Horsley to Roger Gale, Esq

10th December, 1730.

I have often found you to be a true oracle upon other occasions, but now I believe you will prove to be so, in an instance where I little expected it. I remember in one of your letters, you were so kind as to foretell that I should one time or other find out the true reading of an inscription discovered at Lanchester, in the county of Durham. I confess I was never so much •ed to •pect you to be a false prophet on any other occasion, and yet now I believe, that contrary to my own expectation, you'll be found a true one even in this. I have been at the expence of bringing the altar to Morpetò, on which the inscription is to which I refer; this has given me in opportunity of setting the one broken piece of it on the other, and examining the whole Inscription with the greatest nicety and care: by this means I have discovered the remains of a letter or two which had escaped me before, and now I read it Jovi Optimo Maximo Vexil•at• C•tio (perhaps Primae) Vardulorum Equitum (or Equestris) votum solvit libentissime merito: this reading, which seems to lye pretty much out of the way, I have found out by the help of another lucky discovery, I mean a stone found not long ago at Riechester, which I have also got into my own poss•ssion; a draught of which, and the fair and beautiful inscription upon it, I have sent you inclosed, as also a copy of that at Lanchester.

I suppose S••t at the end of the find line to be Socio, and to mean the same as Comiti The three last lines I read Tribu•s Colortis Primae Vardulorum cum Commilitonibus Crancis Votum Deo Templum a S•l• extractum. The remains at the end of the 6th line will suit an n as well as an m, which made me also think of Contabernalibus, or some such thing. The Varduli Cranei, though this latter name be usually wrote with a G at the beginning, are two neighbouring people in Spain. The form of the expression in the Lanchester inscription I suppose to be parallel to the Biturix C••s in one at York. I see no reason why Varduli Cranei may not pass as current as Cubi Bitur•ges. which we have both in Pliny and the aforesaid inscription. I think Templam or Temple and Sol•t, or some such words, are most likely to be those which are wanting at the end of the two last lines.

I am, Sir,
•urs, &c. JOHN HORSLEY.

An Answer to the preceding Letter by Roger Gale, Esq

SIR,
21st December, 1730.

A letter from you is always extremely acceptable, since it never fails of bringing its entertainment along with it. I never pretended Ex Tripode loqui, and if I should, my responses would have no more weight than those of the oracles, always dubious, oftener false than true. I am much afraid, what you charge me with in your last, will come out wrong, though your conjectures are very ingenious. As you have communicated them to me, I doubt not but you will give me leave freely to send you my thoughts upon them.

As for the O. M, they can have been nothing but the remains of Jovi Optimo Maximo, and perhaps what follows is the remains of Vexillatio, though I am not without my scruples as to that. In the first place, I do not remember I ever met with such an inscription as Vexillatio Cohortis or Cohortium, though frequently with Vexillatio Legionis, which I take to imply a detachment sent off from the Legion under a Vexillum, where we meet with those Vexillationes Leg. II. VI. XX. upon the wall in Scotland.

Secondly, Vexillatio Equitum is generally taken for Cohors Equitum, but as there might be a detachment from a Cohors upon occasion, as well as from a Legion, I will not insist upon that. Vardulorum is very plain upon this altar, though a name hitherto unknown in Britain I wish the Cran•orum was as much out of dispute for though the Or that follow Vardul are the initials of that word, yet I cannot think they belong to Vardulorum, as you read them, because we find but one nation of the Varduli in Spain, and consequently no occasion of the additional Cranei to distinguish them from any of their neighbours that might have the same appellation. Pomponius Mela expresly says, the Varduli Gens Una, in France, were two nations of the Bituriges, the one therefore was called the Bituriges Cubi, the other the Bituriges Vi•isci. As for the Cranei upon the Riechester •ne, I shall shew you by and by, that it is quite another thing: to this I am obliged to add, that I cannot find among my old Geographers, such a people as the Cranei or Granei in Spain, or any where else; therefore should be glad to know where you met with them.

In the Riechester Inscription, which is indeed very beautiful, the word Soc in the first line is certainly pro•ecio Gruter. p XXII. 12. gives us an inscription DIM et Soli Socio, which is read Deo In•to Mat•rae et Soli Socio; the compliment is paid to the Emperor in yours, by giving him the Sua for his companion, as that associates him with the God Mithras, and is he appears upon the medals of Constantine the Great and others with the legend of S•li Invicto Comit•. There is no further difficulty in it till we come to the sixth line, where the Cohors Prima Vardu••rum shews 〈◊〉 beyond exception: the Cum Con I read with the beginning of the seventh line, C•m Cons•, a word not very common, but you have it in Julius Capi••linus's Life of Gora•, ch• 14 Sacrati Co•nes, im etiam 〈◊〉 Con•ecra•, &c. that is, •jusdem Sacrament• M•tar, Parti••e, than which nothing can be more apposite, and leaves no room for the Cranes The re•t I take to have been V. DE. SVO. the fragment after the letter E seeming to be rather the top of an S than the side of an O; besides which, the repetition of Deo, the first word in the inscription, would have been an unnecessary tautology, or as the letter, De suo are not enough to fill up the remainder of the line, they may have been de sua imp•n•, or de sua pec. de sua impe•ta, or de sua pecuma, both of which do frequently occur in inscriptions. Or it the reliques of the last letter are part of a C. it may have been DEC. PVBL Decreto Publico, and what is lost in the last line EXTRVCTVM DE DIC. E•tructum De•t, and nothing less than a Temple built, that had been vowed for the health and safety of the Emperor.

I enquired the other day of Mr Ward after your Britannia Romana, and am glad to hear it is in such forwardness, as you confirm it to be in your letter. I sent him an engraving of the Ba• head for you, very well performed by Mr Vertue, of which I suppose he has given you an account.

I am, Sir,
yours, &c. R. GALE.

Extract of a Letter from Mr Horsley to Roger Gale, Esq

SIR,
1st January, 173•.

I confess your letter shocked my assurance, tho' I still hope my conjecture will not be quite overthrown. The •ra• •a•, or Granii, as I think it is sometimes written, are a people not far from the V• •ed by Pliny and others. These were the people I meant and thought of. The change fr• •ranei to Cranei is very easy; the word Consecranei no where occurs in inscriptions, and •ce of its being used till after the time of this inscription; but I 〈…〉 this to beg •ac• 〈◊〉 the delay till I return home, when I shall re-examine the Re• 〈◊〉 I believe it has been built up in the wall of some Temple, and has brought to my mind a passage in Horace,
Lib 2. O• 1• l. 3•

—Redd•re victimas

Edemque votitam mene•nto,

No• humilem seriemus agnam.

I ask pardon for haste and confusion; and am, Sir, &c. JOHN HORSLEY.

Answer to the same by Mr Gale.

SIR,
London, 16th January, 1730/1.

The •a• were a small people, situated at the mouth of the river Minius, now called M• in Spain, upon the great western ocean, at least 250 miles from the confines of the Varduli, now the province of Cu•puscea, in the bottom of the Bay of Biscay, in the very eastern parts of Spain, with several nations interjacent; so that they cannot be said to be people not far distan one from the other, and I never imagined they were your Cranei till the receipt of your last letter. These Cranei never have as yet occurred in any inscription more than my Consecrani•; but that is warranted by Julius Capitolinus, a good author, and by a just and proper signification of the word concurring. I believe you cannot produce any phrase in author or inscription▪ parallel to Tribunus Cohortis I Vardulorum cum Commilitonibus Craneis suis, allowing even Cranei to have been the name of a people, whereas the other reading is plain and easy; and though Julius Capitolinus lived after the age of this inscription several years, that is no proof that the word Consecran•i was not in use before he wrote; it was a military expression and little used perhaps out of the camp. I hope you will pardon the freedom that has been extorted from me, by a conviction of my being in the right as to this criticism; and am,

Sir, &c. R. GALE.

Mr Horsley to Roger Gale, Esq

SIR,
Morpeth, 22d January, 17••/••.

My absence from home was longer than I designed, and since my return have been prevented examining originals till this morning: this has occasioned a delay of the fuller answer I intended and promised. I received the Riechester inscription just before the press came to the other inscriptions belonging to the same place, and having no great fondness for an appendix, I immediately dispatched to London some short observations on it, in order to their being printed, and inserted in their proper place; so that before I received your first letter, it was too late to make any alteration there: however I must beg leave to take notice of your conjecture, either in the preface or some other proper place. Mr Ward intends a letter to me, by way of review of all the observations, and there is a proper space left for that letter, in order to its being inserted at the end of the observations on the second Book of the Britannia Romana. This letter will be instead of an appendix, [ There is no notice taken of this in Mr Ward's letter, but Mr Horsley in all probability reprinted his observations on this inscription. See his Brit. Rom. p. 241, 242. R. G. ] and any new discoveries and thoughts will. I believe, be there inserted. I shall communicate yours to him on this occasion, unless you rather chuse to speak to him yourself: though I have not wholly abandoned my first conjecture, yet I have a good opinion of yours, and no doubt, considering how natural it is to have a partial regard for our own offspring, yours will have the preference much more in the esteem of others.

I have carefully and impartially examined all the letters on the stone, and am convinced that the last visible, though imperfect letter in the 6th line, has been an N, which favours your opinion. I have with my compasses compared the breadth of this letter, with that of all the M's and N's on the stone, and find that it agrees pretty well with the stated or usual breadth of the N, but always falls sensibly short of the breadth of the M. This ought to have been regarded in the copy, though whether it be or not, with sufficient accuracy, is more than I am sure of. The addition of SE at the end of the line, would bring it to an equal length with most of the rest; nor have I in this review observed any thing on the stone, which is in the least unfavourable to your opinion. On the whole, I strongly incline to think you must be in the right, and that my own conjecture must have the honour to be overthrown by so good a hand as your own, and the Lanchester inscription reduced to its primitive state of confusion and darkness.

The remains of the letter at the end of the last line but one, may be those of a C, but are likest those of an O, the shape and position will by no means allow it to be the top of an S; it is thus DEC, but more perfectly round than I have here drawn it I have compared it carefully with the S. the C and the O in the inscription, and find that it suits the last best, may do for the second, but not at all for the first.

To save the seeming unnecessary repetition of the word Deo, I was at first sight thinking of De•ones, and believe have mentioned that conjecture in my observants; but how it may answer or please I know not. [Not mentioned in the printed observ• — R G. ] The stone is only regular and dressed on the face, a• no doubt has been inserted in the wall of the Aedes Vo•i•a. [ •o• Ca•. •occ• ]

I return you hearty thanks for your favour of the Bath head, and •ll other instances of your respect and friendship undeserved to,

Sir,
yours, &c. JOHN HORSLEY.

Mr Horsley to Roger Gale, Esq

SIR,

I was lately favoured with a letter from Baron Clerk, who entirely approves of your conjecture about the w•d •an•. I would gladly have had the CR in the Lanchester in •r or to have been the 〈◊〉 letters in CONSECR. for Con•ran•rum, but I doubt the orig•. will not •w it.

I am yours, &c. JOHN HORSLEY.

↵

*
C
•
were the people about

〈◊〉

s
•
e
•
wrote
〈◊〉
and Ca•i by Pli•y, lib IV C XVII.
↵

†
The Va• seem to be the
〈…〉
III. Ca 22 a people of Da•ma•, who

〈…〉

them P• 〈…〉 •ta•a• Bran•a• Bran•∣•er•, and at P•astio, and the T
•

〈…〉

R. GALE.

↵

*

Be•des the several Roman Antiquities noticed in the text, in Mr Horsley's Works the following are 〈◊〉.

XCIV A 〈…〉 H• ag• Honoratus Tribu•.—This stone was lately dug up at R•r, the time 〈◊〉 ar• the letters of the inscription are rude and rough, it is a sepul •al •nument ere• by 〈◊〉 one •noratus for one Her•rus, that had been brought up 〈…〉 the •ative case, to Permagora must be so too. There is no appearance of an E• at the end •f the same name, though there is room enough for it; and therefore this is pr• the 〈◊〉 after the Greek manner. •a•s •n•ratus Tri• of the first Cohort of the 〈…〉 •ned in an inscription found at Gresters, near Walwick on the wa•. And the •e Cohort was also at R•gram, as appears from another inscription. The face 〈…〉 where the inscription •s appears of a red colour, different from the rest of the stone It is s• •ke the ef•est of fire, that I know not what else to ascribe it to. The back and sides of the stones are so 〈◊〉 and rugged, and in all respects of such a form, as to make it evident, that it 〈…〉 thee as that the face of the stone only was designed to be visible; and consequently a fire could not have the same effect upon the other sides, which were hid in the w•.

XCIV B• Deo Her•lents.

The learned Dr G• co•ctures that Her•nt is the same as Herculi, the termination ent• being on •a metap•mus in declaring the name Hercules after the Greek manner, as in the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Something like this may be seen •n other •pt as 〈◊〉 for C•r•sae in Re•e•s Syntagma Inscrip. p. 909. This ingen• co•e• is also confirmed by the instance of Her•agoras in the preceding inscription, and natura•y rem•nds us of the after erected to Hercules with the Greek inscription upon it, now at 〈◊〉 Mr Ward chuses to read this interuption thus, Deo Herculi •cius En •. The name Entia is •med in Crater. The Club of Her•ules is on one side of the altar, Cor•rage, R•, and R•rester, are all stations upon the military way called Er•in street.

XCIV. C. This is deposited in the Library at Durham.

DEO INVICTO. SOLI SOC—

SACRVM •O SALVTE ET—

INCOLVMITATE IMP. CAES—

M. AVRELI ANTONINI. PL•FFLIC.

AVG —L. CAECIL•VS OPTAT

TRIB COH. I. VARDVL. CVM CoN—

CRANEIS. VOTVM DEO

A SOLO EXTRVCT.

Deo Invicto soli socio sacrum pro salute et incolumitate Imperatoris Caesaris Marci Aurelii Antonini Pi• selici Augusti Lucaus Caecilius Optatus Tribunus Cohortis Primae Vardulorum cum consecrantis votum deo Templum• solo extructum.

The stone with this •r and curious inscription was dug up at Riechester. The back part of it is rude and undressed; which manifestly shews it to have been built up, in some wall; perhaps of a temple. On the face of the stone where the inscription is cut, there appears in two or three places the plain marks of fire; the same appearance which I observed on another of these stones found in this place. The letters of the inscription are well cut, and all of them that remain are still very fair and distinct; only a piece of stone is broken off at one corner, which cannot yet be retrieved; and with it a small part of the inscription is lost, the addition of Socio to In•cto Soli deserves a remark. Soli Comitt is frequent on medals, and I imagine Soli socio to have much the same meaning. The Antonine for whose safety this was vowed, must have been either Commodus or Caracalla. Commodus was the first who assumed the conjoined titles of Pius and F•li•, but then in inscriptions to him there is usually some other distinguishing title; whereas the form of the names here is such, as is usually ascribed to Caracalla. This suits well enough with the conjecture of his being the Author of the Itinerary; and with the assigned Roman limits at the peace of Severus and Caracalla; since it appears from hence, that Riechester, the undoubted Bremenium, was possessed by the Romans in the reign of Caracalla, and by the erecting this new Temple, that they had no apprehensions of being soon dislodged from this station: though probably it was then the boundary. The inscription was erected by Luctus Caecilius Optatus, Tribune of the first Cohort of the Varduli. The great distance between the G and the L in the fifth line, that is, between the last letter of the Emperor's name, and the first of the Tribune's, is very remarkable. The Varduli were a people of Hispania Citerior, situated not far from the west end of the Pyrenaean Mountains. There are another people in Hispanta Citertor usually named Grovi• or sometimes Gronii. At the first sight of this inscription, I concluded that Graneis must be the name of the same people, for C and G are often interchanged; and Granei or Granii looked like the name Grovis or Gronii, and as I apprehended bid fair to be truer than either. I therefore read cum commilitonibus (or contubernalibus) Grane•s; but I now with pleasure resign this conjecture, for a better of the learned and sagacious Mr Gale, which he imparted to me. "In the Riechester Inscription (says he) which is indeed very beautiful, the letters SOC in the first line are certainly for Socio. Gruter p. xxii. gives us an inscription D. I. M. ET SOLI, SOCIO, which is read Deo in•icto Mithrae et Soli Socio. In the Riechester inscription, the complement is paid to the Emperor by given him the Sun for his companion, as this in Gruter associates him with the God Mithras, and as he appears upon the medals of Constantine and others with the legend Soli invicto Comiti, there is no further difficulty till we come at the sixth line, where the Cohors Prima Varduloram, shews itself beyond exception. The Cum Con, I read with the beginning of the seventh line Cum Consecraneis. The word Consecranei [*] is not very common, but we have in Julius Capit•nus, Gord. c. 14. Sacrati comm•tone •mo etiam Cors•cranei, i. e. ejusdem Sacramenti Militaris participes; than which nothing can be more apposite. Since the receipt of this letter from Mr Gale, I have re-examined the original; and am convinced that it has been an N at the end of the sixth line, for the breadth of the letter, which may certainly be determined from the visible tops of both the vertical strokes, is exactly the same with the breadth of the other N's in this inscription, but sensibly less than the breadth of any M in the whole. The imperfect letter at the end of the seventh line, seems to have been an O, though the repetition of the word Deo appears harsh and uncommon. If we could suppose it to have been a C, Mr Gale would read DECR. PVB. for decreto Publico. As it is probable that last line has concluded with the usual S. L. M. so unless we suppose Temp• for Templum (with which votum agrees) to have stood at the end of the seventh line, there will be no room for it at all. Temples were frequently vowed as well as Altars, and we have one remarkable instance more in this collection of a Temple. Pro satute domni divinae. This inscription also gives us a certain discovery of a new auxiliary Cohort in Britain: and either this, or an Equestrian Cohort of the same people, seems to be mentioned in a Du••• inscription.

XCIV. (E) This is a small and monstrous rude figure of Silvanus, lately found at the same place. The breasts are two rude circular lines, and the eyes two such holes. The nose and mouth are expressed on the stone by three cross cuts, he seems to have a Patera in his left hand, though figures in a sacrificing posture generally hold it in the right.

XCVI. Silvano Pan•eo pro• Ra•ni Tribuni et Laculae e•us Ey•chus libertus Consulis Votum S• likens Merit•.

This and the following inscription, together with several coins have been lately dug up at Riechester. This altar was found near the north-west corner of the fort, with the face downward. The first words in it are plainly Sivano Pantheo. It is common now to give the name of Pantheus to the figure of any God, who has the Symbols of other Gods joined with his own, and in some inscriptions Panthe• is spoken of a particular God. Thus we have in Gruter Signum Panthei Testaments feri•, and Signum Pantheum sua Pecunia, D. D. As also Panthe• Aug. likewise Hereculi Mercurio et Silva• •rum et o• Pantheo, and Dion informs us, that Dr•illa, was called Parthea, from the variety of divine honours that her brother Caligula ordered to be paid to her after her death. A late ingenious friend conjectured, that the expression Silvano Pantheo might denote the whole groupe of Silvan deities

Faunique Satyrique et menticelae Silvani

F• conque deos umbosaque Silva feranque

Ru• Ha•et.

The altar has been erected for the safety of Rufinus the Tribuni, and his wife Lucilla by Ethych• a freedman of the Consul. This Rufinus, no doubt, had at that time the command of the garrison here: and •s different both from the Tribune mentioned in a forgoing inscription, and in that which follows.

A conjecture arises that Pantheos is compounded with the Latin name Pan, and Theos (Greek De•; and this is in some degree supported by the Grecian declensions used in the foregoing inscriptions.

XCVII. Pa• Ae• Fra•nu• Tribanus.

This inscription resembles the centurial kind, and contains nothing material in it, but the name of the Tribune Era•s It was found near the western rampart of the station, not far from the spot where the foregoing altar was dug up.

Several of the coins found lately at this station were of Marcus Aurelius. This confirms to us, that the Romans were about that time possessed of this and the neighbouring stations; and makes it more probable, that the Artonine mentioned in an inscription at Risingham, might be Mar•us Aurelius: and that Calparnius Agr•a his Legate, was the person whose names have been erased out of the inscription found at E•sdon. It is the observation of the great Mr A•a•n, "that one finds as many figures of the excellent Emperor Marcus Aurelius, as of all the •est together."

↵

*
Devoted to the same service or engaged in the same cause.
↵

*
Vide Excursions to the Lakes in Westmoreland and Cumberland, where a plate of that entrenchment is given.
↵

NUNWICK,

the seat of Sir Lancelot Allgood, which appears so beautiful from Chipchase, is equally pleasing upon a nearer approach: the house is modern, of a fair free-stone, sheltered from the west by a fine grove, and seated near the confluence of Symondburn with the river Tyne;[†] from the eastern terrace a delightful prospect opens, commanding a fine view of Chipchase on the one hand, and the variegated vale of Symondburn on the other; the banks of the stream are romantic and wild, and the wastes which terminate the prospect are at an agreeable distance.

Near Nunwick, some years ago, were the remains of a monument, by most writers termed British, consisting of five natural stone pillars, placed in circular order, near eight feet in height, and twenty feet in girt; the area which they formed, was ninety feet in circumference. Whether the interstices were heretofore filled up with stones of a smaller size, to compose a circle, which on the advance of cultivation were removed, we have no evidence: Bishop Gibson only speaks of them as in the state described. I have great doubt, whether this was a temple or place of convocation of the Druids, or not: I am rather inclined to believe, such as are composed of a small number of stones are Danish monuments, and memorials of some public act of that people. Where the circle is uniform, the column, to which it is conceived the victims were bound, is perfect, or to be distinguished; and the recess, forming the Sanctus, or place of the altar, is remaining, like those in Cumberland and Angl•sea: it is not to be doubted the Druids were their constructors; that they were their places of convocation; and as every public act of those Lawgivers was preceded by holy rites and sacrifice, it may with propriety be said, they were places formed for a mixed appropriation, for acts civil and religious.

Notes

†

It was formerly the possession of the Herons of Chipchase; was sold by Sir Harry Heron to Robert Allgood. Esq whose heiress married the present owner, a descendant of the Brandon White House family.

Wallis.

↵

SYMONDBURN

is placed on a fine eminence, but hath little that is remarkable to detain the traveller.[*] The Rectory is one of the most valuable in the North, is presented to by the Crown, and was formerly the possession of Lord Derwentwater. The church hath lately been repaired, and retains no other remarkable monuments than those mentioned in the notes.

In March, 1735, as the workmen were pulling down the old kitchen of the Rectory-house, a square stone was discovered, nine or ten inches each way, but the inscription was obliterated at one end, occasioned, as one may suppose, by the workmen's tools, either when they built or pulled down the kitchen. The letters are three inches long. It may possibly be in the possession of Dr Scot, the present Rector, as it was in that of Mr Wastell, the late Rector, in 1735. Mr Horsley takes notice of VLPIVS and SABINVS, two Roman Lieutenants, sent against the Britains, but says, he never heard of any inscriptions found relating either of them.

In the Monasticon we are told, King Edward taking displeasure at Anthony Beck, then Bishop of Durham, dismembered this church from that See. It was afterwards in the possession of the D'Arcys in the reign of King Edward III. John D'Arcy, at his death, left it to Queen Philippa, who gave it to Windsor College.

Mr Wallis speaks of a remarkable Scull dug up within the walls of the church: ‘On the back part of it was the figure of a large scallop shell: at one of the auditories, the figure of a torcular shell, like a screw.’ It is surprizing no Naturalist has attended to this wonderful phaenomenon. Mr Wallis himself, I should have apprehended, would not have left this great curiosity so slightly treated of. He doth not even say, whether these impressions were sculptured, or adhesions of petrified matter. In either case, it would have gratified the virtuoso to have had a perfect description. We read of that degree of wantonness and inhumanity, that the sculls of enemies, at public festivals, were used for drinking Cups. Was this ornamented with sculpture, it would lead to an apprehension it was once employed in such unhallowed rites. If these were petrifactions, it would still be more wonderful.

This introduces to my mind a hasty idea, of petrifactions being esteemed a testimony of an universal deluge. It has been insisted upon by many learned men, but the discoveries hitherto made in that branch are in no wise convincing. Moses had his learning from the Egyptians; Mr Bryant has amply displayed their knowledge of that great event: I dare not make strictures on that learned work; but opinion is fond of liberty. All the petrifactions I have seen in the various collections, do not prevail to fix my judgment in favour of such testimony. In the first chapter of Genesis, we see the grand work of creation classed in six progressive orders. In the figures of Eastern language, it is given under a diurnal arrangement. By such expression, I presume, we are not to be confined in our idea of the work, to those short periods: the works of Providence are wonderful to the highest degree, in a course of nature; why should we render them still more miraculous, and less credible, by holding to the very letter of the book of Genesis, without giving a latitude to the expression. So much of miracle, and so little of reason, in modern dissertations, occasions much infidelity. We see plainly the work of the divine Architect was progressive: let us presume each day means an age, in which, by a natural and progressive course, "the fruit tree yielding fruit after its kind, whose seed is in itself," might arrive to its maturity, from the original stamina the great Creator ordained in the beginning. It was not till the third aera, that the dry land appeared; all before was deluged. Here is a period then, in which all those substances which we find have left their testimony in petrifaction, might rest upon the highest hills, when at the command of their God, the mountains heaved themselves up from the bosom of the deep. The shifting of vast sands, the falling of mighty precipices rent by earthquakes, mining in various countries, and eruptions of volcanoes, have brought to light those materials which are lodged very deep in the earth, and yet none of them have produced any evidence of the destruction of the human race, by petrifactions of parts peculiar to mankind, their implements or utensils, of which gold would not decay, erections, or other memorials of their antediluvian existence. To enter at large into this disquisition, would lead to a separate work; it shall suffice at this time to say, that, if there were no other testimonies existing than petrifactions, to prove this great event, we should still depend upon implicit faith concerning it. To return:

The church of Symondburn has two dependant chapels, Bellingham and Falston: the parish is between thirty and forty miles in length, extending to Liddesdale, in Scotland. There is within this district, between Falston and the extreme boundary, an extensive tract of country where, till within the last century, conversion had scarce reached, or the benefits of religion and the rites of the English church been promulged, except in the collection of tithes.

Symondburn Castle was demolished by the country people, in vain researches for treasure: a small part was lately repaired, with two angular turrets, as an ornamental object on the landskip.

We now took the road to Rothbury: the first object that attracted our attention, after passing the seat of Mr Riddle, was a tower on a lofty eminence, commanding an extensive prospect, appertaining to Mr Delaval's estate of Bavington; the edifice ugly to a degree.

We approached

Notes

*

Symondburn is remarkable for being the largest parish in the diocese, extending northward from Ch•llerford Bridge to Liddesdale in Scotland, a space of 32 measured miles: in which are only two chapels of ease, Bellingham and Falstone.

The old Rectory-house was built by Mr Allgood, grandfather to Sir Lancelot; the following inscription still remaining over the entrance, in memory of it, much injured by the weather:

Non tam sibi, quam successoribus suis,

Hoc aecificium extruxit: Major

Allgood, anno mirabili 1666.

Nunc mea, mox hujus, sed postea nescio cujus.

By the pulpit and window at the east end of the south aile, is the effigies in stone of one of the ancient family of the Ridleys, the Rev. Mr Cuthbert Ridley, Rector of this parish, in a supplicatory attitude, on his knees, venerable with years; a ruff about his neck, the dress of that age. Near him are three of his family, sculptured in stone likewise; one at the south corner of the window, in the same attitude; his dress a straight-bodied coat, a sword, and a cloak loosely cast over his shoulders, the head broken off; before him the following inscription, under the bottom of the window:

SENSUS VIVUS

RECORDOR MISERECORDIAM

DEI ERIPIENTIS EX HAC VITA

IN VITAM AETERNAM ALBANIUM

RIDLEY, FILIUM CUTHBERTI RIDLEY,

MISERI PECCATORIS ANNO DOM. 1625

Above this stone figure, is another of a child, on the south side of the window, kneeling. The effig•s of one of somewhat riper age is in the bottom of the window, recumbent, with this m• inscription underneath: ‘DEFECTUS MEMORIAE’

On the north side of the chancel, is the burial-place of the family of Allgood; above it a mural monument of marble, with the following inscription: ‘Near this place lieth the body of the Revd. Mr Major Allgood, M. A. Rector of this parish, eldest son of Lancelot Allgood, Esq Escheator for this county of Northumberland, lineally descended from John Allgood of Salherne in the county of Devon Esq who attended John Duke of Lancaster in his Expedition to Spain, against the pretended King of Castile Anno 1386, the 9th of Richard 2d. He died the 30th day of December 1696 aged 59. Also the Body of Mary, relict of the above Major Allgood Daughter of the Revd. Mr John Pye Rector of Morpeth in this county; she died the 28th day of Feb. 1712 aged 60, and left Issue 3 Sons, and a Daughters viz Isaac Major. Lancelot, Mary & Margaret Also the body of Isaac Allgood of Brandon White house, Esq eldest son of Major Allgood And Mary his wife aforesaid, Who died the 9th day of July 1725 aged 42 Also the body of Lancelot second son of Lancelot Allgood Esq who died the 6th day of September 1747 Aged two years and nine months.’

On the south side of the chancel, within the communion rails, is a flat funeral stone, to the memory of Giles Heron of Wark, in this parish, interred 1684, who by industry and extreme parc mony acquired the sum of 800 l. which he left by will, dated 23d September, 1679, for the relief of the poor of this parish, the maintenance of a School master at Wark, and the binding cut the poor children apprentices; his Trustees purchasing after his death the estate of Tecket, adjoining to the Rectory Glebe, now let for 72 l. per annum.

Wallis.

↵

BAVINGTON,

the ancient Family-house of the Shaftoes,[*] now the seat of George Shaftoe Delaval, Esq situate on a rising ground, and commanding a southern prospect, in which a fine canal, with rising plantations, are the chief ornaments: Nature has given but few beauties to the landskip.

Notes

*

- William Shaftoe 33 King Edward I.

- William 47 King Edward III.

- William 16 King Richard II.

- Alexander 5 King Henry V.

- William 5 King Edward IV.

- John 6 King Edward VI.

- William 19 King Charles I.

- William 1 King George I.

Wallis.

↵

CAPHEATON

was the next place we visited, the ancient possession of the Swinburns,[†] and now the seat of Sir Edward Swinburn. This mansion was formerly of the castle form, and Leland says, was a fair building, moted round. The present house is built in the taste which prevailed in the time of the Charles's; the pleasure grounds are laid out in an agreeable manner; the tufts of trees which are scattered over the lands, give a singular beauty to the scene. Sir John, the ancestor of the present Sir Edward, married the daughter of Sir Henry Lawson, of Brough, in Yorkshire, and had by her thirty children, of whom eighteen arrived at maturity.[‡]

Many Roman antiquities have been discovered here, of which Mr Wallis gives a particular account.[*] He says they were found about a mile from the Roman causeway, and seem by the workmanship to be as ancient as the time of Agricola.

Within view of Capheaton, are the cliffs of

Notes

†

- Sir Thomas Swinburn 6 King Henry IV.

- He, with Lord Berkley and Henry May, Esq took 14 ships belonging the French, carrying provisions to Milford harbour, 1405.

- Sir William Swinburn 12 King Henry VI.

- Sir John 4 King Edward IV.

- Sir John, Member for Northumberland 1 Queen Mary.

- Sir Thomas 10 Queen Elizabeth.

- High Sheriff 4 King Charles I.

- William Swinburn, Esq 14 King Charles I.

- His estate sequestered by Parliament.

- Sir John, created a Baronet 12 Charles II.

- Sir John, married Mary the daughter of Anthony Englefield.

- Sir John, his son, died unmarried, 1762.

- Sir Edward, his brother, present possessor.

Wallis.

↵

‡
Wallis, page 535.
↵

*

1. A sympullum, silver, 26 oz. (This was a cup used in sacrifices.)

2. Bottoms of three others.

3. Handles of three, with beautiful figures in relief. Upon one the bust of an Emperor: two smaller figures, one a Shepherd, holding a crook in his left hand, with sheep by his side; the other a poor man, looking towards the Emperor in a supplicating attitude, his body bending, and resting on a staff with both hands; on his back, a burthen. In the middle of the handle is a winged Mercury, sitting, with a caduceus in his right hand, his left grasping a ball inclining on the seat; a cock under him, crowing. At the bottom, Diana, in a loose robe, a spear in her right hand; her left rested on her hip; a dog looking up to her. Silenus, naked to the feet, holding a bunch of grapes in his right hand, and a nymphaea or water lily in his left, with a canthera or jolly flagon by him, swelling to the brim with the juice of the grape. On another handle, a lion, a stag, and a wild boar: slain for sacrifice. On the third, a Priestess before the altar sacrificing, holding incense in her right hand, and a thyrsus in the left; above her head, the bust of an Emperor bearded.

4. Part of a handle, whereon is the figure of Mars in armour: a Flamin before the altar of a temple, in a grove, sacrificing.

5. A figure of Hercules and Antaeus wrestling, finely executed, the lion's skin and club laying by them.

6. A Neptune naked to the waist, in a reclining posture, holding a trident in his right hand and an anchor in his left.

In the time of Agricola the Romans wore beards; not customary from the 454th year of the city till the Emperor Hadrian.

Wallis.

↵

HARNHAM.

This place takes its name from the Herman-street or military road. It was a strong fortress, defended by nature on one hand with rocks of vast height, and on the other by a morass: there was no approach to it but by a narrow pass, on the north, defended by an iron gate, easily maintained. Part of the present Mansion consists of the remains of the old Castle, and stands on the brink of a vast precipice. This was the mansion of the Babingtons, (a family as ancient in Britain as the conquest) and of Colonel Babington, in the reign of Charles II. Governor of Berwick. His first wife, Catherine,[†] was under excommunication, for contempt of an ecclesiastical sentence; on which account, she was not intitled to sepulture in consecrated ground. To prepare for her interment, a cave was hewn in the rocks of Harnham, below the foundations of the castle, where her remains now lay in a leaden coffin.—It is a disgrace to a polished and enlightened nation, that such a Court has existence; but to a state professing the rights and religious tenets, and enjoying the liberty of Britain, it is infamy! A Court where, in despight of the right of trial by Juries, property is disposed by arbitrary sentence, and where the grossest acts of inquisitorial Iniquity are daily practised; such as private examination of witnesses, and suppression of evidence: and yet this scab upon the constitution remains uneradicated.

Sir John Babington, of the Harnham family, acquired the crest and motto of his coat-armour by a desperate service under King Henry IV. in France; on his own petition, he was one of six young Knights sent on this duty; and on his leaving the royal presence, he brandished his sword, and exclaimed, "Foy est tous."[*]

Notes

†

She was the widow of Colonel George Fenwick, of Brinkburn, and eldest daughter of Sir Arthur Hezelrigge, of Nosely, in Leicestershire, Bart. by Dorothy Greenville, sister to Robert Lord Brook.

On a pane of glass in the middle window of the house, is wrote with a diamond,

- Philip Babington Sept. 5. 1668.

- K. Babington. Sep. 7. 1668

And on another pane, ‘How vain is the help of man K. Babington Omnia vanitas June 9th. 1670. ’

Wallis.

↵

*
The crest, a dragon's head; from the mouth the words Foy est tous proceeding. The Pulleines of Carlton, in Yorkshire, intermarried with this family; and at Carlton Hall is a pedigree beautifully illuminated.
↵

BELSAY CASTLE,

the seat of Sir William Middleton, was next in view: it is built on an eminence, part of the old castle remaining. This was part of the family possessions in the time of King Edward II. The boast of pedigree and honourable connections appertains to the Middletons; but it is not pertinent to my work, as that of an Itinerant, to enter upon the field of the Herald, otherwise in this family, and that of the Babingtons, there is sufficient matter to blazon an hundred pages.[†]

On our gaining the summit of the eminence, the country opened upon us beautifully; we now looked down upon the rich vale where Wallington stands, extending towards the south-east to a great distance, terminated by a view of the sea. The country, before we gained this situation, was for some miles unpleasant, little planted, and ill cultivated; but this prospect recompensed all the fatigue the eye had endured in the sameness of the preceding passage. On the left hand

Notes

†

- Sir John de Middleton King Edward II.

He forfeited Belsay for being in league with the Scots.

- Sir John, to whom the forfeited estates were restored King Henry V.

- Sir John 12 King Henry VI.

- Sir John, High Sheriff 1 King Edward IV.

Representative in Parliament for the county in the 12th year of the same reign.

- Thomas 6 King Edward VI.

A Commissioner for Inclosures upon the Middle Marches

- Robert 10 Queen Elizabeth.

- Thomas 19 King Charles I.

One of the Parliament's Commissioners for sequestering Lands in Northumberland.

- Sir William Middleton, created Baronet 4 King Charles II.

- Sir John, High Sheriff 10 Queen Anne.

- Sir William, Member for Northumberland in six Parliaments.

- Sir John Lambart Middleton

- Sir William, the present possessor.

Wallis.

The Lambarts with whom this family had alliance, were of an illustrious race, and derived royal blood from King William I.

Mr Wallis, in his notes, gives several letters from King Henry VIII. to one of this family on public duties, but none of them afford any light to history, or import any special matter of consequence.

↵

LITTLE HARLE,

the seat of Gawen Aynsley, Esq presented itself, surrounded with wood. This was one of the Manors of the Barony of Prudhoe, and appertained to the Fenwicks.[*] By the escheats of the 10th of Queen Elizabeth, it appears then to have become the possession of the Aynsleys of Shaftoe. In the depth of the vale, we passed

Notes

*
6 King Edward VI.
↵

KIRK HARLE,

the seat of Sir William Loraine, a pleasant retirement. It was one of the Manors of the Barony of Bolbeck, and the possession of Sir Robert de Harle, in the reign of Edward III. but soon after became the property of the family of Loraines.[†] One of this house, Robert Loraine, was slain by the Moss Troopers, near his own mansion; in memory of which a pillar was erected.

We advanced to

Notes

†

From a little pamphlet printed at Newcastle, 1740, being "an account of the Genealogy" of this family, it appears that Robert, the first of this family in England, came over with William the Conqueror. For his services in that expedition, and in the incursion of Malcolm King of Scotland, in the sixth year of the reign of William Rufus, he was rewarded with several large estates in Ufferton; East, Middle, and West Harrington, in the county of Durham; and free fisheries in the river Were. He was a distinguished scholar, and was the author of some learned works.

The descendants of Robert resided in the county of Durham, until the reign of King Henry the Fifth, when William Lorrain, by marriage of Johanna, the eldest daughter and one of the three coheiresses of William Del Strother, of Kirkharle Tower, became possessed of the Manor and ancient Mansion-house of Kirkharle; from which time the family residence has constantly been at this place. From William Lorraine, by Johanna his wife, descended

- Edward—married Elizabeth daughter of John Harding, Esq of Hallinside, in the county of Durham, and died in the reign of King Richard III.

- Robert his son—married Margaret daughter of Robert Bowes, Esq of the county of Durham. He was slain by the Moss Troopers.

- William his son—married Agnes daughter of Sir William Waters, Knt. of the county of York.

- Thomas his son—married Thomasin daughter of Thomas Walter, of Whitwell, in the county of Durham, Gentleman. He died in the 15th year of the reign of King James I.

- Thomas his son—married the widow of Thomas Bewick, Esq of Close House, in Northumberland. He was a distinguished scholar, being a great proficient in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew tongues.

- Thomas his son—married Grace the daughter of Sir William Fenwick, Bart. of Wallington, in the county of Northumberland. He was created a Baronet in the 26th year of the reign of King Charles II. and died in January 1717.

- Sir William his son was educated to the Law in Lincoln's Inn, where he took his degree of Barrister. He married to his first wife, Elizabeth daughter of Sir John Laurence, Knt. of the city of London, Alderman, by whom he had no issue. To his second wife, Anne daughter of Richard Smith, Esq of Preston, in the county of Bucks.

- Sir Charles his younger son succeeded to his title and estates. He married Margaret the sister of Henry Lambton, Esq of Lambton, in the county of Durham.

- Sir William his son.

↵

WALLINGTON,

the seat of the late Sir Walter Calverley Blackett, Bart. and now of Sir John Trevelyan, his nephew and heir. This was one of the Manors of the Barony of Bolbeck, and the ancient possession of the Greys. In the reign of Edward II. it was held by one of that family called John, usually stiled John de Wallington: it afterwards became the inheritance of the Strothers, by marriage of the heiress of Robert de Wallington: from the Strothers it came to the Fenwicks, by the marriage of John Fenwick, of Fenwick Tower, with Maria the third daughter and one of the coheiresses of William Del Strother, and remained in that family from the reign of King Henry IV. till Sir John Fenwick sold it to Sir William Blackett in the reign of King William III.[*]

Wallington House is a handsome stone structure, but from the mode of architecture, doth not seem to take its date in this century. Before the south front is a pretty pasture ground, inclining to the brook of Wansbeck: at the east front is the grand approach, having a circular coach road, with a beautiful green plot, parterres, and flowering shrubs: plantations and covered walks close it to the north, and conceal the offices: the gardens seem well disposed, on a warm inclination, and the whole makes a pleasing rural appearance, without any intrusion of costly ornaments and laboured works. In the whole composition, there is a degree of taste mixed with a countenance of rusticity, which characterizes an agreeable retirement. Nothing is so displeasing to the eye, as temples, pagodas, columns, pyramids, Gothic banquetting-houses, and modern ruins, jumbled into a few acres, with that confusion and want of taste, which over-loaded opulence often disgorges round a modern villa. True taste is attached to nature so intimately, that each disposition by art must be made to heighten her beauties, not to distort her, and over-burthen the scene with a progeny adopted from all the quarters of the earth. A bad situation cannot be changed; nay it is not even improved by gorgeous works: a load of edifices is only like finery on a deformed object—but dispose the works of art in a just adaption to the situation, and in the mode pointed out by nature, and they grow into elegance.

The nearer prospect from Wallington over the vale is rich; to the south-east the view is extensive, though not much variegated: in a clear atmosphere the sea is visible from thence, at the extream of a level not less than twenty miles in length.

In entering these demesnes, the benevolent character of the late owner instantly occurred to my mind. What dreadful instruments are greatness, riches, and power, in the hands of tyranny and malevolence; but what blessings do they not pour forth from the good and wise. How detestable is authority under some characters, which it would be invidious to name; but how lovely is power in the possession of others. Such characteristicks have marked the life of this man, as will immortalize his memory; and as he eminently possessed whilst living, (so will Fame transmit to futurity his name and virtues accompanied with) THE UNIVERSAL LOVE OF MANKIND.[*]

The Inn beyond Wallington, on the Rothbury road at

Notes

*

- Sir John de Fenwick King Henry IV.

- Sir John 12 King Henry VI.

- Sir Henry 28 King Henry VI.

- Sir John 16 King Henry VIII.

- Sir William, High Sheriff of Northumberland 20 & 31 Q. Elizabeth.

- Sir John, High Sheriff 17 King James I.

- Created a Baronet 9th of June 4 King Charles I. 1628.

- Member of Parliament for the county of Northumberland 17 King Charles I.

His son John was slain at the battle of Marston Moor.

- Sir William 8 King Charles II.

Representative in Parliament for the county of Northumberland.

- Sir John, executed on Tower Hill 8 King William III. 1696.

↵

*
He died in the 70th year of his age, without issue. The title is extinct. He represented the town of Newcastle in seven succeeding parliaments, viz. 1734, 1741, 1747, 1754, 1761, 1768, and 1774, and served the office of Mayor in 1735, 1748, 1756, 1764, and 1771: was the oldest Member of the House of Commons.
↵

CAMBO,

commands a fine view of the vale we had passed. The ascent for more than a mile is gradual, and the road in a direct line from Wallington, so that the hedge rows form a vista, terminated by the dome of the offices, which has an agreeable effect. The prospect here is extensive and noble; some coalworks to the right deform the nearer ground, but all beyond is of that happy composition, which cultivation, mixing with natural woods and fanciful plantations, give the landskip; object decreasing after object, and stretching from the eye till mingled in the azure of the atmosphere, in which all the horizon lay softened and blended.

Cambo [†] was the seat of Sir Robert de Camhoe in the time of King Henry III.

The way from thence to Rothbury is very crooked, and by cross roads rendered perplexed. About Wallington we saw some guide-posts, but in few other places in the country, and several of those having been painted, were obliterated, and only mocked our anxiety. Many bridges give easy passage over the brooks, but their flanks are suffered to be walled up or closed, so that the traveller is deprived of the necessary refreshment for his cattle. The carts were passing unmarked, and their drivers insolent to a high degree.

We had a view of Rothbury Castle at the distance of some miles; the situation appeared rugged and uncommon. On the side which then presented itself, we could discern distinctly no more than the square tower and part of its flankings, placed on a considerable eminence, of a rocky and barren aspect. By not taking the proper road, we were led almost round this edifice, which we viewed with no small degree of impatiency. When we came to look upon the northern front, our curiosity was somewhat slackened, but nevertheless we passed down the road about half a mile, and having climbed the fence, ascended the steep to the building. The fatigue was but ill recompensed, for we found this object of our anxious curiosity, no other than an ornamental structure, composed of a square tower, flanked with a curvated wall, embattled, and pierced with loop-holes, and each wing terminated with a bastion: the situation romantick, on the brink of a broken precipice. The sides of this hill, to the west and south, present a shaken and tremendous rocky steep, rent into vast impending columns and massive tables; the stones of enormous bulk, in many places hang on each other in such loose positions, as if ready to fall into the vale; forming caverns and recesses, and rude heaps of rocks of a most wild and grotesque appearance. To decorate (I presume) this noble scene, the awkward images of a goat and a staring stag, delight the passing children.—On resorting to my book of notes, I find they carry the countenance of peevishness, but as they are just, I will transcribe them. The southern front opens on a small plain, naturally of a circular form, scattered over with huge heads of griffins, broken cornices, and ensigns of Calverly (the lamb and flag of Grace) sculptured on white free-stone; in the midst of which stand two preposterous effigies, representative of no known dress, personage, or people. And to give the coup de grace to this composition, enormous ribs, jaw-bones, and members of a whale, are fastened to the walls for decorations. We entered the tower, in which, by way of tables, are three large rude unhewed stones, one in the center, and one in each recess at the sides, benched with similar stones: pretty enough for the reception of Thomas of Hick-a-thrift or Jack the Giant-killer.

We had from this plot one of the most extensive views in Northumberland. Eastward we overlooked the vale which opened upon us at Wallington, on which many gentlemen's seats were scattered, mingled with woody plots—very remote objects give little pleasure to the eye, except what it derives from the diversity of colouring—the sea formed the distant horizon. To the southward we had a view of Cambo and the hills beyond Wallington, with Mr Delaval's tower, the deformity of which might now be forgot, for the agreeable obelisk it gave to the prospect from hence. The western view was more confined, but wholly cultivated, and the north frowned in rocks, mountains, and barren heath. In descending the hill, a curvated canal presented itself, margined with young plantations, on whose border a tent was pitched. This was one of Sir Walter's retreats. The family being there, we did not visit Rothly House.

We passed Codgey Crag, a stupendous cliff, crowned with another uncouth ornament, in the stile of the former.

It is remarkable in this passage to Rothbury, in many parts where we could view a tract country for the distance of three or four miles, all consisting of cultivated land, the farm-houses were so very distant, and the inhabitants few, that for miles we did not perceive a human being in the whole circle. The fields did not engage people in tillage, and the roads were almost without passengers, so that a stranger at midday, might wander far from the way leading to the place of his destination, before he could correct his mistake. Where tillage is neglected, and large farms are thrown into grass, it must be the case; the country is depopulated, the industrious labourer cannot procure bread, and an engrossing farmer, in a state of indolence, grows opulent by his herds, &c. at the loss to community, of those members of the commonwealth in whom the strength of the nation consists, who are, by a deplorable necessity, driven to emigrate; an event which will at once sap the state, and impoverish the subject. Boys who would otherwise have been employed in husbandry, are bound out to manufactories; our manufacturers are grown more numerous than trade can maintain; the husbandman's labour is not wanted, his hands are shifted to a different employ; and the hardy race of Britons are sunk into a state of imbecillity, and reduced to the languid and meagre shadows of men, who hang upon the loom. The difficulty of recruiting the army and manning the navy will every day increase—the resources are taken away. Not one-fourth part of the number of families are employed in husbandry in the north, there was forty years ago. This was a nursery for the army and the fleet. The enlarging farms, and reducing the tillage, is a capital error, which though slow in its consequences, yet is as sure as fate. Substituting the horse for the ox in husbandry, is a mistaken maxim, which for a temporary profit has crept in upon us: the ox was advancing in value, and increasing the supply of the market as he laboured: the horse takes twice the maintenance, consuming a vast portion of grain, and his price is sinking yearly into nothing. Not exposing the necessaries of life in open market, is another matter that prejudices the poor, by increasing prices; an artificial scarcity is thereby much easier to be effected. I am bold to say, that if a law was made to oblige plowing by oxen, and to enforce every article of the farmer to be brought to open market to be sold within a limitted time, we should experience much greater plenty. Of my own knowledge, wheat, (when 6s. 6d. the Winchester bushel) in immense quantities, has been kept up till spoiled, and made fit for nothing but hogs. I cannot avoid adopting Mr Pennant's sentiments on a view of the like kind. Speaking of his entry into Northumberland at Cornhill, he says, ‘All this country is open, destitute of trees, and almost even of hedges; for hedges are in their infancy in these parts, as it is not above seven or eight years since they have been introduced —the land is fertile, swells into gentle risings, and is rich in corn. It is miserably depopulated; a few great farm-houses and hamlets appear rarely scattered over the vast tracts. There are few farms of less value than 150l. a year. They are generally three, four, or five hundred; and I heard of one possessed by a single family, that even reached twenty-five hundred: in this was a single field of 3000 acres, and which took 600 bolls of seed wheat, of six Winchester bushels each. A humour fatal to the commonwealth prevails over many parts of the north, of flinging numbers of small tenements into a large one, in order to save the expence of building; or perhaps to avoid the multiplicity of receipts, lay a whole country into a sheep walk. These devour poor men's houses, and expel the ancient inhabitants from their fire-sides, to seek their bread in a strange land. I have heard of a character (I forgot the spot it curses) that is too barbarous and infamous to be overlooked; which has so little feeling, as to depopulate a village of 200 souls, and to level their houses to the ground; to destroy eight or ten farm-houses on an estate of 1000l. a year, for the sake of turning almost the whole into a sheep walk.— There he lives, and there he may long live his own tormentor! detesting, detested by all mankind. Wark and Learmouth, once considerable places, are now scarcely inhabited. The last formerly a great market town, is now reduced to a single farm-house. The inhabitants have long since been dispersed, forced to exchange the wholsome, the vigorous, the innocent lives of the rural oeconomists, for the sickly short-lived employs of manufacturers in Birmingham and other great towns, where disease, and often corrupted morals, cause double the consumption of people as would happen were they permitted to enjoy their ancient seats. The want of labourers begins to be sensibly felt. As a proof, they are retained by the year; and policy dictates to their employers the affording them good wages: each has his cottage, a a piece of land gratis, and a shilling a day in summer and ten-pence in winter. I call this good pay, in a country which ought to be very cheap; if not, what are the fine effects of the great improvements? The Spectator speaks much of the deserts of the man that raises two ears of corn where one grew before. But who will point out the man who has the soul to make his poor brethren feel the happy effects of his art? I believe, that at present there are numbers who have raised ten for one that were known a few years ago. It would be natural to suppose that plenty would introduce cheapness; but till the providential plenty of the present year, corn was exactly double the value of what it was 14 years past. Yet the plenty of money has not been found doubled by the poor manufacturer or labourer. The land owner in the north hath taken full care of himself. A farm of 75l. per annum 20 years ago, has been lately set for 365l. Another of 230l. will be soon set for 1000l. per annum. An estate was bought in 1759 for 6800l. it consisted of 1560 acres, of which 750 have been sold for 8400l. and all these improvements result from the unprincipled and iniquitous notion, of making the buyer of the produce pay not only to satisfy the demand of the landlord, but to enable the farmer to make a princely fortune, and to live with a luxury the shame of the times. They have lost the respectable character of the Old English Yeomanry, by too close an imitation of the extravagant follies of their betters.’

‘The oxen of these parts are very fine; a pair has been sold for 65l. the weight of one was 168 stone. The mountain sheep are sold for half a guinea a piece, the lowland ewes for a guinea; the weathers for a guinea and a half; the best wool from 16 to 18s. the stone of 23 pounds and a half.’

We now approached

Notes

†
The name derived from the camp or sort on the hill.—Wallis.
↵

ROTHBURY,

the whole country in view, consisting of rocky steeps, lofty hills crowned with heath, and others composed of nothing but naked stones: a mountainous and rugged prospect, dreary and desolate. The breez which broke up the vale from the north-west, afforded us the true effect, which under the descriptive phrase of "howling in the wilderness," had heretofore conveyed to my mind an image rather poetically extravagant than true: but here it was justly descriptive, for as it passed over the naked steeps and rugged cliffs, its sound could not be described by any other expression.

We descended into this desolate vale, down a very steep and stony road, barrenness and rocks on every hand; but on passing a little projecting eminence, were agreeably surprized by the opening of the hills, and it was not long before we had a sight of Whitton Tower, and soon after Rothbury presented itself, seated in the neck of a narrow cultivated glen; a situation perfectly sequestered, and secure from storms: some pretty fields opening to the south-west, where the valley is enlarged.

This is a small irregular town on the river Coquet, without any thing remarkable but its situation:[*] it has a market on Thursdays, and three annual fairs on Whit-Monday, 21st September, and Thursday preceding All-hallows day. This was the Barony of Roger Fitz-Roger, Baron of Warkworth and Clavering, in the reign of King John, with which he held a free forest, with all its appendages, except the goods of felons, which at that time was so beneficial a perquisite, as to merit a reservation in the royal grant. It remained in that family till the last Lord Clavering granted it to the Crown in the reign of King Edward I. King Edward III. gave it to Henry Lord Percy, and it is now part of the possessions of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland.

We were led to view a natural curiosity, as it is termed, called the Thrumb, which is almost a mile from the town—a cut formed by nature in the rocks of the river's channel, where the stream for about 160 yards is pent in such narrow bounds that a man may leap over—not at all curious, or worthy our attention; little preferable to a mill-race. But here we had the misfortune to meet with an impertinent drunken Innkeeper, whose over-officiousness and loquacity led us out of the way.

Another remarkable circumstance befel us here; on obtaining change for a piece of gold from a neighbouring shop, the money was so lately and so unskilfully prepared, that on turning it over, the quicksilver stood in globules upon it: the metal was chiefly copper.—We set forward for Wooler, having our minds furnished with disagreeable ideas, which our fellow-creatures too often excite. Vices and frauds have access to the most sequestered vales; for such were first inhabited by outlaws and robbers.

In the neighbourhood of Rothbury, to the east, is a circular entrenchment, called Old Rothbury, formed on an eminence, with a double trench and rampier of earth: one of those strongholds to which the inhabitants were obliged to retire on the incursions of the Scots.[*]

About three miles up Coquet is

Notes

*

The pedestal of the font in the church at Rothbury is worthy observation.

The stone is not exactly square; at the bottom, where it appears intended to be fixed into some foundation stone, two opposite sides are 18 inches in breadth, the other 14 inches; but where the sculpture begins, the edges of the stone are taken off. The work, in bass relief, on the west side is about 26 inches long and 14 inches broad, and I presume represents our Lord sitting in judgment. The principal figure has lost its head, but holds a scrol in the left hand. On each side is the figure of an angel kneeling, and below them a crowd of heads lifted up, some hands clasping books, others elevated, or laid upon the breast. The other sides contain rich ornamental sculpture, of fancy figures interwoven with foliage; such as are seen upon the obelisk in Bewcastle church-yard, in Cumberland. From their similarity, some people have presumed they were works of the same date.

↵

*
Used as guard-hills, on the establishment of a night watch, before the union of the two kingdoms.

Wallis.

↵

HEPPLE,

the Barony of Iva Tailbois in the reign of King Henry III. in whose family it continued till the reign of King Edward III. when it became the possession of the Ogles of Ogle Castle. It is now the estate of his Grace the Duke of Portland.

To the north, about two miles, is

CARTINGTON,

an old tower, once the possession of the Ratcliffs, and after them of the Widdringtons: now the estate of Mr Alcock of Newcastle.

Further up the Coquet is

HALY STONE,

where Paulinus is said to have converted and baptized many thousands of the Saxons. A small priory for about eight Benedictine Nuns stood here, founded by one of the Humfranvils of Harbottle Castle, by whom it was endowed.[*] Its revenues were increased by Roger Bertram, Baron of Mitford. The two livings of Carsonside and Harbottle were consolodated by Richard Kelloe, Bishop of Durham, by his deed dated Nono die Februarii Anno Domini 1311, at the desire of Lord Richard Unfranvill, who entering into holy orders, had the cure thereof. There are no remarkable remains of the priory: at the dissolution the revenue of the house was valued at 11l. 5s. 6d. by Dugdale, and 15l. 10s. 8d. by Speed.

Notes

*

The villa impropriation and advowson of Halyston.

Alice de Alneto gave thereto a croft in Etherston.

Roger Bertram the whole waste of Baldwinswood, with liberty of the mills of Mitford, multure-free, and pasture on the commons of Newton and Throphill. These gifts were confirmed in 1255 by King Henry III.

Corsonhope and Sintile were part of the possessions, with 40 acres of land at Kestron.

The impropriation and advowson of Allerton also belonged thereto, where was an hospital.

The advowson and impropriation of Carsonside, and

The advowson of Harbottle chapel.

Together with four houses in Newcastle.

↵

HARBOTTLE CASTLE

lays about a mile to the westward: in the year 1314 it was demolished by the Scots, but aftewards restored. This was part of the possessions of the Unfranvills of Pruddowe.[†] On the attainder of Sir William Tailbois, [‡] to whom the inheritance of Unfranvills descended, this castle came to the Crown, and now belongs Percival Clennel, Esq It stands upon the banks of Coquet, and in the time of King Edward I. was a formidable fortress, sustaining a desperate attack from the whole body of Scots, on their incursion in the year 1296; who after laying before it two days, were obliged to raise the siege. It was of some consequence in the reign of King Henry VIII. being the place of retirement of Margaret[*] Queen Dowager of Scotland, his sister, on her marriage with the Earl of Angus. Lady Mary Douglas, her daughter, was born here, 1518. This castle at present is totally in ruins.—We now returned to Rothbury, and took the road to Whittingham.

Four miles of our way lay through as barren a country as I have yet seen: in this tract there was neither human or brute animal to be observed: sheep or goats, if such there were, hid themselves in the dells: which ever way the eye was cast, mountains, bogs, rocks, and heath composed the prospect; the road was rough and full of stones, the ground on each hand broken and grown with heath, and the waters which ran in a thousand channels, were red with their metalick quality. A lassitude and impatiency took possession of the mind, and we travelled with displeasure; but happily for us the vale of

Notes

†
They held Harbottle by the service of keeping Reedsdale free from thieves and wolves, under which they also held the Castle and Manor of Otterburn, as appears by the Testa de Nevill. This service was adjudged to be in Great Serjeantry, and in the 17th year of King Henry IV. upon an Escheator's inquisition, it was found of the yearly value of 6l. 19s. 8d. Rol. 1. Mich. 17 King Henry VI. Madox's Baron. Angl. p. 244.
↵

‡
After the battle of Hexham Levels.
↵

*
She was daughter to King Henry VII. mother to King James V. grandmother to Queen Mary, and great grandmother to King James the Sixth of Scotland and First of England.
↵

WHITTINGHAM

lay in our way, an extensive rich cultivated valley, where every object was highly pleasing, after the sad contrast nature had cast in our passage: the fields are well fenced with quicksets, the soil luxuriant, the crops of corn standing in sheafs, were rich to the highest degree, the meadows finely verdant, the houses well built and roofed with tyle, the roads open, the sheep and cattle of a large breed, and every object wore the countenance of opulence. On Inquiry, we were surprized to find 8s. an acre per annum was the average price for land there: the husbandry we remarked was modern and improved. This happy vale was near four miles wide, in the part we crossed it in our way to Wooler.

Before we descended to Whittingham, we visited

CALLALEY,

the ancient house of the Claverings.[†] In the reign of King Henry III. Gilbert de Callaley being seized of these demesnes, granted them to Robert Fitz Roger, Baron of Warkworth and Clavering, from whom it has descended to the present owner, Ralph Clavering, Esq How long it was the possession of the Callaleys is not known.

The house stands on the south side of the brook Callaley, in a low situation, and retains part of the old structure. There is a pretty grove adjoining, in a whimsical figure called the Star, being octagonal. Near to Callaley is a high hill, called Castle Hill, with a circular intrenchment; one of those exploratory mounts so frequently seen on the borders; from whence a very extensive prospect is had of the vales of Coquet, Whittingham, and Glendale.

About two miles to the east of Whittingham road, near where we turned off to Callaley, is

Notes

†

- Roger Fitz Roger, Baron of Warkworth and Clavering 55 King Henry III.

- Roger de Clavering 34 King Edward I.

- Alan his younger brother, a seventh son.

- William de Clavering 2 King Edward III.

- Sir Robert 26 King Edward III.

- Sir John 17 King Richard II.

- Robert de Clavering 31 King Henry VI.

- John same reign.

- Robert 2 King Henry VII.

- John 10 King Henry VIII.

- Robert 28 King Henry VIII.

- Robert 25 Queen Elizabeth.

James a third son was ancestor of Sir Thomas Clavering of Axwell Park.

- John, High Sheriff 28 Queen Elizabeth.

- Sir John was a warm partizan for King Charles I. and suffered imprisonment. His eldest son, Sir Robert, raised two regiments in the royal cause at his own expence, one of foot, the other dragoons. He rendered singular service at the battle of Athelstan Moor, and for his bravery received Knighthood. He was Commander of the counties of Northumberland and Durham, and vanquished the Scots who then distressed them, taking Morpeth Castle and the Fort at South Shields by assault. He died of a fever, in the 26th year of his age, in the life of his father.

- John Clavering, third son, succeeded to the estate 22 King Charles I.

- Ralph Clavering.

- Clavering.

- Ralph the present possessor.

Wallis.

↵

LEMINGTON,

the seat of the Fenwicks,[*] a handsome modern house, commanding a fine view of the valley of Whittingham. Around this mansion are those agreeable scenes dispersed which rising plantations give. The present Mr Fenwick is a great promoter of that material improvement, planting; for which he lately received an honourable premium.

Near Lemington, to the southward, lays

Notes

*

- Nicholas Fenwick, Representative in Parliament for Newcastle many years.

- Robert the present owner, High Sheriff of Northumberland 1753.

Wallis.

↵

EDLINGHAM,

anciently the Castle of the family of Hastings, and of Sir Roger Hastings in the reign of King Henry VIII. it afterwards became the possession of the Swinburns,[*] and is now the property of Sir Edward Swinburn, Bart. This place retains no singular marks of antiquity.

From the village of Whittingham, about a mile to the west, is

Notes

*

- John Swinburn of Nafferton Hall, Esq

- Thomas Swinburn 10 Queen Elizabeth.

- George Swinburn.

- He married Margaret daughter of — Haggerston of Haggerston, by whom he had two sons and three daughters.

Wallis.

↵

ESLINGTON,

the seat of Henry Lord Ravensworth, Baron of Ravensworth in the county of Durham. It was formerly the possession of Eslingtons, and of Allan de Eslington in the time of King Henry III. it passed to the Hasleriggs, and after them to the Collingwoods, in whose family it continued from the reign of King Henry VIII. to that of King George I.[†]

It is a modern and elegant house, but placed in a low situation on the banks of the Aln. A pretty lawn hangs upon the brink of the river which forms a fine canal, the opposite risings are ornamented with a shrubbery.

From the walk above the plantations, there is a most excellent prospect of cultivated scenes, finely terminated: the vale of Whittingham, with all its rural richness, is extended in front, surmounted by the grove of Callaley, and its conic mount called Castle Hill: to the eastward, Lemington with its rising plantations, Bolton Park, and Broom Park are in view: to the north, Glanton, Titlington, and the woods of Shawdon; the whole forming an extensive circus, shut in on every side by heathy mountains and rocky steeps, disposed at an agreeable distance, and contrasting in a beautiful manner with the nearer objects.

Notes

†

- Sir John Collingwood, High Sheriff of Northumberland 36 King Henry VIII.

- Sir Robert, High Sheriff 5 King Edward VII.

- Sir Cuthbert, High Sheriff 10 & 22 Q. Elizabeth.

- Robert Collingwood 14 King Charles I.

- George 26 King Charles II.

- George 1 King George I.

Wallis.

↵

LITTLE RYLE and UNTHANK,

estates of the Collingwoods, lay within the distance of a mile, the Mansion-house at Ryle now totally in ruins. To the west is

BITTLESDON,

the ancient seat of the Selbys, and of Sir Walter Selbye in the reign of King Edward III. who lost his head for maintaining with great bravery the Castle of Lidell against David King of Scotland, who besieged it with an immense army.[*] It is now the Mansion of Thomas Selby, Esq has a romantic situation, and commands a view of the Coquet river. At

Notes

*
This army is said to have consisted of 40,000 men, a considerable part of it formed of militia, from whose inexperience they obtained the name of Hoblers.
↵

BOLTON,

about two miles from Whittingham, was an Hospital, founded by Robert de Ross, who was Baron of Wark, before the year 1225, for a Master, three Chaplains, 13 Lepers, and other lay brethren, and was dedicated to St Thomas the Martyr or the Holy Trinity. It was subordinate to the abbey of Rival,[†] and the priory of Kirkham, in Yorkshire.

Soon after the dissolution this Hospital became the property of the Collingwoods of Eslington; it was afterwards the possession of the family of Browns,[‡] and is now the estate of Matthew Forster, Esq

In Hollingshead's Chronicle we find this place remarkable for a Congress on the 5th of September, 5 King Henry VIII. before the battle of Branxton; where were present, Thomas Howard Earl of Surry, Lords Clifford, Coniers, Ogle, Scroope, and Lumley, Sir William Percy, Lionel Percy, Sir George Darcy, Sir William Bulmer of Brancepeth Castle, in the county of Durham, and Richard Tempest, Esq with their attendants and 26,000 troops.

Not far from Bolton is Glanton Pike, a mount of a conic form, formerly a beacon hill, commanding an extensive prospect.

Near this place several stone chests have been discovered, three feet in length and two feet in breadth, with urns of ordinary pottery, containing ashes, charcoal, and remains of scorched human bones; and not far distant was lately found a Celt.
[*]
These sepultures are of the remotest antiquity.

At the village of

Notes

†

It was endowed with the lordship, impropriation and advowson of Bolton, with a waste of 140 acres; a mill and a tenement at Mindrum; lands at Pauston and Kilham; the villa, manor, impropriation and advowson of Straunston, and the two Paustons, near Grantham, in Lincolnshire; lands at Elwell and Swanesland, in Yorkshire, with pasture for 300 sheep near Humber; a corn mill and tenement at Middleton, and lands at Garton, Yorkshire.

The chief ordonance was, the Master, Chaplains, and Brethren were to keep a good table, dress neatly, and after providing necessaries out of their revenue, to dispose of the rest in relief of poor and helpless strangers.

Wallis.

↵

‡

- William Brown, Esq High Sheriff of Northumberland 1702.

- Nicholas, High Sheriff 1748.

Wallis.

↵

*
I need not enlarge upon the account given of this instrument by Mr Wallis, to afford the reader a competent idea of it:
Few instruments have more exercised the thoughts of Antiquaries than this; some contending for its being a weapon of war.[*] Mr Hearre fancies it to be a Roman chife• used in making their •ggers, and that it was preferred to iron, from the reputed sacredness of the metal of which it was made. From there being no mention of it by •na•, Monsieur de Chausse, or by Spon, and no vestiges of it among the Roman arms on the •an or Anti•ne p•, or among the ruins of Herculaneum, the ingenious Cornish A•y, Mr Bo•e, is in•ed to think it not of Transmarine origin, but the work of 〈◊〉 Romans, or art•t• 〈◊〉 •ht by them, for an offensive missive weapon. According to the late 〈…〉 Dr S• [†] it was used by the Druid priesthood in their sacra, 〈…〉 •net 〈…〉 to the end of a stuff, with which they cut the misletoe for Yuletide, our 〈◊〉; and 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 their festival of the au•nnal equinox equinox.

Wallis.

↵

*
R
•
M

•

A
•

〈◊〉
. Plot
•
Staff
•
d
•
l
•
re, p. 4
•
3.
↵

†
C
•
sius, vol. 3. p. 163.

↵

EGLINGHAM

is a Seat of a branch of the Ogle family,[†] now possessed by Ralph Ogle, Esq in which neighbourhood lays

Notes

†

- Luke C• F• 10 Queen Elizabeth.

- H• 〈…〉 of the Se• 〈◊〉 of Lands in Northumberland for Parliament, 19 King 〈…〉. He was Representative for this county in Parliament, 5 King C. 〈…〉

- H•n 〈…〉 of this county 6 Queen Anne, 1707.

- 〈◊〉, High Sheriff 10 George II.

Wallis.

↵

BEANLY,

formerly the Barony of the Earls of Dunbar. Patrick Earl of Dunbar lost it by bearing arms in aid of the Scots against King Edward III. that King gave it to Henry Lord Percy, and it is now part of the possessions of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland. On Beanly Moor is a large circular intrenchment.

We passed Percy's Cross, erected to

the memory of Sir Ralph Percy, who was slain there by Lord Montacute, A. D. 1463, before the battle of Hexham Levels. Lord Hungerford and the other leaders fled at the first onset; he with the spirit of a Percy, maintained his ground, and died fighting bravely for Henry VI. whom he espoused: his dying words were, ‘I have saved the bird in my breast,’ meaning his faith to his party. On the pillar are the arms of Percy and Lucy.

To the west of the road is

RODHAM,

possessed by the family of that name for many ages. We find them in the escheats of 49 King Henry III.[*] The Mansion-house is modern.

On Rosedean Edge, in this neighbourhood, is a large square intrenchment, from whence, at the distance of three miles, you view Bewick Hill, a semicircular intrenchment, with a double Foss and Vallum, defended to the west by a steep precipice. The entrance on the south is formed by a hollow way, defended by large stones placed with their edges in the earth, so as to make a strong breast-work.

A little to the north of Hedgehope, near the Three-stone Burn, is a Druidical Monument, now consisting of ten large stones, in a circular

form, from east to west 38 yards in diameter, and 33 yards from north to south. Several of the stones are thrown down, and some are so sunk in the earth, that the original number cannot be ascertained. There are three larger than the rest, which I presume gave the present name to the burn near which this monument stands.

In this neighbourhood is a Cataract, called

Notes

*

- Wiliam de Rodham 49 King Henry III.

- William, married the daughter and heiress of Thomas D'Esplee 30 King Edward III.

- Sir John, slain at the battle of Towton 1 King Edward IV.

- John 6 King Edward VI.

- Robert 10 Queen Elizabeth.

- John King Charles I.

- — Rodham.

- Edward.

- Robert, a Captain in the royal navy, the present possessor.

Wallis.

↵

LINHOPE SPOUT,

falling 56 perpendicular feet, which passing over several pointed rocks, makes a fine white sheet of foam. The rock from which the stream precipitates is naked, and hath none of those picturesque beauties which grace the water-fall at Hareshaw Linn, near Bellingham.

On a hill a mile west of Alnham, is a semicircular incampment, the points of the crescent facing the east, seem to have formed the entrance. It is defended by two high outward rampiers and a deep foss, and an inner circle of stones, which appear uncemented. The interior area, about 100 yards diameter, shews many remains of buildings.

At the village of

ILDERTON,

on the west of the road, is the ancient Seat of the family of Ildertons: We find them possessors of this place in the reign of King Edward I. as appears by the escheats of that time. The present owner, Thomas Ilderton, Esq [*]

Near the 28th mile stone, a road leads off to

Notes

*

- Henry de Ilderton 1 King Edward I.

- Sir Thomas de Ilderton, High Sheriff 50 King Edward III.

- Sir Thomas, High Sheriff 21 King Henry VII.

- Thomas 6 King Edward VI.

- John King Charles I.

- Thomas father of the present possessor.

Wallis.

↵

LILBURN,

the ancient possession of the Lilburns;[†] after them it became the estate of the Clennels, and is now one of the seats of Henry Collingwood of Cornhill, Esq The ancient Tower and Mansion of the Lilburns is in ruins.

Notes

†

- John Lilburn 18 King Edward II.

- Sir John Lilburn King Edward III.

- He was twice a prisoner to the Scots, at the battle of Carham and the battle of Otterburn.

- Sir Thomas, Member of Parliament for Northumberland. 12 King Henry VI.

Wallis.

↵

CHILLINGHAM CASTLE

in the next place engaged our attention, the Seat of the Earl of Tankerville. This was the ancient Seat and Manor of the heroic race of Greys of Wark; one of whom lays entombed in the church, under an elegant monument, ornamented richly, and having the recumbent effigies of a Knight and his Lady.

The Castle, situate on an eminence, is of the order of building used in the reign of Queen Elizabeth: it has an open area in the center, from whence you ascend by many steps into a ballustrade, ornamented with the effigies of British warriors armed, cut in stone. The apartments are awkward and small, and the communications irregular. Here are several good portraits, a full length of Lord Chancellor Bacon, another of Lord Treasurer Burleigh; a gaudy painting of Buckingham, in a white sattin gilded vest, gold and white striped breeches, effeminate and fantastical; a good portrait of King Charles; a picture of James II. of the most unhappy countenance.

In one of the apartments Mr Wallis says is a marble chimney-piece; in sawing which from the block, a live toad was discovered therein. The nidus where the animal lodged, as it was disagreeable to the eye, by order of the late Earl, was filled with cement. We enquired after this curiosity, but the housekeeper knew nothing of it. We saw a painting of this phaenomenon, subscribed to which were the Latin stanzas given in the notes.[*] The toad, if as large as represented in the painting, was wonderful indeed, for size as well as its existence, being near as big as a hat crown. It is not possible to look upon this object without giving passage to some reflections of the following order:—How wonderful are all the works of Providence; but how incomprehensible is the existence of this animal!—shut up in the bosom of a mountain, cased in a rock of marble, perhaps an hundred feet from the surface; living without air, or such only as should pervade the veins of this stone; existing without other diet, than the dews which might pass through the texture of marble; deprived of animal consolations, without light, without liberty, without an associate of its kind.[†] It deposited here, when the matter which inclosed it was soft, and before it gained its consistency as marble, how many ages ought we to number in its life; for multitudes of years must have passed, to reduce any soft substance, in a course of nature, to the state of this stone. One may ask, why did it not perish in the universal wreck of animal existence? and at what age of the world were these mountains of marble first formed? The inquiry leads to a maze of perplexity; like the ingenious Mr Brydon's inspection of the stratas of Etnaean Lava, all adopted chronology sinks in the view; and years are extended on the age of creation beyond every thing but Chinese calculation.

In Chillingham Park are still preserved a breed of wild cattle, called the White Scottish Bison; it is said they cannot be tamed, having so remarkable a fierceness in their nature. Mr Penant, in his Tour in Scotland and Voyage to the Hebrides, p. 109, under the title Drumlanrig, gives the following description of them: "In my walks about the park, see the white breed of wild cattle, derived from the native race of the country, and still retain the primaeval savageness and ferocity of their ancestors; were more shy than any deer; ran away on the appearance of any of the human species, and even set off at full gallop on the least noise; so that I was under the necessity of going very softly under the shelter of trees or bushes, to get a near view of them: during summer they keep apart from all other cattle, but in severe weather hunger will compel them to visit the outhouses in search of food. The keepers are obliged to shoot them, if any are wanted: if the beast is not killed on the spot, it runs at the person who gave the wound, and who is forced, in order to save himself, to fly for safety to the intervention of some tree.

"These cattle are of a middle size, have very long legs, and the cows are fine horned: the orbits of the eyes and the tips of the noses are black; but the bulls have lost the manes attributed to them by Boethius."

Near Chillingham are two circular intrenchments; and at New Town, a mile to the westward of Chillingham, is a stone cross twelve feet high, called the Hurle Stone; of which I could procure no account.

A little northward from Chillingham is the village of

Notes

*

Heus Stagyrita!

Tuo si velis quod mirabilius Euripo

Huc ve•to.

F•ant, re•art•e Maria, et sit Lunaticus

Qui c•num ipeliat •re.

En 〈◊〉 q•d, quod non portat Africa,

Nec f•o is, N•lus aren's

Ignem, flammamque puram,

Aera tamen vitali cassam!

Coeco recessa sciff, quod vides sa•i

Obit•s lucem Lithote ni dedere manus

Vivo Bafom.

↵

†
In the Newspapers of 1
••
0, I recollect to have read the following paragraph:

A letter from Su•er and says, a few days ago, in a coal-mine near this place, a large Toad was found a 〈◊〉 a solid coal, near ••0 feet under ground: on being exposed to the air it instantly died.

↵

FOWBURY,

the possession of the Fowburys in the reign of King Edward I. afterwards of the family of the Strothers, and now of Sir Francis Blake of Twizell. A mile from thence is

HORTON CASTLE,

the estate of the Greys of Howick, formerly the Seat of a younger branch of the Greys of Heton.[*]

This is a deplorable part of the country for a stranger to be benighted in; the heavy vapours which frequently envelope the hills the whole day, as frequently attend the advance of night into the vale, as it happened to us, and brings on a darkness truly to be felt; whilst there there is no house, inhabitant, or passenger, for miles, to direct your way.

We were thankful when we gained sight of the Inn at Wooler Haugh; the court-yard, which we descended into from the road, was crowded indeed with waggons and carriages, and the lights in the stables shewed there were several guests in the house, but of what quality and denomination, we could not divine. When we alighted, the hostler looked to be in some confusion; but we did not devise the reason, being willing not to premise any thing to our disadvantage at that time of night, in the rain, and in a country not known to any of us. We were met by a jolly hostess at the door, who desired us, with all the courtesy of a civil publican, to walk in. We were introduced to the kitchen, and required to air our cloaths, till the people got lights and prepared a room. It was now time to consider the scene; the kitchen smelled rank of cooking, for there was as much bustle, as if they were preparing a hecatomb: the room was populous to a degree, for the mistress and two jolly nymphs her daughters stickled in the cookery, whilst there went backward and forward, in and out, hostlers, livery servants, carriers, and savages of various denominations, in the utmost confusion; carrying, seeking, fetching, or calling for innumerable matters, like the confusion of Babel, in the greatest agitation and emergency. When we had leisure to think, we were at a loss to conceive what had occasioned this hurricane, in which we had so awkwardly involved ourselves, at this little house under a hill, in the wilds of Wooler; but outward objects embarrassed all thinking to that degree, that our minds remained overwhelmed in what the eye communicated, or what distracted the ear; and like fellows that were fascinated, we forbore to make our escape. The table was covered with mangled joints of victuals; above us, before us, on this hand and on that, was the noise of tumultuous companies, creating that discordance of sounds; which distracts an Inn at a fair;—hallowing, laughing, ringing of bells, beating on tables, menaces, oaths, female titterations, and music were in the composition. My companion in a whisper says, "Where the devil have we got to?" I would have told him, if it had been in my power: I found myself totally embarrassed, till at length this horrid discordance rouzed me, and on expressing uneasiness at not being shewn to our apartment, we were told the room was clearing of its present possessors, who were going to bed. Startled at such intelligence, we began to doubt what would be our accommodations, and that we might have occasion to displace the same race of visitants a second time, before we could possess any beds: in defiance of the weather, a night as dark as Erebus, and a road unknown, we thought it more prudent to set forward for Wooler town, distant near two miles; and accordingly left this place to the sportsmen who occupied it on their moor shooting parties, and to the carriers and horrid wretches who barricadoed it without.

At the Black Bull Inn, in Wooler, we ended the anxieties of the evening, in comfortable lodgings, and every accommodation a traveller could hope for.

Notes

*

- Thomas Grey 12 King Henry VI.

- Sir Ralph Grey, High Sheriff 12 King Henry VII.

- Sir Thomas Grey, Member of Parliament for Northumberland 1 Queen Mary.

- High Sheriff 6 King Edward VI.

- Sir Ralph, High Sheriff 9 King James I.

- Nevil Grey, Esq 1 King George I.

Wallis.

↵

WOOLER

is a considerable town, holding a weekly market on Thursday, and two annual fairs on the 26th of April and 6th of October:[*] it was the ancient Barony of the Muschamps, as appears by the escheats of King Henry III. afterwards it came to the Greys of Wark, and is now the property of the Earl of Tankerville. On a circular mount near the town, are the remains of a tower, apparently as ancient as the time of the Muschamps. By the escheats of the reign of King Richard II. it appears there was an Hospital here dedicated to Mary Magdalen. In the neighbourhood of Wooler are several intrenchments and kairns; one at a place called Cattle Well, which has the name of Maiden Castle, and another, a very considerable one, at Trodden Gares.

Wooler is situate to the east of Cheviots, in an ill cultivated country, under the influence of vast mountains, from whence it is subject to impetuous rains. It is a place of great resort in the summer months, for invalids to drink goats milk or whey. The church is placed on a fine eminence, and having been lately rebuilt, is commodious. It is said the mother church was at Fenton, on the east side of the river Till, now totally in ruins.

Our amusement in the succeeding morning was among such hills, as have seldom been thought accessable by parties of pleasure. By Humbledon Burn, on an easy inclination, is an intrenchment called Green Castle; and on Humbledon Hugh, about a mile to the northwest of Wooler, is a circular intrenchment, with a large kairn. The side of the hill is cut in various terraces, rising above each other. This seems to have been calculated for a temporary fort, and the mode generally practised in ancient times in this part of the country. Many of those terraces are formed with great exactness, about 20 feet in breadth. In some places there are three of those flights or terraces; in others I observed five, placed in regular gradations, one above the other. These were outworks of an important nature, to defend a body of Chiefs, or a valuable booty, which occupied the crown of a hill. The original mode I presume was Danish, though those works are properly attributed to the Scotch and English before the battle in 1402. The summit of a hill being levelled, I conceive received the officers of highest rank and the most valuable effects of the camp; to which the platforms rising above each other, and encircling the hill, when filled with troops would make a powerful defence.

In the plain beneath is a stone pillar, denoting the ground where 10,000 of the Scots, under Earl Douglas, in the reign of King Henry IV. on Holy-rood-day, 1402, had a great overthrow, by Henry Lord Percy and George Earl of March. Douglas's forces had possessed the eminence, but his passage into Scotland being intercepted by Earl Percy, he was obliged to engage on this plain: the battle was so bloody, that the lands gained the name of Redriggs, from the slaughter with which they were stained. According to Hollingshead, among the prisoners were the Earls of Fife, Murray, Angus, Athol, Orkney, and Monteath, the Lords Montgomery and Erskine, and about 80 Knights. Douglas received five wounds and lost an eye. Being hotly pursued, in the flight 500 Scots were drowned in Tweed, the most of their army on this fatal day dying or being prisoners.

The disposition of the English, was chiefly on an opposite mount to that occupied by the Scotch, except their archers, who were arranged on the plain. The Scots were so galled by the flights of arrows, to which we may presume they were extremely exposed, if marshalled on those terraces before described, that they grew impatient of restraint, and with their whole force descended into the plain, to come to closer battle. The English also advanced, their archers retiring in well compacted bodies, to admit the other troops into the line, at the same time discharging such flights of arrows, as no armour could resist, and thereby the Scots were soon broken and thrown into confusion. Sir John Swinton and Adam Gordon several times rallied flying parties, and renewed the battle with the greatest bravery, till they fell among the slain. Historians mention no person of note on the side of the English who was slain that day, the victory being entirely the work of the archers, the other troops being said not to have engaged.

We arrived at

Notes

*

Mr Handyside who had a premium of 10l. 10s. from the Society for the encouragement of Arts, for the second best painting in Enamel, exhibited in March 1764, was a native of this town.

Wallis.

↵

YEVERING,

now a mean village, and little regarded by travellers, though once a place of royal residence.

Near this place the Scots were defeated on Magdalen-day, in the third year of the reign of King Henry V. 1415, by Sir Robert Humfrevil, then Commander of Roxburgh Castle, and the Earl of Westmoreland, then Lord Warden of the Marches. The place of this action is denoted by a rude stone pillar 14 feet high.[*]

In Bede we have the following passage: "Paulinus coming with the King and Queen into a manor or house of the King's, called Ad-Gebrin, at this day Yevering, abode with them 36 days, employed wholly in catechising and baptising: during which time he did nothing from morning, but instruct the people resorting to him in the saving word of Christ; and being thus instructed, he baptised them to the forgiveness of their sins, in the river of Glen, which was hard by. This house was in the time of the succeeding Kings neglected, and another made for it, in a place called Melnim, now Melfold."

Thus it appears this was a Manor of the Saxon Kings, and was the residence of King Edwin and his Queen Ethelburga, after his conversion by Paulinus. This Edwin was afterwards slain by Penda and Cedwall, two Tributaries: Ethelburga escaped to her brother, Eadbald King of Kent, by whom Paulinus was made Bishop of Rochester. There are not the least remains of any considerable structure here, or any thing to denote that a royal palace once existed on the spot.

The ancient name of Ad-Gebrin, through the assistance of Mr Bryant's etymologies, also leads me to determine this was a royal residence, and had one of those high places consecrated to the worship of the Sun. ‘ Ad being in use for a supreme title, with which both Deities and Kings were honoured, among all the eastern nations Ad was a peculiar title, and was originally conferred upon the Sun; and if we may credit Macrobius, it signified one, and was so interpreted by the Assyrians. In short, Ad and Ada signified first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and in a more lax sense, a Prince or Ruler. ’ [*] From thence, and the evidence of Bede, it is clear the Saxon Kings resided at this place during some part of the Heptarchy.

A research into antiquity naturally produces this effect, that we obtain testimonies of the derivation of our customs, and an early visitation by eastern nations; which latter circumstance has rather been treated by authors as a fabulous matter, or so obscured by tradition, that it was little credited.

In Mr Bryant's introductory preface, he says, ‘It has been observed by many of the learned, that some particular family betook themselves very early to different parts of the world; in all which, they introduced their rights and religion, together with the customs of their country. They represent them as very knowing and enterprizing; and with good reason. They were the first who ventured upon the seas and took long voyages. They shewed their superiority and address in the numberless expeditions which they made, and the difficulties which they surmounted. Many have thought that they were colonies from Egypt or from Phoenicia; having a regard only to the settlements which they made in the west. But I shall shew hereafter, that colonies of the same people are to be found in the most extreme parts of the east; where we may observe the same rites and ceremonies, and the same traditional histories, as are to be met with in their other settlements. The country called Phoenicia could not have sufficed for the effecting all that is attributed to these mighty adventurers. It is necessary for me to acquaint the reader, that the wonderful people to whom I allude, were the the descendants of Chus, and called Cuthites and Cuseans. They stood their ground at the general migration of families; but were at last scattered over the face of the earth. They were the first apostates from the truth: yet great in worldly wisdom. They introduced where ever they came many useful arts, and were looked up to as a superior order of beings: hence they were stiled Heroes, Daemons, Heliadae, Macarians. They were joined in their expeditions by other nations, especially by the colateral branches of their family, the Mizraim, Caphtorim, and the sons of Canaan. These were all of the line of Ham, who was held by his posterity in the highest veneration. They called him Amon, and having in process of time raised him to a divinity, they worshipped him as the Sun: and from this worship they were styled Amonians. This therefore will be the title, by which I shall choose to distinguish the people of whom I treat, when I speak of them collectively; for under this denomination are included all of this family, whether they were Egyptians or Syrians, of Phoenicia or of Canaan. ’ To this I will add, what a celebrated French author (treating of the rise and progress of arts and sciences) says, touching the migrations of these Easterns, to attempt at least a colourable proposition, touching the time Britain received those visitants, if not a conclusive one. ‘When we speak of the Phoenicians, we must distinguish the times with accuracy. These people possessed originally a large extent of countries, comprised under the name of the land of Canaan. They lost the greatest part of it, by the conquests of the Israelites under Joshua. The lands which fell in division to the tribe of Asher, extended to Sidon; that city notwithstanding was not subdued. If the conquests of Joshua took from the Phaenicians a great part of their dominion, they were well paid by the consequences of that event. In effect the greatest part of the ancient inhabitants of Palestine, seeing themselves threatened with entire destruction, had recourse to flight to save themselves. Sidon offered them an asylum. By this eruption of the Hebrew people, the Sidonians were enabled to send colonies where ever they thought proper. Sidon lent them ships, and made good use of these new inhabitants, to extend their trade and form settlements. From hence that great number of colonies, which went from Phoenicia, to spread themselves in all the countries of Africa and Europe. We may date this event, about the year of the world 2553, and 1451 years before Christ. Spain was not the only country beyond the pillars of Hercules, which the Phaenicians penetrated. Being familiarized with the navigation of the ocean, they extended themselves to the left of the Straits of Cadiz, as well as to the right. Strabo assures us, that these people had gone over a part of the western coast of Africa, a little time after the war of Troy. We might perhaps determine their passage into England, by a reflection which the reading of the writers of antiquity furnishes us with: they are persuaded that all the Tin that was consumed in the known world came from the Isles of Cassitorides; and there is no doubt those Isles were the Sorlingues and a part of Cornwall. We see by the books of Moses, that in his time Tin was known in Palestine. Homer teaches us also that they made use of this metal in the heroic ages. It should follow then, that the Phaenicians had traded in Britain in very remote antiquity.’—After giving the reader these opinions of two authors highly distinguished in the literary world, I must proceed to the application.

Near Yevering is a place known by the name of Yevering Bell, a lofty mountain, one of the north-west Cheviots, of an oblong figure, arising to a cone. The name is supposed, by the inhabitants of the country, to be derived from the figure of the hill; and consequently as applicable to any other of like form as this, of which there are many among the Cheviots. We ascended the mountain from Yevering, by winding round its side to the south and east, the only means of climbing to the top, which was not attained without great labour, from the steepness of

the ascent, the height of the Bell being upwards 2000 perpendicular feet, taken from the plain at Yevering. The summit of the mountain is almost level, encinctured with the remains of a wall, placed on the brink of the steep, which when entire was of considerable strength, as appears from the materials. The wall has been built without mortar, of large flat stones, with which the country abounds. This wall forms and incloses an area of 1000 paces in circumference; the entrance is on the south side. The breadth of the ruins of the wall on a medium is eight yards; and by the stones on the surface, it may be computed that there are about four fothers of stones to the yard. It astonishes the spectator, on viewing these remains, when he computes that 4000 fothers of stones, at least, were employed in this erection, and those borne by human hands, to a place totally inaccessable by carriages or cattle bearing burthens. It may be alledged indeed, that in a plot of ground 1000 paces in circumference many stones might be won; but the crown of the hill doth in no wise encourage such a conjecture; the ground wearing altogether a natural countenance, no rocks or quarries appearing within the area to furnish such a vast quantity of stone, and where the turf is broken, a small gravel appears. The eastern end of the area rises some few feet from the level of the plain. Taking our course by the wall before described, at a point almost due east, a broad way appeared, three paces wide in a straight direction, as if formed by an even pavement, extending about 30 yards in ascent towards the crown of the hill. We found this eminence surrounded by the remains of another wall, but consisting of fewer materials, in an exact circle, 180 paces in circumference, with a ditch within. Near the center of this inner area, rather inclining to the east, is a kairn of stones, of no very great height, arising about 10 paces in an easy ascent from the level of the inner wall. The center of the kairn is hollow like a bason, six paces from brim to brim. After removing the turf and soil for a little depth, we found the stones reduced to a sort of calx, and every where retaining a strong impression of fire. The view from this mountain is very extensive, it affords a prospect of near 20 miles northward into Scotland, and over Northumberland many miles to the southeast; an opening of the mountains on that side, and an extensive plain to the northward, giving it that great command of prospect. As a beacon hill it was fortunately placed; as a place of heathenish worship, it was conspicuous from many points of view, where the sacrificial rites might be discovered, and thereby the people called to worship. On the northern side of the mountain, are the remains of a forest or extensive grove of oaks; a circumstance, not to be found, or at least not discovered by us, on any of the hills within view from the summit of Yevering Bell. On many parts of the sides of the hill are the remains of circular buildings, but now so totally ruined, and the stones so scattered, that their former consequence or use are not to be discovered, little more than the form of the foundations remaining. Several of them I took to be no other than folds for enclosing a number of sheep or cattle, the ruins not containing materials sufficient for any large erection.[*] The works on this mount appear to me of very remote antiquity, and in attempting to explain their nature, I will consider them singly, and furnish the reader with all the lights I have collected; as I presume they are so singular as to attract the attention of travellers who may hereafter traverse this country in search of antiquities. In the first place, we will consider this object in the manner it would naturally call for a stranger's attention. It cannot be conceived, from the loftiness of the mountain, the extreme difficulty of access, the coldness of that high region, and the inclemency of weather it is naturally subject to, to have been used as a place of strength: from these natural causes also, it is not probable it should be used as a place for securing cattle and flocks against the incursions of an enemy: it may reasonably, from its very nature, be admitted to be used for religious offices. If used as a beacon only, then whence the necessity of these circumvallations? It has been conceived by some,[†] that it was possessed by the Danes, and that these works appertained to that people, who here held their civil and religious conventions. Kairns, placed on such immense eminences, if marks of sepulture, must denote the place of interment of remarkable personages, and those too who did not die by the sword; for the universal custom of the ancient inhabitants of this land, who raised a tumulus over the dead, appears to have been that of interring them where they were slain. The circular buildings, if appropriations to the administration of justice, must have been adapted to several and separate ministers; a thing scarcely probable. If to the ministring of religious rites, or to sepulture, then indeed the inconsistency ceases. The interior circumvallation appears calculated for the exclusion of the vulgar, from the principal scene of religious rites, where the priests and chief personages only ministred. The wall which forms the grand enclosure of the whole crown of the mountain, includes 16 acres and a half, or very near it, and would contain a prodigious number of people.

In this wild and mountainous country, the names and marks of antiquity have escaped those changes which naturally follow cultivation; and it is in such parts we are to search for the evidences of the most remote antiquity existing in this kingdom. It is certain the Druids, though they built temples and paid their adoration towards the Sun, always retained such distinction in their worship, that they looked up to the great Luminary as the Throne, or as the symbol and archetype only of the Divinity; which they confessed, created and governed the universe, and was the sole spirit of existence. It will not follow, that this purity was retained by all the inhabitants of the same land, or the same mode of worship gained an universal acceptation among them; many appointed for themselves places for private adoration, and these eminences were most assuredly the chosen spots for devotees, who paying their worship to the Sun, might loss the symbolical character, and confounded with ignorance and superstition, forget the archetype for the object. The name of Bel authorizes me to presume this place was sacred to the Sun, it being derived from the Chaldean language, and signifying the Sun. Mr Bryant says, ‘many worshipped upon hills, and on the tops of high mountains, imagining that they thereby obtained a nearer communication with heaven. This practice in early times was almost universal, and every mountain was esteemed holy. The people who retired to eminences, fancied that they were brought into the vicinity of the powers of the air, and the Deity who resided in the higher regions. But the chief excellence for which they were frequented, was the Omphi, the Vox divina, being esteemed a particular revelation from heaven. In short, they looked upon them as the peculiar places, where God delivered his oracles. The word Omphi, signifying the Oracle of Ham, who, according to the Egygtian theology, was the same as the Sun or Osiris, he was likewise revered as the chief Deity of the Chaldeans, and by most of the nations of the East:’—Having thus shewn the choice made by the Ancients of high places, for their adoration, I will next consider the name of this place, according to the etymologies laid down by Mr Bryant.

‘ Bel, Bal, or Baal, is a Babylonish title, appropriated to the Sun; and made use of by the Amonians in other countries: particularly in Syria and Canaan. It signified 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Lord, and is often found compounded with other terms; as Bel-Hamon, and also Bel-Shamaim, the great Lord of the heavens. This was a title given by the Syrians to the Sun. By Gib is meant an hill. Gibeon was the hill of the Sun. Nadab the son of Jereboam was slain at Gib-Ethon of the Philistines. ’ [*] So that Bel-Gebrin is no forced reduction of the present name of Yevering Bel, or according to the more ancient name, Bel-ad-Gebron; and denominates the mount of the Sun.

As to the kairn, which I mentioned to be situate on the eastern point of the area, on the crown of the mount, which is a conical pile, terminating obtusely, and basoned as before described, I presume its name to be derived from ‘ Keren, which (according to Mr Bryant) signifies in its original sense a Horn; but it was a title of the Sun himself: for Apollo was named Carneus; which was no other than Cereneus, the supreme Deity, the Lord of Light. The Priest of Cybele, in Phrygia, was stiled Carnas, which was a title of the Deity whom he served.’ Whence it is deducible, that our kairn on the summit of this mount, was the place of the altar, where religious rites were performed in the fire worship. And the like may be conceived of all those conical mounts called kairns, they being a corruption of "Kir-on, the place of the Sun." In forming these kairns, as well the present one as others we visited in this neighbourhood, and one in particular on the crown of one of the highest mountains above Newton, called Newton West Tor, the stones must have been carried up by a multitude of hands, with immense labour. Suppose by the dimensions of one of these kairns, which measured near 40 paces in circumference, that there was contained therein 300 carriage loads of pebbles; we will find the computation of labour and hands to be immense, for the construction thereof, when all the materials must be borne two miles of steep ascent to this amazing accumulation. I was induced to believe I should discover some hearth stone or altar on the crown of some of the kairns, but was disappointed. Perhaps time and the abhorrence which grew up with Conversion against the rites of the heathen, had removed the superstructure, if any such there had been. There was not one of the kairns I visited had the regular hollow bason, but that on the Bell, which was exactly circular, but composed of stones of a small size, as far as I searched. On my view, I was immediately persuaded that all these accumulations called kairns, situated on mountains and high places, had not proceeded from a passion of honouring the dead, but were formed by zealots, who attending their worship, carried with them progressively a burthen, to add to the grandeur, loftiness, and immensity of the sacred place, where they paid their adoration. The kairn on Yevering is to the east, an object regarded in the structures of the ancient Britons, in the remotest antiquity, and by the Easterns, in erections of the like use. These places have retained their ancient forms, and their first names uncorrupted, by reason of the mountainous nature of the country. Where cultivation cannot advance, things of this sort must rest for ages unchanged: it has been the case here. Besides, the inhabitants are few, and those subsisting on the extreme verge of poverty, hourly employed in procuring a scanty subsistence. Add to this the depopulations which war for many ages occasioned, would prevent those alterations which take place in times of peace. Mr Bryant says, ‘The people of Cappadocia and Pontus observed the like method of worship: and of all sacrifices whatever, exhibited upon high places, none perhaps ever equalled in magnificence, that which was offered by Mithridates, upon his war with the Romans. He followed the Persic modes of worship, as well as the mixed rites of the Chaldeans and Syrians. Hence he chose one of the highest mountains in his dominions; upon the top of which he reared an immense pile, equal in size to the summit on which it stood; and there he sacrificed to the God of Armies. The pile was raised by his vassal Princes: and the offerings, besides those customary, were wine, honey, oil, and every species of aromatics. The fire is said to have been perceived at the distance of near a thousand stadia.’ So much must suffice, on this point, and in this place, from innumerable instances produced by this learned author.

My next enquiry will be, touching the circumvallation which appears on Yevering Bell; to shew that this was a practice with the Ancients, on their consecrated hills. Mr Bryant says,
The Helladians and the Persians were of the same family: hence we find many similar rites subsisting among the two nations. The latter adhered to the purer Zabaism, which they maintained a long time. They erected the same sacred Tupha (or Tumulus) as the Grecians: and we may be assured of the original purpose for which these hills were raised, from the use to which they put them. They were dedicated to the great Fountain of Light, called by the Persians, Anait; and were set apart as puratheia, for the celebration of the rites of fire. This people, after they had defeated the Sacae in Cappadocia, raised an immense Comah, in memorial of their victory. Strabo, [*] who describes it very minutely, tells us, that they chose a convenient spot, where they reared a Petra, or high place, by heaping up a vast mound of earth. This they fashioned to a conical figure, and then surrounded it with a wall of stone. In this manner they founded a temple, in honour of Anait. I have mentioned that the Egyptians had hills of this nature, and from them the custom was transmitted to Greece.

The circular buildings mentioned to appear on the sides of the mount, will be the last objects which require my attention, before I draw my general conclusion. I confess they did not appear to me so remarkable as to require taking any admeasurement; but they are spoken of by Mr Wallis, as being very singular, and as I did not traverse all the sides of the mountain, perhaps those of greater consequence escaped my observation; but conceiving that they may be marks of antiquity, among other matters, I will trespass upon the reader with descriptions of those circular buildings in the northern parts of this island, which have been visited by learned travellers; and perhaps some future visitor of the Cheviots may be induced to make a narrower search, and more correct investigation. But before I proceed thereto, I will consider some others of Mr Bryant's opinions, which relate generally to my subject of Yevering Bell, and particularly to the circular remains.

Mr Bryant informs, ‘that these mounts were not only in Greece, but in Egypt, Syria, and most parts of the world. They were generally formed by art, being composed of earth raised very high; which was sloped gradually, and with great exactness: and the top of all was crowned with a fair tower. The situation of these buildings made them be looked upon as places of great safety: and the reverence in which they were held, added to the security. On these accounts they were the repositories of much wealth and treasure: in times of peril they were crowded with things of value. In Assyria was a temple named Azara, which the Parthian plundered, and is said to have carried off ten thousand talents. To such as these Solomon alludes, when he makes his beloved say, 'I am a wall, and my breasts like towers.' Though the word Cumah or Comah, be generally rendered a wall; yet I should think, that in this place it signified the ground, which the wall surrounded: an inclosure sacred to Cham, the Sun, who was particularly worshipped in such places. Another passage in Solomon: 'We have a little sister, and she hath no breasts. If she be a Comah, we will build upon her a palace of silver.' What is then termed a wall, was a Comah or high place, which had been of old erected to the Sun, by the Jebusites. The ground set apart for such use was generally oval; and towards one extremity of the long diameter, as it were in the focus, were these mounds and towers erected. For there were many of these towers, where they taught astronomy, music, and other sciences. These places were likewise courts of judicature, where justice was administred.’

In Mr Pennant's Voyage to the Hebrides, we have the following accounts of erections of this kind, near Inverness. ‘Visit the celebrated edifices attributed to the Danes: the first is placed about two miles from the mouth of the valley of Glen Elg. The more entire side appears of a most elegant taper form: the present height is thirty feet six inches; but in 1722, some Goth purloined from the top seven feet and a half, under pretence of applying the materials to certain public buildings. By the appearance of some ruins that now lie at the base, and which have fallen off since that time, I believe three feet more may be added to the height, which will make the whole about forty-one feet.’

‘The whole is built with dry walls, but the courses most beautifully disposed. On one side is a breach of at least one quarter of the circumference. The diameter within is thirty-three feet and a half, taken at the distance of ten feet from the bottom: the wall in that part is seven feet four inches thick, but is formed thinner and thinner till it reaches the top, whose breadth I forgot to cause to be measured. The inside wall is quite perpendicular, so that the inner diameter must have been equal from top to bottom: but the exterior wall slopes, increasing in thickness till it reaches the ground.’

‘In the thickness of the wall were two galleries, one at the lower part; about six feet two inches high, and two feet five wide at the bottom, narrowing to the top, flagged and also covered over with great flat stones. This gallery ran quite round, and that horizontally, but was divided into apartments: in one place with six flags placed equidistant from each other, and were accessible above by means of a hole from another gallery. Into the lower were two entrances, (before the ruin of the other side there had been two others) above each of these entrances were a row of holes, running up to the top, divided by flags, appearing like shelves: near the top was a circle of projecting stones, which probably were intended to hold the beams that formed the roof: above is another hole like the former. None of these openings pass through, for there is not the least appearance of window or opening on the outside wall. All these holes are square; are too small to admit the human body, so were probably designed to lodge arms, and different other matters, secure from wet or harm.’

‘Over the first gallery was another, divided from it only by flags. This also went round, but was free from any separation; the height was five feet six; only twenty inches wide at bottom. This was also covered with flags at top.’

‘At a distance above, in the broken sides of the wall, was another hole, but it seemed too small for a gallery. The ascent was not safe, so could not venture up. The height was taken by a little boy who scrambled to the top.’

‘The entrance was a square hole on the west side: before it were the remains of some building, with a narrow opening that led to the door. Almost contiguous to this entrance or portico, was a small circle formed of rude stones, which was called the foundation of the Druids houses. It probably was formed for some religious purpose. I was told there were many others of this kind scattered over the valley.’

‘At less than a quarter of a mile distant from this, stands the second tower on a little flat on the side of the hill. The form is similar, but the number of galleries differs: here are three; the lowest goes entirely round; but at the east end is an aperture now of small depth, but once of such extent, that the goats which sheltered in it were often lost: on that account the entrance was filled with stones. This is six feet high, four feet two inches broad, and flagged above and below.’

‘A second gallery was of the same height, but the breadth of the floor only three feet five.’

‘The third gallery was of such difficult access, that I did not attempt to get up: it was so narrow and so low, that it was with difficulty, that the child who climbed to it could creep through.’

‘The present height of this tower is only twenty-four feet five inches, the diameter thirty: the thickness of the lower part of the wall, twelve feet four.’

‘I could not perceive any traces of the winding stairs mentioned by Mr Gordon: but these buildings have suffered greatly since that gentleman saw them: I have no doubt of his accuracy.’

These were in all probability places of defence, but it is difficult to say any thing on the subject of their origin, or by what nation they were erected. They are called here, Caisteal Teilbali, or the Castle of Teilba, built by a mother for her four sons, as tradition, delivered in this translation of four Erse lines, informs:

"My four sons a fair clan

"I left in the straith of one Glen.

"My Malcomb my lovely Conil

"My Telve my Troddan.

There had been two others, now totally demolished, and each named after her children. Mr Gordon mentions others of this kind, one of which is called the Dune of Dornadilla, from an imaginary Prince, who reigned 260 years before the christian aera.
—By a paragraph some time ago in Lloyd's Evening Post, and from a note given by Mr Pennant, which he says he had from the Edinburgh Magazine, this place is described; part of which I will transcribe, as pertinent to my present object.

‘The entrance is a very low and narrow door, to pass through which one is obliged to stoop much: but perhaps the ground may have been raised since the first erection. When one is got in and placed in the center, it is open over head. All round the sides of the walls are ranged stone shelves, one above another, like the shelves in a circular beaufet, reaching from near the bottom to the top. There is some remains of an awkward stair-case. Some years since I happened, at an auction of books in London, to look into a French book containing Gaulish Antiquities, and there I saw a print of the remains of a Druidic temple in France, which greatly resembles the tower I am speaking of, having like shelves in it. And reading a late pamphlet on the antiquity of the Irish language, I think I can partly trace the origin of the name Dornadilla.—Dorn means a round stone; so that Abdorn would mean the round stone of the priests; na is of, and Di is God; ulla means a place of devotion: so that Dor-na-di-ulla will signify the round stone place of the worship of God; or perhaps it might allude to some round stone preserved within, as a sacred emblem of Divinity.’

From the whole of these quotations I would determine, that by the name of Yevering Bell, or Bel-ad-Gebrin, is implied a sacred mount consecrated to the adoration of the Sun, and used in fire worship. Of this the kairn is a corroborating proof. The circumvallation shews, by its similarity to those spoken of, that the persons who used this mount for their religious rites, derived those rites from the same source as those quoted, and fixes the antiquity of Yevering Bell to very remote ages. It is a point not to be doubted, that Yevering for some time was the residence of the Saxon Kings in the Heptarchy. If we should carry the antiquity of Yevering Bell no further, we will find its appropriation then to religious offices, as probable as in a more distant antiquity. The Saxons brought with them many Eastern customs: they worshipped the Sun, had their high places, and rites of fire worship and sacrifice. As to my own judgment, I should be inclined to fix the antiquity of this place to their aera. The Druid tribes have left us such imperfect evidence of their customs, that it is impossible to fix any thing positively there. It is even most probable this was of Saxon origin, from its vicinity to the royal residence, and the greatness of the work. The circular buildings have never been fixed to any particular people: their constructors still remain undiscovered. The circles of ruins on the sides of Yevering Bell, may have been similar to those visited by Mr Pennant; it is probable these circular erections were the towers of the priests, who there taught the principles of their religion and the elements of natural philosophy; and that there they stored up the treasures of the country in times of public danger, which from the veneration paid by all people to those sacred places were inviolable. Besides, they were well calculated for defence, upon assault. The circles formed by rude and unhewn stones, found in many parts of the North, have been regarded by all Antiquaries as places of public convocation, where justice was dispensed. The number of stones might denote the tribes or districts under the care of each Druid, as the Israelites numbered their tribes by such columns at the passage of Jordan.

At a little distance from the Bell, to the southward is a large kairn of stones, called Tom Tallon's Grave: but who this personage was, no history informs us.

Some mountains near Yevering, have the names of Newton East and West Tor. On one of them is a kairn of stones, also on the western point of Cheviot, and on a mount called Whitlau, all in view of each other. These Tors are said by several authors, to be held by the Saxons sacred to Jupiter. Mr Bryant's remarks are, ‘ Tor is an hill or tower. They were called by the Amonians, who first erected them, Tar and Tor; the same as the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Chaldeans, which signified both a hill and tower. The words Tar, Tor, and Tarit, shew that they implied temples, and dedications to the Sun. ’—He instances many facts to prove this position, among which are, ‘ Tor-on, a place in Macedonia, literally signifying the tower of the Sun. Also Tir-it, of the same signification, and Tor-ambi, the oracular tower of Ham. ’—He has in another place this sentence, ‘I will therefore say so much in furtherance of the British Antiquarian, as to inform him, that names of places, especially of hills, promontories, and rivers, are of long duration, and suffer little change. The same may be said of every thing which was esteemed at all sacred; such as temples, towers, and high mounds of earth, which in early times were used for altars.’—And in another place, ‘There was another name current among the Amonians, by which they called their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or high places. This was Taph, which at times was rendered Tuph, Toph, and Taphos. The Amonians, when they settled in Greece, raised many Tupha in different parts; but as it was usual in ancient times, to bury persons of distinction under heaps of earth formed in this fashion, these Tapha came to signify tombs; and almost all the sacred mounds built for religious purposes, were looked upon as monuments of deceased heroes;’ of which he gives many instances.

I have dwelt too long on this subject, though an interesting one to those who may hereafter visit these places.

I must not quit this country without remarking, that as we advanced towards the boundary of the kingdoms, the hills were cloathed with a singular verdure, affording fine sheep walks; and the flocks and herds were numerous. The cottages of the lower class of people are deplorable, composed of upright timbers fixed in the ground, the interstices wattled and plaistered with mud: the roofs, some thatched, and others covered with turf; one little piece of glass to admit the beams of day; and a hearth stone on the ground, for the peat and turf fire. Within, there was exhibited a scene, to touch the feelings of the heart: description sickens on the subject, and a tear of pity blots out the moving line, which strives to depict. I wished for some of the discontented great ones, who, palled with luxury, despise their palaces, to change the scene for a little, just time sufficient to gain conviction, that the cottager and crowned head are both of one specie of animals, and of one race. The damp earth, the naked rafters, the breeze-disturbed embers, and distracted smoke that issues from the hearth, moved by contrary blasts, breaking through a thousand crannies; the mid-day gloom, the wretched couch, the wooden utensils that scarce retain the name of convenience, the domestic beast that stalls with its master, the disconsolate poultry that mourn on the rafters, form a group of objects for a great man's contemplation.

The inhabitants are of abject countenance, and miserably cloathed, seeming to confess the lowest degree of poverty. The employment of the men is in the field; most of them are shepherds or herdsmen. The corn land, which is very little in quantity compared with the meadows and grazing grounds, lays mingled with the other over the open faces of the vales, without any fences; to protect which, many an indolent herdsman stands for hours wrapped up in his plaid, hanging over a staff, half animated; or otherwise laying prostrate upon the ground. During the time he is engaged in this duty, if he had a spade put in his hand, and was broke into the rules of industry, he might be most usefully employed: he could fence the ground which he tends, in the time he spends in herding it: but evil customs, when they correspond with habitual indolence, are as hard to be eradicated, as to move a mountain—a long series of applications and labour, and the redoubled effects of example and experience, must effect it. In consequence of this stupid custom, the farmer is necessarily obliged to keep a multitude of servants. Their wages are paid in the products of the land—grain, wool, maintenance of sheep and cattle; very few money payments being used.

From the openness of the country, the traveller is consequently perplexed with cross roads, where not a guide-post has been known since the creation: to remedy this evil, intelligence must be gained from one of these herds; and it is remarkable, that there is a ferocity and uncultivated fullenness of mind in those two-legged animals, which scarce confesses civilization enough to direct a stranger on his way. When you obtain instructions, it is in a manner as he would chace a beast from trespass. I cannot forbear comparing the countenance of the lower class of English, in the northern counties, with that of the Scotch—I do not draw my remarks solely from my present tour, but through observations made in many little pleasure jaunts in Scotland—Though you perceive the most abject poverty in the lowest rank of the Scotch people, yet even under those weeds of distress, there is seen a singular openness and benevolence of countenance. By some it may be objected, that this arises from their servility, and these are no other than feigned looks of submission. Arise from what it will, such countenance carries more of the character of humanity, than the proud sternness, and brutal insolence, which mark those who boast a savage liberty. But it is to be observed, that servility stamps the countenance with abject timidity, which is not written on the Scotch features—a generous nature, and the liberality of a mind enlarged with education, are rather the givers of such openness and benevolence of look. Almost every Scotch village is blessed with a free school. You will find shepherds on the Scotch hills, familiar with the poets and historians of Rome and Greece: such familiarity introduces an adoption of principles and sentiments; and from thence we see in these poor people, the maxims of mind which graced the illustrious names of old. Can we wonder then at the desparity there appears in the lower class of the two nations?—But there is another source from whence a part of this complaisancy and hospitality of the lower Scotch may be deduced: they are strict in their religious principles; they are punctual attendants on public worship; they hold with great sacredness their observance of the Sabbath day; most of their pastors are not only rigid in their example, but arduous in their duty and administration: amongst the people there is a just sense conceived, even in the lowest minds, of man's duty to his God. The reverse is so conspicuous in the English, that the comparison is scarce required. So far from perceiving a religious principle in the lower classes, some of them have not even been informed of their Redeemer; thousands have never entered a place of worship; the Sabbath is distinguished only as a day of idleness, in which gaming and drinking are pursued; many of the teachers of the gospel, with an indolence and aversion apparent in their whole carriage, perform as a stale and stupid task the offices of the church. Men are influenced by example; evil example contaminates the most where the minds are most illiterate; weak men take many of their vices by adoption: if it were not for our new sectaries, our rambling preachers, the name of God would not be promulged to one-tenth part of England's inhabitants. It is true they teach his laws, as the laws of the God of terrors: it is better they should administer to him with the horrors of hell, than there be no ministry. We have reformed the church, till we have expelled the spirit of prayer: we have refined the pulpit, till nothing but the grace of declamation remains: and our church manners are polished into that exquisite insipidity, that if it were not for tithes, the major part of the parish would forget the holy men of God.

Notes

*

Harding says, that Sir Robert Umfranville, who had at that time the keeping of Roxburgh Castle, fought at Geterying this year with the Scots on Madelyn day, 22d July. Umfranville had but seven score spears and 300 bows, with which force he discomfited 4000 Scots, and chaced them 12 miles into their own land. He took 360 prisoners, and slew 60.

Hard. c. 212.

↵

*
1 Kings xi. 14. Gen. xxxvi. 35. 1 Kings xx. 1. Nicolaus Damase apud Josephum Antiq. L. 7. c. 5. 2 Sam. viii. 3.
↵

*
Mr Wallis a account of this remarkable place, is loose and unsatisfactory. ‘About two hundred yards west from this Column, is a high hill called Yevering Bell, from its bell-like shape; the top of an oblong figure; a Kairn on the east side, with a circular Trench; many circular foundations of buildings upon the sides or slopes of both; the whole encompassed with a Wall of Whinstone of a great breadth and length, fallen down by age and tempests; the work seemingly of the Pagan Danes, for their Priestoood and Nobles to assemble on, for legislation, for devotion, and sepulture.’
↵

†
Mr Wallis in his Antiquities of Northumberland.
↵

*
1 Kings xv. 27.
↵

*
Lib. 1. p. 779.
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KIRK NEWTON

lay next in our way, a small village, one of the Manors of the Barony of Wark, the ancient residence of the Strothers,[*] now the property of John Strother Ker, Esq

Opposite to Kirk Newton is

Notes

*

- Sir Henry Strother King Edward II.

- William Strother King Edward VI.

- Mark Strother, High Sheriff 1 King George I.

Wallis.

↵

The CASTLE of COPELAND,

now the possession of the Rev. Dr Newton Ogle. It was the ancient residence of the Wallaces,[†] and was possessed by Edward Wallace in the reign of King Edward II. in whose family it continued till of late years.

Within a little distance of Copeland, three remarkable battles were fought: the one on the plains of Milfield, where a body of the Scotch were defeated before the battle of Branxton by Sir William Bulmer of Brancepeth, who commanded the forces of the Bishoprick of Durham. The Scots lay in ambush among the broom which then covered the plain.

Milfield, now a little village, was the residence of the Saxon Kings of Bernicia, after the death of Edwin.

Another battle was fought at a place called Haltwell Sweire, where Sir Henry Percy, brother to the sixth Earl of Northumberland, was defeated in the fifth year of the reign of Queen Mary, 1558, by a troop of the Scots under the command of the Earl of Bothwell, consisting of 1000 horse. Percy's cavalry were thrown into confusion by a discharge of fire arms, to which they were not well trained.

The third battle was at Broomridge,[*] where a confusion of lines and intrenchments are yet to be seen. Here Athelstan engaged the united forces of Constantine King of Scotland, Eugenius Oweine or Ewaine King of Cumberland, and Anlap the Dane, in the year 928, and gained a compleat victory, though with the loss of Elwin and Athalstan, his kinsmen, men of great valour. Constantine escaped into Scotland, Anlaf took refuge in Dublin, but what became of Ewaine is not mentioned. It is presumed this Ewaine is interred in Penrith church-yard; his sepulchre denoted by a very singular monument there. This victory was greatly celebrated by Henry of Huntington, William of Malmsbury, and Ingulph.

Mailross being the seminary from whence sprang the first Bishop of the See of Lindisfarn, which constitutes so material a part of the church antiquities of this county; and as the great patron, saint, the holy St Cuthbert, was educated there, and from thence brought to Lindisfarn, it seemed of consequence, that I should view the seat, from whence issued so much to exercise my attention, in the remaining part of the tour, I had thus far prosecuted. I determined to visit Mailross, and passed the village of Paston, formerly belonging to the family of Selbys. On an adjoining hill, called the Harelaw, (the name implying the station of an army) is a circular intrenchment with a double rampier and foss. From thence there is a fine prospect of the vale, where it gave us great pleasure to observe the new modes of husbandry taking place— turnips cultivated in drill sowing, with horse and hand hoeing practised. There is a very great want of fences in this part of the country: habit and custom are only to be subdued by time and example.

After passing some few miles beyond the boundary of the kingdoms, and gaining an eminence above Tweeddale, we had a view of Kelso, and the rich extensive vale which borders the river. Having travelled near 18 miles in the rude and mountainous country from Wooler, where we seldom had in sight a cultivated valley or fertile tract of any consequence, except at Paston, or the plain of Milfield, but all the mighty scene was filled with stupendous mountains, on whose summits rested an incessant gloom and driving rain; and after climbing those lofty steeps, in search of evidences of antiquity, and traversing boundless wastes, the present prospect gave us unusual pleasure. The vale before us abounded in corn, and the extended scene possessed all the variety that nature exhibits; the distant grounds were lifted up in a wild arrangement of mountains. By the margin of the river, the yellow fields were so mixed with the meads, as to resemble flowers of gold, wrought on the green robe of happy Tweed. Few fences subdivide the vale: but here and there fine woods are scattered; before us lay the delightful town of Kelso; on the left hand, a cultivated country, through which the Tweed flows in meanders; on whose banks Sir John Douglas's, and the palace of the Duke of Roxburgh, with their extensive woodlands, are beautifully disposed. The Helton Mountains, three fine conic eminences, form obelisks at the distance of 15 miles up the vale; over which, and on each side, mountains behind mountains are seen, not united, but distinctly surging from little valleys, which open around their bases, then glowing with streams of yellow light. This hue was delicately mellowed by the azure tinge of the hills, which formed the horizon. The same mountainous ground was in the distant prospect in front; only differing in this, that the eye penetrated the cultivated vales, at the feet of the hills, which stand at a much greater distance from each other, and did not appear thrown together as in the longer line of perspective. To the right we viewed the seat of Dr Johnston, embowered in thick woods. Down the river the vale is more contracted, and less distant prospect was taken in: the town of Coldstream was distinctly viewed, with a multitude of inferior villages; above which, the seat of Lord Hume, with the rising plantations around
KELSOE ABBEY

it, fill the inclining ground. I never beheld a richer valley than we looked upon here: the crops of corn were surprizingly great; the whole being reaped, stood in sheafs: the meadows were luxuriant, and every object wore the happy aspect of opulence.

We constantly regretted the want of fences in this tour; they would give a great grace to the banks of Tweed, by intersecting the rich scene. The advantage they would be of to the country is obvious; they would check the severities of winter, and resist that raking blast, which, when unopposed, shears the extensive grounds wherever it passes in the spring of the year; consequently they would forward the progress of summer.

We descended to the town of

Notes

†

- Edward Wallace King Edward II.

- William Queen Elizabeth.

- George 17 King James I.

Wallis.

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*
The place of this battle is treated with great uncertainty by many authors: the name used by Fordun is Brunauburgh; Camden, from its similarity, fixes it at Broomrigs. The many lines, breastworks, and intrenchments, testify that this was the place of some great action.
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KELSO,

which lays on the northern banks of Tweed; and to which we had access by a fine stone bridge of six arches.

From the southern banks of the river, the town with its invirons has the most picturesque appearance: where I stood to observe its beauties, I had the bridge on my right; an excellent though plain structure of modern work, stretching across a fine river of transparent water, gently curling over a pebbly channel. On the opposite shore, which is banked in, stands the modern and elegant Mansion of Mrs Dixon, a widow Lady; a square hewn-stone structure, placed in the midst of a garden, opening to the river; ornamented with a small Gothic temple, a greenhouse and stove; with statues disposed on the grass plots, which were intersected with gravel walks and flower knots. Over this modern and fashionable scene, an august pile, in all the solemnity of ruin, frowns majestically—an old abbey stands near this mansion, a lofty structure, built in the heaviest of the Gothic order—two round towers of the south limb of the cross, surmounted by a part of the center tower, formed the aspect on which we looked: the windows are small, and the whole edifice gloomy.

It is strange what dissimilar ideas sometimes strike the imagination: as I gazed upon this scene, I said to myself, Thus Charactacus, in the great reverse of his fortune, looked with contempt on the pageantry and pomp of his Roman conquerors: There could not be a finer contrast than in these two structures. The town of Kelso crowded the back ground of our prospect. To the left the view opened upon the vale, terminated by the noble woods which adjoin the seat of the Duke of Roxburgh: to the right, through the arches of the bridge, were seen fine perpendicular rocks, crowned with stately trees on the river's brink.

We entered Kelso, which is clean and well built: Mr Pennant says it is much after the manner of a Flemish town. It hath a spacious square market-place, with a town-house piazza'd beneath, for the convenience of the market; the number of inhabitants about 3000; the weekly market considerable, vast quantities of corn being sold here, though chiefly by sample. The Inn was elegant, the people obliging, and the attendants particularly alert and condescending.

Kelso is a borough of the Duke of Roxburgh, and is governed by his Bailiff. It is not remarkable for any great manufactory or trade, but appears to be the place of residence of many people of easy fortune. Some part of the great stocks of wool furnished by this country, is manufactured here into cloths called plains, but dressed in England. There is also a manufacture of white leather for the Edinburgh market.

The monastery here was founded by King David. During his brother Alexander's reign, he had brought over from Tyrone, in France, certain Monks of a reformed order, founded by Bernard d'Abbeville, a man of high reputation for sanctity and severity of life; these he settled first at Selkirk with an ample revenue: afterwards making Roxburgh his residence, he removed his favourite Monks thither; and when he came to the Crown, built for them the abbey and monastery of Kelso, and fixed them there on the 2d of May, 1128, having dedicated the church to the Virgin Mary and St John the Evangelist. Bernard the founder of this order, was a disciple of Robert d'Arbrisser, founder of the order of Fontevraud, which by a constitution almost peculiar to itself, consisted of both Monks and Nuns, and had an Abbess to govern the society. Bernard founded the monastery of Tyrone in the year 1109, from which place his disciples derived their name. The habit of the Tyronensian Monks, was a light grey, but was afterwards changed to black. Fordun positively says, these Monks settled at Selkirk in 1109; but Symeon of Durham, that they were not placed there till 1113, and remained fifteen years. According to Fordun, the succession of Abbots was as follows: Ralph, one of the Monks brought over from France, was the first Abbot, but on the death of Bernard, returned to succeed him in the Abbacy of Tyrone; William succeeded to Selkirk, and on the death of Ralph, also returned to Tyrone, as successor to that Abbacy; Herbert succeeded William, and was the first Abbot of Kelso. It is presumed that David, who was a lover of the fine arts, as well as a patron of every national improvement, had in view, on his importing this colony from France, not only the advancement of religion, but also that of arts and sciences, of which his subjects were in great need of cultivation, their only occupations, from the remotest ages, having been the duty of shepherds and the service of the sword. In the History of the Monastic Orders, we find, that Bernard the founder of the Tyronensians would have all sorts of handicrafts practised in his monastery, as well to prevent the growth of idleness, which he esteemed the mother of vice, as to procure necessaries for the support of life. Accordingly in this body were painters, carvers, joiners, smiths, masons, vine-dressers, and husbandmen, who were under the command of an Elder: and what they earned was put into a common stock, for the maintenance of the house. Kelso afterwards sent forth colonies to the foundations of Lismahago, Kilwinning, Aberbrothick, and Lindores.

This abbey was demolished in 1569,[*] in consequence of that enthusiastic reformation, which in its violence was a greater disgrace to religion, than all the errors it was intended to subvert. Reformation has hitherto always appeared in the form of a zealot full of fanatic fury; with violence subduing, but through madness creating almost as many mischiefs in its oversights, as it overthrew errors in its pursuit. Religion has received a greater shock by the present struggle to repress some formularies, and save some scruples, than it ever did by the growth of superstition. She now bleeds inwardly; thinking men are driven into confusion, and the unthinking turn infidels:—these are the glorious works of modern fanaticism.

The abbey of Kelso was built in the form of a Greek cross: the nave and quire are totally demolished; the north and south ailes remain standing, being each about 20 paces in length. The walls are ornamented with false round arches, intersecting each other: the remains of the eastern end shew a part of a fine open gallery. Two sides of the center tower are standing, now near 70 feet high, but have been much more lofty: it is galleried within, the pillars are clustered, the arches circular, with few members, and without any great ornament. The

north and south ends have an uniformity, bearing each two round towers, the centers rising sharp to the roof: the north door way is formed by a circular arch, with various members falling behind each other, supported on pilasters; the windows and work above, very plain. Three bells now hang in the uppermost windows, this part of the nave having lately been used for divine service. We did but just look into it; all pomp was utterly eradicated, and every degree of pageantry defaced. The windows of this abbey are of circular arches, and remarkably small, the whole mode of architecture singular, and unlike any structure I remember to have seen in England: the walls are thick, and every where ponderous. There is a Gothic gloominess throughout the whole, that carries the appearance of a prison, rather than a house of prayer; and yet these ruins have a countenance of sullen solemnity, which mingling with the beautiful scene around, has a grand effect.

The revenues of this religious house amounted to 2000l. per annum Scots, and arose in money payments: the Abbot was allowed to wear a mitre and pontifical robes, to be exempt from episcopal jurisdiction, and permitted to be present in all general councils. It was at first under the Bishoprick of St Andrews, but afterwards made a member of the See of Glasgow: it had several immunities, and the Abbot and Monks had liberty to receive ordination, and the other sacraments of the church, from any Bishop they pleased in Scotia or Cumbria.[*] King Malcolm, in 1159, granted a confirmatory charter to this abbey, the witnesses to which are remarkable.

"The three Bishops of Glascow, Murray, and Dunkeld; William and David the King's brothers, and Ada his mother; the Abbots of Dunfermling, Jedwood, Newbottle, and Sterling; Walter the Chancellor; the Prior and Archdeacon of St Andrews; the Archdeacon of Loadonia for Herbert the Chamberlain; Nicholas, Clerk; Richard the Chaplain; Godred King of the Isles; Earls Gospatrick, Fertech, Duncan, and Gellebride, Earl of Angus, Uctred son of Fergus, Gilbert de Unframville, William de Summerville, Richard de Moreville, Ranulph de Sulas, David Olifard, Richard Cuming, Robert Avenal, William de Moreville, William Finemund, Walter Corbet, Asket de Ridala, Henry de Perci, Liolph, son of Maccus, Orm son of Hialaph."—Anderson's Diplom.

The inhabitants of Kelso have made a good change in their place of worship, a new church being built in great simplicity of architecture, of an octagonal form, 82 feet in diameter, ornamented with a glazed cupola or lanthorn in the center, supported by a circle of pillars; the whole commodious, cleanly, and decent.

The lands adjoining upon Kelso are very fine; the prospects delightful. From the Chalkheugh you look upon the confluence of the rivers Tiviot and Tweed, commanding a view of the borders of each river for a considerable distance above: the landskip is filled by the remains of the Castle of Roxburgh, the elegant Seat of Sir John Douglas, with Fleurus on the offscape: these objects mingle with much wood and fine meads. From an eminence called Pinnacle Hill, you command a long course of the Tweed, whose silver stream glides through a highly cultivated country.[*] The sheep are of an improved breed, and bear good fleeces, carrying a price of 20s. per stone, 24lb. The Aberdeen manufacture of Stockings, or that of Linlithgow, takes the finest; the rest is chiefly sold into Yorkshire, except what supplies the small manufactory of Kelso.

I am partial to the sentiments of the celebrated traveller Mr Pennant; my adopting them is a confession of vanity, as it acknowledges a coincidence of mind: the reader will find them here, I doubt not, of a price sufficient to purchase my pardon.

‘I cannot leave Kelso, without regretting my not arriving there in time to see the races, which had been the preceding week. These are founded not on the sordid principles of gaming, or dissipation, or fraud, but on the beautiful basis of benevolence, and with the amiable view of conciliating the affections of two nations, where the good and the bad, common to every place, are only divided by a rill scarcely to be distinguished: but prejudice for a time could find no merit but within its own narrow bourn. Some enlarged minds however, determined to break the fascination of erroneous opinion, to mix with their fellow subjects, and to instruct both the great vulgar and the small, that the northern and southern bounders of the Tweed, created in their inhabitants but a mere difference, without a distinction, and that virtue and good sense were equally common to both. At these races the Stewards are selected from each nation: a Percy and a Douglas may now be seen hand in hand; the example of charity spreads, and may it spread with all its sweet influences, to the remotest corner of our island.’

‘What pleasing times, to those that may be brought in contrast! when every house was made defensible, and each owner garrisoned against his neighbour; when revenge at one time dictated an inroad, and necessity at another; when the mistress of a castle has presented her sons with their spurs, to remind them that their larder was empty, and that by a forray they must supply it at the expence of the borderers; when every evening the sheep were taken from the hills, and the cattle from their pasture, to be secured in the lower floor from robbers prowling like wolves of prey, and the disappointed thief found all in safety, from the fears of the cautious owner. The following simple lines give a true picture of the times:

"Then Johnie Armstrong to Willie gan say,

"Billie a riding then will we:

"England and us have been long at feud,

"Perhaps we may hit on some bootie.

"Then they're come on to Hutton-ha,

"They rade that proper place about;

"But the Laird he was the wiser man,

"For he had left nae geir without.

These were the exploits of petty Robbers: but when Princes dictated an inroad, the consequences bore a proportion to their rank. An Armstrong might drive away a few sheep, but when an Henry directs an invasion, 192 towns, towers, steads, barnekyns, churches, and bastelhouses are burnt, 403 Scots slain, 816 taken prisoners, 10316 cattle, 12492 sheep, 1296 nags and geldings, 200 goats, 200 bolls of corn, and insight geare without measure carried off. Such were the successes during four months of the year 1544.’

In Kelso abbey many illustrious persons were interred, among the first of whom was the son of King David the founder.

Here Henry III. of England with his Queen, met with Alexander III. of Scotland and his Queen, when great cordiality and friendship was experienced between the nobles of both realms who attended their Sovereigns.

In the reign of King Henry IV. of England, and King Robert III. of Scotland, A. D. 1401, a truce was concluded here, which was of considerable duration, by the Commissioners of both realms.

In 1460, King James III. of Scotland was crowned at Kelso, when the nobles paid their homage and swore fealty to the new Sovereign.

In 1522, the English in a sudden incursion pillaged and burnt Kelso, but were soon repelled by the forces of Mers and Tiviotdale. This spoil is attributed to Lord Dacres; and some authors say he burnt 80 villages in that expedition, and overthrew 18 stone built towers, with all their bulwarks.

In the reign of King Henry VIII. A. D. 1542, the Duke of Norfolk advancing to the Scotch borders, burnt and levelled with the ground 28 places of considerable note in Scotland; among which was Kelso, with its abbey.

In 1544, Sir Ralph Eure carried fire and sword to the banks of Tweed, and destroyed the tenements in Kelso which had been re-edified since the former devastation.

The detail of mutual cruelties and savage spoil is horrible—they were a disgrace to human nature.

There was a convent of Red Friars at the mouth of Tiviot, near Kelso; but who was its founder, or what was its revenue, is not known.[*]

As I have had occasion to speak of the Scotch church, and as church tyranny south of the Tweed is exclaimed against with violence and indignation, it may not be disagreeable to the reader, to see how our neighbours the Scotch are in that matter, amidst all their boasted puritanism. In my notes I shall give a short state of facts, which came to a solemn hearing before the Presbytery, this present year.[†]

We now pursued our journey, crossed the river Tiviot at the Mill Ford, and travelled up the southern banks of Tweed to Mailross, the three Helton Mountains being our point of direction; Mailross laying behind them, and they a land-mark constantly in view.

We passed Sir John Douglas's on our left, an elegant little mansion of hewn stone; the walks and pleasure grounds around it, neat to a degree of exactness; the lands rich, and the woods disposed at a proper distance. On the opposite side of Tweed, the Palace of the Duke of Roxburgh presented its extensive front, flanked with immense woods. For three miles, the banks of the river as we passed were cloathed with a fine forest. In some places, the road leading along the summit of lofty cliffs, from whence we looked down upon the river and opposite rocks, whose brows were crowned with noble trees.

We arrived at

Notes

*
Leslie, lib. 10. p. 527. Monasteria Dunfernlingense, Melrosense, Kelsorum, miseris modis sectarii vestabant.
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*
By Innes's Critical Essay, this Camb
•
ia is construed to be the See of Glasgow, for reasons too tedious to insert here.

↵

*

Turnips and cabbages for the use of cattle cover many large tracts, and pototoes appear in vast fields. Much wheat is raised in the neighbourhood, part of which is sent up the Firth of Forth, and part into England.

Pennant's Tour in Scotland, part II.

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*
Spotswood's History of the Church of Scotland.
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†
The case arose between a Dr John Wotherspoon and some gentlemen of the town of Paisley. These gentlemen had passed a few hours together in a private room over a social glass. It happened that this was the day preceding the celebration of the sacrament, which gave a handle to the Doctor to take offence. He accordingly called them before his Kirk Session; but in place of libelling them for drunkenness, he accused them of some scandalous indecencies, approaching even to prophanity; and while this action was pendent, and before any proof was heard, and even before some of the gentlemen accused had appeared before the Session, he thought proper to mount his pulpit, and issue forth, in the shape of a sermon, a most dreadful f
•
l

•

ination; in which he adjured his bearers by the most solemn ties, to have no communication or fellowship with such, pointed them out as objects of popular resentment, and concluded with the Apostle's advice to his followers: ‘Have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, but rather reprove them.’ He next proceeded to make proofs before the Sessions, which did not at all appear to support the accusation. However a majority of the Session concurred in a sentence,
ordering the gentlemen to appear before the face of the congregation, to receive his public rebuke, and referred to the Presbytery what public censure should be inflicted.
The gentlemen did not choose
•
o submit to this public discipline, especially from their violent persecutor, but appealed to the Presbytery who after full hearing and great deliberation, unanimously reversed the sentence, ordering the gentlemen to be dismissed with a rebuke from the bar; on which they declared their sorrow for having met on that particular day, if it gave offence. Dr Wotherspoon ill brooking the moderation of the Presbytery, instantly threatened, if the Presbytery did not affirm the sentence of his Session, and also inflict a more severe censure, ‘to print his sermon, prefix the gentlemens names to it, and either bring them to the submission he wished, or brand their names with infamy and disgrace through the British dominions.’ And immediately after the Presbytery's sentence, he did publish his sermon with a narrative prefixed, accusing the gentlemen by name, of all the crimes he had laid to their charge; but of which the Presbytery had unanimously acquitted them; and it was advertised to be sold in every corner of Scotland, where any of the gentlemen had any connections, Paisley, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Sterling, &c. The Doctor also entered an appeal to the General Assembly, which he afterwards thought proper to withdraw. The gentlemen brought their action before the Court of Session, complaining very loud of the injuries they had suffered, and which they said had been attended with very bad consequences to them. The Court expressed the highest indignation against Dr Wotherspoon's conduct, gave 150l. damages, with costs to a considerable amount. Behold a Scotch Cardinal Woolsey—are such ministers a benefit to true religion; the religion of the mind that dwells with peace!
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ROXBURGH CASTLE,

at present consisting of little more than a lofty eminence, of an oblong figure, elevated above the plain about 40 perpendicular feet; chiefly natural: on the brink of which are the remains of a wall, the outward defence of the ancient castle; the interior part is now planted with trees. This mount is defended at the foot on the north and west sides, by a deep moat and outward rampier of earth, a fine plain intervening between these outworks of the castle and the river. The dimensions within the walls, where the interior fortress stood, we could not obtain for the trees and thickets. The western point is guarded by an outwork and mound of earth, which is severed from the chief part of the castle by a moat, but included in the outward works the foss and rampier before described. The foss or moat was supplied with water by a dam which crossed the river Tiviot in an oblique direction, the remains of which still appear. The south and east sides are defended by an inaccessible precipice; at whose foot the river runs with a rapid current.

Camden says, ‘this castle was anciently called Marchidun, from its standing on the Marches; and for natural situation and towered fortifications, was in times past exceeding strong. The fortress having been surprized by the English, James II. of Scotland, whilst he laid siege to it with a vast army to recover it, was slain by the bursting of a large piece of ordnance. As for the castle, it was surrendered, and then raised. It is now in a manner quite vanished, and its ancient grandeur totally defaced.’

Mr Pennant says, ‘the first mention I find of it is in 1132, when a treaty was concluded here on the part of King Stephen, by Thurstan Archbishop of York, between him and King David I.’—But in Symeon Dunelm, we are informed, that John Cardinal of Crima, Legate[*] of Pope Honorius, came to the Scottish King at Roxburgh, in the year 1125, to determine the controversy touching the Primacy of York over the Scottish church. In 1126, King David returning from the Court of England, was attended to Roxburgh by Thurstan Archbishop of York, Ralph Bishop of Durham, and Algar Prior of St Cuthbert's convent in Durham.[†]

King David I. made this the place of his residence, during the reign of his brother Alexander. Hither he brought his favourite Monks of Tyrone, from Selkirk, before he placed them at Kelso, and built the abbey there. He added to the strength of the place, increased its fortifications, and made it one of the chief bulwarks of his kingdom.

Malcolm Macbeth, who pretended to be the son of Earl Angus, and was in arms against his Sovereign King David in 1234, was imprisoned in the Tower of Roxburgh.

By the Chronicle of Mailross it appears, that the church of St James, at Roxburgh, was dedicated the 17th of April, 1234.

King David was the great patron of every national improvement: he observed the example of Lewis le Gros, in civil and commercial establishments, and granted many charters of incorporation to his cities and burghs. The burgh laws he caused to be framed from the remarks made by learned men, sent by him for the purpose into foreign states, to reap the spirit and efficacy of each constitution. It is probable that Roxburgh was one of the first of those communities in Scotland; for in an ancient manuscript copy of the burgh laws, of which David was the undoubted author, the title prefixed declares them to be the laws and customs of the four burghs, viz. Berwick, Roxburgh, Edinburgh, and Sterling. A further evidence that these were the first royal burghs, is in the court kept by the King's Chamberlain, where his office appears to give him jurisdiction over all the King's burghs; the court being called the court of the four burghs, and consisted of Delegates from the burghs above mentioned, three or four from each burgh, who by virtue of the Chamberlain's summons, assembled annually at Haddington, where all appeals from the peculiar courts of each single burgh were heard and finally determined.

The confirmatory charter of King Malcolm to Kelso, dated 1159, was given at Roxburgh. It appears by this charter, that the King made Roxburgh his residence, as he frequently attended divine service at the church at Kelso; for he confirms to that church all the offerings made by himself and his attendants, whensoever on solemnities or other days he heard the service of God in that church. The populousness of Roxburgh and the country in the neighbourhood, may be inferred from the mention of churches in that place, granted to the Kelso convent, as freely as they had been held by Acceline the Archdeacon, and which churches seem distinct from the then lately erected church of St James. The same appears from the grant of 20 chalders, partly corn and partly meal, (inter farinam & frumentum) to be paid out of the Roxburgh mills, which probably was the estimate of the amount of the seventh part of the mills granted in David's charter to the abbey of Selkirk. Mention is also made of a new town of Roxburgh.

In 1197, the rebellious Harold Earl of Caithness was confined in Roxburgh. This perfidious Earl having delivered Torphin his son as an hostage for his future fidelity, by his repeated treasons, occasioned him to become a sacrifice to the resentment of his King, who in his wrath being devoid of humanity, gave the innocent youth up to the most dreadful tortures and excruciating death.[*]

In 1209, William the Lion assembled a great army at Roxburgh to oppose King John, who had approached the borders, and lay at Norham; but hostilities were prevented by a timely convention and a truce.

In 1215, King John, incensed against the northern Barons for their doing homage to King Alexander II. at Felton, marched northward in the middle of winter, and laid the country waste with fire and sword, exercising the greatest cruelties on the distracted inhabitants. He burnt the towns of Milford, Morpeth, Alnwick, Wark, and Roxburgh, in this horrid expedition.

In 1239, Roxburgh appears to have been restored; for here King Alexander II. celebrated his marriage, on the 4th of March in that year, with the daughter of Ingelram de Conci, and on the 4th of September, 1241, the Queen brought forth a son here, Alexander, who succeeded to the Crown of Scotland.

In 1255, Roxburgh was the place of refuge for King Alexander III. and his young Queen, who had been prohibited consummation of their marriage by the guardians of the kingdom: of which complaint had been sent to King Henry III. her father, wherein she set forth the hardships she underwent from the guardians, who held her in strict confinement, refused her the attendants and maids she chose, and debarred her from the embraces of her husband. The Earl of Gloucester, with others sent by King Henry, assisted by the Earl of Dunbar and his adherents, surprized the Castle of Edinburgh, and taking possession of the persons of the King and Queen, conveyed them under a strong guard to Roxburgh, where the Queen's distresses were relieved, although her royal spouse was then only 14 years of age.

Prince Edward, son to Henry III. when on an expedition against the northern rebels who were in combination with John de Vescy, after his forfeiture of Alnwick, proceeded to Roxburgh in the year 1266, where he was received with the greatest demonstrations of joy by the King and Queen of Scotland, attended on that occasion by a numerous body of the Scotch nobility.

The marriage of Alexander Prince of Scotland to the daughter of the Earl of Flanders, was celebrated here on the 9th of April, 1283, the nuptial feast being continued for 15 days with the greatest magnificence.

King Edward I. in 1296, reduced the Castle of Roxburgh, where he continued several days with his army; during which time he was reinforced with 15,000 fresh troops from Wales.

In the succeeding year Edward having mustered his forces at Newcastle, with an army of 2000 heavy armed horse, 1200 light horse, and 100,000 foot, proceeded to the Scotch border. The Scotch army, which for a considerable time had laid before Roxburgh, in hopes of restoring to his liberty the Bishop of Glasgow, who was prisoner there, hearing of so great an army advancing, raised the siege. The relief brought by the English to the garrison of Roxburgh Castle was highly seasonable, for they were already reduced to great hardships; and the inhabitants of the town, from the circumvallation formed by the Scotch, were brought to great distress for want of provisions.

On Shrove Tuesday, in the year 1313, the garrison of Roxburgh indulging themselves on that festival in an impolitick security, were given up to riot and dissipation, when they were surprized by Sir James Douglas, with a resolute band, who having approached in disguise, mounted the walls by ladders of ropes. The name of Douglas echoed through the place, and roused the English from their festivity and drunkenness, many of them falling under the sword of the assailants. The Governor retired into the great tower with a few of his men, where after two days resistance, having received a wound in his face by an arrow, he surrendered the fortress. King Robert Bruce, on receiving intelligence of this exploit, sent his brother Edward to demolish the fortifications, which he effected with great labour.

King Edward III. in 1334, having come to Newcastle in quality of Supreme of Scotland, received the homage of Edward Baliol in a public and solemn manner: at which time Baliol, as a recompence for the expences King Edward had sustained in recovering and restoring to him his inheritance, by letters patent alienated to him, amongst other things, the town, castle, and county of Roxburgh, to be annexed to and incorporated with the Crown of England for ever.

In 1341, we find Roxburgh again in the possession of the Scotch, hav-been recovered by Sir Alexander Ramsay for King David Bruce.

King Edward III. in 1356, received from Baliol a formal surrender of his right to the Crown of Scotland. This he performed by the ceremony of delivering his Crown, with some of the soil of Scotland, at Roxburgh, where Edward resided some days. This King twice celebrated his birth-day in this castle.

In 1372, George Dunbar Earl of March, accompanied by his brother the Earl of Murray, with a large body of their dependants, entered Roxburgh at the time of the annual fair, and in revenge of the death of one of their followers, who was slain the preceding year in an affray, slew all the English they found in the town, plundered it of the great quantities of merchandize and goods which were collected there on the above occasion, and reduced the town to ashes.

King James II. of Scotland, availing himself of a neglect in the English of attending a proposed convention for continuing the truce in 1460, raised an army with great expedition, with which he advanced against Roxburgh. At the first assault he took the town, and levelled it to the ground. A regular siege was laid to the castle. Here the Scotch King was joined by great reinforcements, among which was the Earl of Huntley with his followers. The King, for former services, desirous of honouring Huntley, shewed him every mark of esteem and royal favour; he conducted him to the trenches, to observe the discharge of his artillery, one of which was remarkable for its size, and had the name of the Lion. The King took delight in attending these operations, in which he shewed a distinguished intrepidity, but in the end lost his life thereby, one of his pieces of ordnance in this siege, to which he had approached too near, burst in discharging, whereby the Earl of Angus, who stood near the King, was much wounded, at the instant that a splinter broke the King's thigh and struck him dead. This is the tragical circumstance before quoted from Camden. The Queen with her eldest son, then a boy about seven years of age, is said to have been in the camp at the time of this dreadful catastrophe. She sustained the shock with heroic firmness, exhorted the Chiefs to desist from unavailing lamentations, and to testify their reverence for their King's memory, by carrying on the siege with redoubled vigour. Her exhortations had the desired effect, the besiegers exerted their utmost efforts. The garrison finding themselves reduced to extremities, surrendered the fortress; and, as Redpath in his Border History says, ‘that the place which the English had held for more than 100 years, might thenceforth cease to be a center of rapine and violence, or a cause of future strife between the nations, the victors reduced it to a heap of ruins.’

We do not find that the fortress was restored, or that any repairs were made to it to render it tenable until 1547, when the English army led by the Protector, passing the Tweed after the battle of Musselbrough, encamped on the plain over-against Kelso, between the ruins of the ancient Castle of Roxburgh and the confluence of Tweed and Tiviot. The Protector observing the strong and convenient situation of this ruined fortress, determined to make it tenable. The breaches in part of the ancient walls were filled with bankings of turf, he having reduced the fortress in size, by casting up deep trenches on the east and west ends within, and fortified them with a wall. Patten's account of these repairs is in the following terms: ‘That one great ditch of 20 feet broad, with depth accordingly, and a wall of like breadth, depth, and height, should be made cross within the castle, from the one side wall to the other, and 40 foot from the west end; and that a like trench and wall should also be cast a-traverse within, about a coit's cast from the east end; and hereto that the castle walls on either side, where need was, should be mended with turf, and made with loopholes, as well for shooting directly forwards as for flanking at hand.’ So intent was the Protector on this work, that he laboured at it with his own hands two hours every day whilst it was going on, and his example was followed by most of the principal men of his army. The place was made defensible in six days, and there was left in it a garrison of 300 soldiers and 200 pioneers, under Sir Ralph Bulmer.

Mr Pennant says, ‘a large holly, surrounded by a wall, marks the spot where James II. fell;’ but it was not noted to me when I visited the place.

Near to the scite of Roxburgh are the confused foundations of buildings and one gate-way of excellent workmanship, which denote the place where stood a house of Franciscans.

It is not possible to tread this ground without the most serious reflections: the vicissitudes of human life, here so remarkably experienced, furnish the traveller with a crowd of ideas, producing melancholy determinations. Here, where this turf, now painted with flowers, is browsed by the flocks, once stood a town flourishing in trade; where festivity and mirth often engaged the wealthy inhabitants; where the royal presence was encircled with the nobility of the land; where the splendour of a court was displayed; where the royal nuptials and the birth of Princes made a kingdom joyful; where peace brought her olives to crown felicity:—and in reverse of circumstances, where these cattle graze, armed troops have held their deadly conflicts, the soil has drank in the blood of heroes and nobles; even royalty has bled upon these plains; the shoots of victory or the cries of distress have often distracted these now peaceful echoes which make responses to the bleating sheep; cannon have rent the confused atmosphere, and the clangour of marshal instruments hath filled the gale, which now breathes music in the murmuring groves; revenge, rapine, and innumerable crimes have cursed the ground I tread with every human sin. Avenging Providence at length hath razed the walls, conscious of such iniquity; the haughty towers are levelled with the earth, the ploughshare hath gone over the paths of wicked ages, and all but the name of Roxburgh is clean done out.

As Roxburgh fell, so have empires fallen; and though it is a reflection which brings with it the acutest sorrow, yet it must be admitted, that when the accomplishment of time is come, other empires must sink into oblivion. Power and magnificence are periodical, we know not which will be the next that yields in the succession. Heaven grant that Britain by her virtues may merit the divine protection, and that her empire may survive to the latest ages full of honour.

It is very remarkable, that not the least traces remain to mark the place where so large a town once stood; a place so eminent, and of so great resort for trade, the residence of Kings, and the seat of such conventions.

The adjoining territory from the old castle and town is called the Sheriffdom of Roxburgh, of which the Douglas's are Hereditary Sheriffs, and usually denominated Sheriffs of Tiviotdale.

Our road on the banks of Tweed led through a cultivated country, but ill fenced, and the modes of husbandry gradually growing worse as we proceeded. We passed the house of Colonel Mac Dougle, situate on the north banks of Tweed; a handsome Mansion, on the brink of a steep descent; in the front a terrace, and grass slopes laid out with taste, and well kept; the house sheltered by plantations to the north and west.

Further up the river the house of Mr Scot is seen; a pretty square building, surrounded with trees. On that side of the river which we passed, stood a large exploratory mount, which seemed to have been originally encircled by three or four several bankings or terraces, ascending above each other. The crown is now planted with young trees, and forms a pretty object from the gentlemen's seats on the opposite side of Tweed.

Within some little distance, further up the river, we viewed a circular fort, which, as it remains the most entire of any we saw on this tour, and will give a full idea of those which we passed, similar in form, though less perfect, I have given a kind of bird-eye view of it.

This camp, or rather fort, hath been formed from a natural eminence; the crown is exactly circular, and level with a rampier of earth on the verge, having an aperture or entrance towards the east, of the width of 12 paces: the rampier rises about six perpendicular feet from the level of the interior plain, from the foot of which rampier the plain is near 62 paces diameter. I paced the top of this rampier, and found the whole circle to be near 200 paces. In the interior plain, not exactly in the center, but inclining to the south-west, is the foundation of a stone wall, forming a square of equal sides, 14 paces each. This probably was the apartment of the General or other officers, or a store-house for arms and valuable effects. The height from the top of the upper rampier to the next level, is nearly 18 perpendicular feet, and as steep as soil or turf can possibly be supposed to lay. The level here, for it can scarce be termed a foss, the rampier on its edge only forming a breastwork, is nine paces wide. This second rampier only makes a part of a circle, its points terminating on the brink of a very high precipice overhanging the river: the top of this rampier extends 140 paces. The height from the top of the second rampier to the next level, is about 15 perpendicular feet, of as steep an ascent as the former. This level or foss is only six paces wide, the lowest or third rampier only forming a breastwork to the interior level; but from the common plain is six feet in height, composed of stones without any mortar; its points also terminate on the edge of the precipice, and its top measures 140 paces: so that the whole mount appears about 34 perpendicular feet high. The form of this fortification renders it probable, that the chief persons of the army who lay here, with their valuables, were placed on the crown of the eminence, and that the lower trenches were occupied by the troops, according to the nature of their arms; the heavy-armed soldiers in the lower intrenchment; those armed with missile weapons on the second and third levels: by which position, on an attack, the garrison could fight as from a theatre, stage above stage, and when forced from the lower trenches, could still retreat to a station of superiority. These are improperly called camps: they seem not calculated for encampment, but as forts for a secure resort.

I presume this fortification was originally Danish, but to what part of the dark history of those times it may belong, I am totally ignorant.

When we had arrived within about four miles of Mailross, we had a prospect of the ruins of

Notes

*
Pervenit apud flavium Tu
•
dam qui Northumbriam & Loidam determinat, in loco qui Rocheburch vocatur. It is told, to the eternal disgrace of this Legate, that in a Council at London, having declaimed bitterly against the sin of a Priest, who had risen from the side of an Harlot to consecrate the Host; he was found himself the following night in bed with an Harlot.

↵

†
Smith's Appendage to Bede, p. 764.
↵

*
His eyes were bored out, and his genitals torn off.
↵

DRYBURGH ABBEY,

seated on a promontory on the banks of Tweed, under a lofty hill which defends it from the north. We did not approach nearer to it than the opposite shore, from whence it made a good appearance, emerging from a thick wood. The principal part now standing is supported by fine clustered pillars. Mr Pennant, who crossed the ferry to view it, says, ‘On the northern side (of Tweed) in the deep gloom of a wood, are the remains of the Abbey of Dryburgh, founded by Hugh Morvill, Constable of Scotland in the time of King David I. and Beatrix de Campo Bello his wife. There are scarce any reliques of the church, but much of the convent, the refectory supported by two pillars, several vaults and other offices, part of the cloister walls, and a fine radiated window of stone-work. These remains are not inelegant, but unadorned. This was inhabited by Praemonstratentian Monks; who stiled the Irish Abbies of Druin le Crox and Woodburn their daughters. At the reformation King James VI. bestowed Dryburgh on Henry Erskine, second son of the Earl of Mar, whose house, as Commendator, is still inhabited.’

In the reign of Edward II. 1322, the English, on their return from an incursion, in which they had penetrated the country as far as Edinburgh, burnt Dryburgh, having first pillaged it of its wealth.

The country as we approached Mailross shewed a gradual decrease of proper husbandry, as well as an inferior quality of soil. We arrived at the town of

MAILROSS,

seated in a deep valley, in which the abbey was concealed from the eye till we were just upon it; but when through the trees we gained a view of its east window, the elegance of the structure astonished us.

We hastened to the Inn, and with all the impatience of curiosity approached the sacred pile on the southern side. The view from the entrance into the church-yard is noble. This church is in the form of a cross; the south end of the transept presented itself in front; the arching of the door-way is composed of a semicircle, with various members, of the most delicate work, falling behind each other, supported on light and well-proportioned pilasters; on each side is a projection of rich tabernacle-work. The corners of this end of the structure are composed of angular buttresses, terminated by spires of tabernacle-work. These buttresses are pierced with niches for statues, the pedestals and canopies of which are of the lightest Gothic order, and ornamented with garlands of flowers in pierced-work.[*] Above the south gate are several
MELROSS ABBEY

niches for statues, decreasing in height as the arch rises, in which some mutilated effigies remain, many in standing positions, others sitting, said to represent the Apostles, but by their apparel I conceived they were representations of the patrons of the church. In the center are the arms of Scotland, a Lion rampant in reverse, with a double tressure; above which is the effigy of John the Baptist, to the waist, suspended on a cloud, casting his looks upward, and bearing on his bosom a fillet, inscribed "Ecce filius Dei." This is of very delicate sculpture, and in good preservation. On the buttress east of the door, is the effigy of a Monk, suspended in the like manner, supporting on his shoulders the pedestal of the nich above in his hands a fillet is extended, on which is inscribed "Passus e. q. ipe voluit." [*] On the western buttress is the like effigy, bearing a fillet, inscribed "Cu. venit Jesi seq. cessabit umbra." [†] These two sculptures are of excellent workmanship. To the westward of this last effigy, is the figure of a cripple, on the shoulders of one that is blind, well executed; under which you read "Uncte Dei." Above the south door is an elegant window, divided by four principal bars or mullions, terminating in a pointed arch; the tracery light, and collected at the summit into a wheel; the stone-work of the whole window yet remaining perfect. This window is 24 feet in height within the arch, and 16 in breadth; the mouldings of the arch contain many members, graced with a filleting of foliage; the outward member runs into a point of pinnacle-work, and encloses a nich highly ornamented, which it is said contained the figure of our Lord. There are eight niches which sink gradually on the sides of the arch, formerly appropriated to receive the statues of the Apostles. The whole south end rises to a point to form the roof, garnished with an upper moulding, which is ornamented with a fillet of excellent rose-work: the center is terminated by a square tower.

It will suffice to remark in this place, that the pedestals for statues in general, are composed of five members of cornice, supported by palm boughs, or some other rich wrought foliage, and terminating at the foot in a point with a triple roll. The caps or canopies of the niches are composed of delicate tabernacle-work, the spires ornamented with mouldings and a fillet of rose-work, and the suspended skirts graced with flowers: the interior of the canopy is of ribbed-work, terminating in a suspended knot in the center. This description will do to carry the reader's idea to every particular nich, without my running into the tediousness of repetition.

At the junction of the south and west members of the cross, a hexagon tower arises, terminating in a pinnacle roofed with stone, highly ornamented: from thence the aile is extended so as to receive three large windows, whose arches are pointed, each divided by three upright bars or mullions, the tracery various and light; some in wheels, and others in the windings of foliage. These windows are separated by buttresses ornamented with niches. Here are sculptured the arms of several of the Abbots, and that also of the Abbacy "a Mail & rose." These buttresses support pinnacles of the finest tabernacle-work. From the feet of these last pinnacles, are extended bows or open arches, composed of the quarter division of a circle, abutting to the bottoms of another race of buttresses which arise on the side wall of the nave; each of these last buttresses also supporting an elegant pinnacle of tabernacle-work, are ornamented with niches, in two of which statues remain; one of St Andrew, the other of the Holy Virgin: the side ailes are slated, but the nave is covered with an arched roof of hewn stone. From the west end of the church is continued a row of buildings, containing five windows, divided by the like buttresses, the tracery of two of the windows remaining, the rest open. Each of these windows appertained to a separate chapel, appropriated and dedicated to distinct personages and services; the places of the altars, and the fonts or holy-water basons still remaining. At the western extremity of this structure, on the last buttress, are the arms of Scotland, supported by Unicorns collared and chained; the motto above broken, the letters EGIS only remaining. On one side is the letter I, on the other Q, and a date 1505, which was the second year of the marriage of King James IV. a marriage concerted at this abbey, between the King in person, and Richard Fox, then Bishop of Durham.

In 1649, the fury of reformation still existing, the elegant statues which ornamented this place were most sacrilegiously demolished. A tradition prevails here, that one of the persons so employed, on striking at the babe in the Virgin's arms, received a contusion, which disabled him for ever from such useless occupation, and struck such a panic on his associates, that they fled and left the mischievous business unperfected.

In Spotswood's History of the Church of Scotland,[*] we find these works of fanatical fury thus mentioned: ‘An act was passed for demolishing cloisters and abbey churches, such as were not as yet pulled down; the execution whereof was for the west parts committed to the Earls of Arrane, Argile, and Glencarn, for the north to Lord James, and for the in-countries to some Barons that were held most zealous.’

‘Thereupon issued a pitiful vastation of churches and church buildings throughout all the parts of the realm; for every one made bold to put to their hands, the meaner sort imitating the ensample of the greater and those who were in authority. No difference was made, but all the churches either defaced or pulled to the ground. The holy vessels, and whatsoever else men could make gain of, as timber, lead, and bells were put to sale. The very sepulchres of the dead were not spared. The registers of the church and bibliothekes cast into the fire. I award all was ruined, and what escaped in the time of the first tumult, did now undergo the common calamity; which was so much the worse, that the violences committed at this time were coloured with the warrant of public authority. Some ill-advised preachers did likewise animate people, in these their barbarous proceedings, crying out, "that the places where idols had been worshipped ought by the law of God to be destroyed, and that the sparing of them was the reserving of things execrable: as if the commandment given to Israel, for destroying the place where the Canaanites did worship their false Gods, had been a warrant for them to do the like. The report also went, that John Knox, whose sayings were by many esteemed as oracles, should in one of his sermons say, that the sure way to banish the Rooks was to pull down their nests: which words (if any such did escape him) were to be understood of the cloisters of Monks and Friars only, according to the act passed in the council. But popular fury once armed can keep no measure, nor do any thing with advice and judgment.’

The east end of the church is composed of the choir, with a small aile on each side, which appear to have been open to the high altar. This part is lighted by three windows towards the east, and two side windows in the aile: the center window is divided by four upright bars or mullions, the traceries are of various figures, but chiefly crosses, which support a large complicated cross that forms the center; the arching is pointed, and part of the tracery here is broken: the side lights are near as high as the center, but very narrow, divided by three upright bars or mullions: the mouldings of the window arches are small and delicate, yet ornamented with a fillet of foliage. On each side of the great window are niches for statues; and at the top there appear the effigies of an old man sitting, with a globe in his left hand rested on his knee, with a young man on his right: over their heads an open crown is suspended. These figures, I presume, represent the divine personages. The buttresses at this end terminate in pinnacles of tabernacle-work: the mouldings and sculptures are elegantly wrought.

The north end of the cross aile of this abbey is not much ornamented without, it having adjoined to the cloister and other buildings. The door which leads to the scite of the cloister (the building being demolished) is a semicircular arch of many members; the fillet of foliage and flowers, is of the highest finishing that can be conceived to be executed in free-stone; the same being pierced, the flowers and leaves separated from the stone behind, and suspended in a twisted garland. In the mouldings, pinnacle-work, and foliage of the seats which remain of the cloister, I may be bold to say, there is as great excellence to be found, as in any stone-work in Europe, for lightness, ease, and disposition. Nature is studied through the whole, and the flowers and plants are represented as accurately as under the pencil. In this fabric there are the finest lessons, and the greatest variety of Gothic ornaments, that the island affords, take all the religious structures together.

The west side of the center tower is yet standing: it appears to have supported a spire; a loss to the dignity and beauty of the present remains, to be regretted by every visitant: the balcony-work is beautiful, being formed of open rose-work: the present height of the tower wall is 75 feet.

The length of this edifice from east to west is 258 feet, the cross aile 137 feet, and the whole contents of its Ichnography 943 feet.

We entered at the south door, and no expression can convey an idea of the solemn magnificence which struck the eye: the roof of the north and south ends of the transept remains, supported by intersecting groins, in various directions, of the lightest order; the joinings ornamented with knots, some sculptured with figures, and others of pierced-work in flowers and foliage; the arching of the interstices constructed of thin stones, closely jointed; over the choir, part of the roof of like workmanship still remains. The side ailes are formed by light clustered pillars, richly capitalled, with garlands of flowers and foliage disposed delicately in the mouldings; in some the figures of animals are interspersed. The pillars which supported the tower towards the east are gone, so that three sides of it are down, leaving a chasm, through which you look up towards the remaining quarter.

The north aile is lighted by a circular window, representing a crown of thorns, which makes an uncommon appearance. Here are the effigies of Peter and Paul, one on each side the tower, but of inferior sculpture.

It is said Alexander II. King of Scotland, lays buried at the high altar, and that an inscription denoted his tomb;[*] but no such inscription is now to be found. There is a marble tomb, the form of a coffin, on the south side of the high altar; but it bears no inscription, and is supposed to be that of Waldevus the second Abbot, who was canonized. The Chronicle of Mailross contains this anecdote: ‘That Ingerim Bishop of Glasgow and four Abbots came to Mailross to open the grave, after 12 years interment, when they found the body of Waldevus uncorrupted: on which, with religious rapsody, they exclaimed, Vere hic homo Dei est. ’ They afterwards placed a marble monument over the remains.

Many of the noble line of Douglas lay here; among whom is James the son of William Earl of Douglas, who was slain at the battle of Otterburn, and interred with all military honours. Lord Liddisdale, who was stiled the flower of chivalry,[†] de Valoniis, Vauxs, Somervils, Balfours, and many other men of note, lay in the chapter-house.

Upon the wall on the left, as you enter the south aile, two inscriptions strike the eye, cut in the old English letter; over one of which a compass is extended. They are as follow:
I.

So gayes the compass ev'n about,

So truth and laute do but doubt,

Behald to the end—Iohn Murdo.

II.

Iohn Murdo sum tym callit was I,

And born in Parysse certainly,

And had in kepying all masom werk

Of Santandroys,

*St Andrews.

the hye kyrk

Of Glasgu, Melros, and Paslay,

Of Nyddysdayl and of Galway,

Pray to God and Mari baith,

And sweet St Iohn keey this haly kirk from skaith.

Whilst my companion was drawing his view, I wandered in this hallowed spot till decline of day; the evening advanced with an unusual solemnity; the clouds, which were struck with crimson, reflected the beams of the setting sun into the interior parts of the building, and made the whole glow with a purple ray: the idea struck me, that celestial ministers, apparelled suitable to the weakness of the human eye, accompanied me to walk the ruined aile; the thought was sufficient to inspire a contemplative traveller with meditations as serious as the human mind is susceptible of. To add to this disposition, the wind blew a brisk gale, and gave a mournful melody; every object was solemn, and every thought devout; who could forbear exclaiming,
Thy ministers incessantly accompany us, they involve us as with this ray of light, they penetrate the eye, and read the images of the mind before they have utterance; they bear witness of our frailties, and rejoice in our virtues; perhaps by so exquisite a touch that human sense cannot distinguish it, they carry on their operations by those propensities for which we are unable to account, and influence our resolves, and struggle with our proneness to evil, that we may not deviate from thy laws.

"Millions of spiritual creatures walk the earth

"Unseen, both when we wake, and when we sleep.

"—How often from the steep

"Of echoing hill or thicket have we heard

"Celestial voices to the midnight air

"Sole—or responsive each to other's note

"Singing their great Creator? Oft in bands

"While they keep watch or nightly rounding walk

"With heav'nly touch of instrumental sounds

"In full harmonic number join'd, their songs

"Divide the night, and lift our thoughts to heaven."

These sad remains of human glory! how are their beauties defaced! thus pass away the mighty things of the earth! To the eye of him to whom ten thousand years are as one day, what vanity is the magnificence of men; here, forgotten of the world, lay in the dust princes and nobles, whose titles, authority, and power, are vanished as the baseless fabric of a vision. If spirits visit their terrestrial abodes, for it is not the will of our father which is in heaven that one of these should perish, here perhaps wander heroes, who languish over their unexpiated crimes; men of religious orders, who mourn the depravity of the human race, and the desolation of their temple, where once all human energy was breathed in prayer. If spirits visit their terrestrial walks, and leave for a time that ineffable beatitude proclaimed to us, that in heaven their angels do always behold the face of our father which is in heaven—perhaps—alas, it is too true! I lost a friend! perhaps his expanded essence fills this ray, that penetrates the gloom, rejoices in the thoughts which rise upon my mind, conveys my prayer to the divine propitiatory, prompts each virtuous fervour, and subverts all rising impropriety: perhaps, with that pure affection which he possessed when living on earth, he looks upon my countenance, commiserates the darkness of my faculties, that here are labouring for pleasure or for knowledge!

My eyes grew full of tears, my heart heaved in tumult, my hands were grasped through energy of thought, and I stood as a statue, when the approaching foot of my companion roused me, preserving my mind from a growing extravagance of imagination, which was already replete with the most affecting images.

In the morning, at sun-rise, we again returned to these splendid ruins, which had even occupied the visions of our sleep; we yet had to take a survey of the nave of the church, which is now used for worship. On opening the door, it is not to be expressed, the disagreeable scene which presented itself; this place is filled with stalls, in the disposition of which, irregularity alone seems to have been studied: some are raised on upright beams, as scaffolds, tier above tier; others supported against the walls and pillars: no two are alike in form, height, or magnitude; the same confusion of little and great, high and low, covers the floor with pews: the lights are so obstructed, that the place is as dark as a vault; the floor is nothing but the damp earth; nastiness and irregularity possess the whole scene. The fine workmanship of the pillars, whose capitals, for flowers and foliage, exceed all the rest of the building, the ribs of the arches, and the ornaments of their intersections, are scarce to be seen in the horrid gloom which possesses the place.

What idea, concomitant to religion, can dictate filthiness and confusion in a house of worship, I know not: by magnificence and splendour the eye may be diverted; but in that elegant simplicity, in which cleanness and plainness are associates, the mind abstracted from attention to worldly things, will be yielded to uninterrupted devotion. All reformation has been attended with extravagance; bigotry grows up into passion, and from one extreme the zealot rushes into another. When the pomp of Romish worship was to be corrected, the Scotch sunk into the deepest reverse. Many of the old churches in Scotland, which I have seen, are filthy and foul; one of the allotments of the Cathedral of St Andrews, in the city of Glasgow, appropriated to parochial duty, is even in the burial vaults, in the foundation of the structure, without light, but what issues through little loop-holes near to the pulpit, where the minister sits to teach his parishioners, who are lodged in outer darkness; but for uncleanness and irregularity this place exceeds them all. I have had dreams of confusion in my youth, but never formed even a diseased idea like this. It looks like the house of lunatics, it is unparallelled, and defies all language to give it a description; superior to every thing but the incongruities of a Bedlamite's disordered fancy.

But to more moderate matters: Here are several tombs of eminent personages; on the north wall is inscribed, under a coat armour, ‘Here lies the race of the house of Zair.’ Many altars, basons for holy water, and other remains of separate chapels appear in the ailes, among which are those of St Mary and St Waldave.

The sentiments which arose to me, whilst I walked or rather staggered about in this strange scene, were much to this effect: I premised that true Religion consisted of that devout fervour of mind, which gives its ideas to the Divinity, full of gratitude for his benevolence and long-sufferings, full of admiration of that majesty and mightiness which are displayed through all his works; and from a true consciousness of man's demerits and the imperfections of his judgment, full of patience, humility, and resignation. When a man who is possessed of such disposition of mind puts up a prayer, it is only for mercy and protection. In whatever class of religious men we find these premised principles best preserved, we may determine with justice, that there the true devotee is distinguished. Modes of religion are its corruption; the acceptations of a country, or the prescriptions of a peculiar set of men, may be salutary to the community in general, but in no wise conducive to the devotion of the individual. Religion has its essence from the liberty of the mind; formularies, maxims, modes, or dictions, are disguises which in the robe confound the spirit; are fetters that bind down the fervour of the mind. If the truly devout heart breathe out, "Lord have mercy on me a sinner," there is more religion in that short sentence so uttered, than in ten thousand Ave Marys, a million of liturgies, and the frippery of establishment. Charity is as unbounded as the regions of heaven, and beset with as many gems as the galaxy. Charity says, the truly religious of every age, nation, custom, profession, and mode, are acceptable to the Divinity; for it is not the mode, but the spirit that approacheth the regions of life. When I tread the walk of antiquity, I venerate the pious works of the heathen: the servant of the Deity is to be revered, let his service differ never so wide from the establishment of which I am a member: it is the essence of the act, that I sever from the defilements of custom: we judge, and may be judged; we think we are right; so did the Ancients: the Druid, the Amonian, in his acts of piety, is to be regarded without the errors of his sunshine services; he worshipped the Deity, under the symbol of the sun; an object in nature the most reasonably adopted as the image of the Creator, or as the throne of his majesty.

The Roman scattering salt and meal on the crackling coals, and making his libations to the Divinity under the type of some of his attributes, is also worthy of our reverence: the errors his modes admitted, through charity are exempt from judgment, and his real piety is estimated, divested of defilements which were contracted from the errors of the age.

The Jewish pomp and ceremony, the tumultuous and noisy sacrifice, the greasy services, and blood-bespattered altars, are all forgotten, when we trace the religion of the mind, and the piety of the devotee.

The magnificent rites of modern Rome loose their pageantry, and sink upon our estimate, when we compare them to the cell of humiliation; where piety, leaving the eye of men, retires to solitudes, and the Recluse confessing the frailties of nature, with purity of soul avows all the religious confidence of faith; we at once turn from the echoing dome, and the acclamations of a choir of eunuchs, to seek this holy devotee, the man who communes secretly with his own soul; who puts off the formulary, and presents, in his solitary cell, a genuine confession and the spirit of prayer before his God, whose presence is universal.

The Reformist, protesting against the errors of others, like the scriptural image of imperfection, plucks not the beam from his own eye; though less pompous in his service, yet he remains as ceremonious;[*] all attitudes are admitted to his devotion by intervals, except the original one, the eastern attitude, that prostration which expresses the utmost humiliation; his liturgy is filled with repetition, whilst there is surely no want of subject for supplication. When many supposed Mediators were to be addressed, repetition was attended with some reason: these are taken away, but the reiteration continues. When the reformist breathes the sighing of a contrite heart, he gains with the devotee of every denomination an acceptation which depends not upon modes.

The Presbyterian avoids much form, but admits much slovenliness, much indolence, and more negligence; yet the inward spirit, which would have been devout in any other class of religious, is the same worthy devotee in this apparel.

The silent Quaker sits meditative; his mind, unoccupied by fashion or form, is open to nature's dictates in all their simplicity; he perceives the glow of devotion, the moving spirit warms his soul, and the heart conceives what the Divinity accepts, though unuttered by the lips. The Fanatic would in the utmost agitation be in action, the Bramin be in torture, but this Religious brings offerings of peace; his God is the God of tranquillity. It is the service of the spirit is acceptable; the offices of the body are appropriated to corruption, to fashion, and the follies of the world.

The canting Hypocrite, who goes about announcing wretchedness, and breathing anathemas on mankind, is to be treated with pity and an apothecary.

Religion is replete with pleasures, and not burthened with terrors; she bringeth forth the most placid hope, and her hope is accompanied with inexhaustible images of joy. Pope's distich, as to modes of faith, is infallibly true: ‘"His sure is best whose life is in the right."’ Religion is in the manners, and not in modes of prayer.

But to return to my subject:—In one of the ailes of this part of the church, is an inscription cut in a fair letter, but of what import I cannot discover:

NUNAM: KATINE

THOME: PAULI: GUTHB.

TE: S: PETR: K. ETIGIN:

The ancient monastery of Mailross is said to have stood originally a mile from the present ruins, but by whom founded is uncertain.—One house marks the place,
on a lofty promontory, peninsulated by the Tweed: a most beautiful scene; the banks lofty and wooded, varied with perpendicular rocks, jutting like buttresses from top to bottom. This was the scite of the ancient abbey of Culdees, mentioned by Bede to have existed in 664, in the reign of the Saxon Oswy. This place was as celebrated for the austerities of Diricthelmus,[*] as ever Finchal was for those of St Godric. The first was restored to life after being dead for an entire night. During that space he passed through purgatory and hell, had the beatific vision, and got very near to the confines of heaven. His angelic guide gave him an useful lesson on the efficacy of prayer, alms, fasting, and particularly masses of holy men, infallible means to relieve the souls of friends and relations from the place of torment.
[†]

The Scotch who are ambitious of antiquity, attribute it to Columbus; some more moderate, say its original patron was Aidan. Bede says it was seated on the banks of Tweed; that the churches at that time were built of oak, thatched with reeds; and that the religious of this house maintained themselves a long time against the canons and ordinances of the Romish councils. On a peninsula formed by the river, you are shewn the scite of old Mailross, with the foundations of the wall, the porter's lodge, the chapel know, and many other places appertaining to that house; together with the remains of a bridge over Tweed. Nennius, who lived as some authors assert in 620, but according to others in 853, speaks of this monastery as a place of great note; and probably it was destroyed by the Danes when they ravaged this country. Bede gives the names of some Abbots here; Eata the first: he was succeeded by Boisil, who according to Dempster died in 643: St Cuthbert succeeded Boisil, but afterwards quitted this monastery, and went to Lindisfarne: he was succeeded by Etholwold. This is all I can collect of old Mailross. The house of which these celebrated ruins are the remains, was founded by David King of Scotland in the year 1136: it was endowed with large revenues and many immunities, as appears by the charters granted to the Abbot and Convent by the Kings of Scotland. In a manuscript said to be deposited in the Colbertine Library, giving an account of the several religious houses founded by King David, it is mentioned, Sed Melrossensum praecipue inter omnes ecclesias & fideliter defensabat & dulciter diligebat & suis opibus exornabat. Mr Hay says it is recorded in the book of taxes of the Apostolic Chamber, that King David bestowed thereon 1880 florins. The original charter of foundation was confirmed by his son Prince Henry, and intimates that he gave to this abbey the whole lands of Mailross, Eldun of Dernewie, Galtownside, Galtownside Haugh, and Galtownside Wood, and many privileges in the forests of Selkirk and Traquair; particularly betwixt Galla and Leeder. The charter also expresses, that these lands had been perambulated by the King in person, accompanied by Prince Henry, with Richard the first Abbot. The date of this charter is the second year after Stephen of Boloign, King of England, was taken prisoner, which must be in the year 1143. The witnesses are Hogo de Moreville, William de Somerville, Gervasus Riddel, &c.

The date of the foundation appears in this monkish distich:

"Anno Milleno centeno terquoque deno

"Et sexto Christi, Melrose fundita fuisti."

By the foundation charter the dedication appears to be Deo & sanctae Mariae de Mailross & Monachis ibidem deo servientibus de Riavallis, &c. of the Cistercian order; yet the church was not dedicated till the year 1146.

Richard the first Abbot was installed in the year 1136, the year of foundation: he was succeeded by Walterus or Waldevus, a son of King David, who was afterwards elected Bishop of St Andrews, but refused Episcopacy. To him many miracles were attributed; to relate one will suffice:—‘In a great famine, about 4000 poor people came to the convent of Mailross for relief, whom Waldeve the Abbot pitying, he went with his cellarer or butler Tyna to his grange at Heldwii, and then to Gattonside, and having put in the staff which he carried in his hand among the corn, it was increased through the sign of the cross, both for the supply of the convent and all these numerous poor.’ He received canonization, and many rich offerings were made at his tomb.

Joceline, a man of great learning, was Abbot here; he was afterwards made Bishop of Glasgow, but chose Mailross for the place of his interment. One Laurentius was a succeeding Abbot; also Ranulph, in 1194, who by the Legate of Pope Innocent III. was made Bishop of Down, in Ireland.

We find this monastery, like all others, very busy and warm in secular matters. The pious Legate was at Mailross to determine a dispute between this Abbey and Calehow, and to his dishonour, it is said, he took the fee of office, and left the case undetermined: and in 1268 the Abbot and a great many of the society and dependents of this monastery, were excommunicated by a Council held at Perth, for an affray with the men of Wedale, in which a Clergyman was slain, and many persons wounded.

In 1206, William the 9th Abbot of Mailross died. This was the 48th year after the death of St Waldeve. William was equally esteemed for his sanctity, and on his death it was resolved that their bodies should be laid together. As the workmen were preparing William's grave, brother Robert, who was a Mason,[*] by the incitement of some of his associates, but not without reluctance and much religious horror, raised the cover of Waldeve's tomb, when there issued a fragrance, as if the grave had been filled with spices. Being in the gloom of the evening, he brought a candle to the aperture; all who were present beheld the sacred body entire, and all the vestments as fresh and beautiful as when first put on. There were six Monks and as many Lay-brothers, who had the happiness of gratifying their pious though presumptuous curiosity.[†]

In the year 1240, the bones of the Abbots of Mailross, that lay in the entrance of the chapter-house, were taken up, and more decently buried in the eastern part of the same chapter-house, all excepting the bones of St Waldeve, whose sepulchre was opened, and his body found at last crumbled into dust. Those who were present carried off some of the small bones, leaving the rest to repose in peace. One of the company was William son to the Earl of Dunbar, and nephew to the King, a Knight of great fame. He begged and obtained a tooth of the saint, by which he is said to have wrought many cures.

In 1296, one Patrick, then Abbot, swore fealty to King Edward I.

Robert of Kindalach, a Monk and Abbot of Dunfermline, and Chancellor of Scotland, was Abbot here. Also

John Foggo, Confessor to King James I. of Scotland, and

Andrew Hunter, Lord High Treasurer and Confessor to King James II. of Scotland.

Duroys and Foggos appear in the same list, and also James Stuart, eldest natural son to King James I. he was Abbot of Kelso and also of Mailross, and died about the year 1559. After him Cardinal de Guise was nominated, but never installed.

This monastery suffered many injuries in the wars between Scotland and England. In the year 1322, it was pillaged by the troops of King Edward II. whose inglorious expedition was marked with disgrace, by the burning this and Dryburgh Abbey, and murdering a company of Monks. King Robert Bruce, for its restoration, gave, in the year 1326, 2000l. sterling, with many forfeited estates. King Richard II. again burnt this monastery, and in the reign of King Henry VIII. it was pillaged and laid waste. Sir Ralph Ivers and Sir Bryan Layton having obtained a grant of Merse and Tiviotdale, on their coming to take possession, were opposed by Archibald the 7th Earl of Angus, at Ancrum Moor, and suffered a shameful defeat. The ground where this battle was fought is called Lilliards Edge, from the singular valour of a woman who was on the side of the Scotch. Over her place of interment was erected a monument, with this inscription:

Fair maiden Lilliard lies under this stane,

Little was her stature, but great her fame;

On the English lads she laid many thumps,

And when her legs were off she fought upon her stumps.

Mailross was a mother church to all of the Cistercian order in Scotland. The Monks wrote a chronicle of this house, beginning at 735, and continued down to 1270. It had many endowments besides those of King David, particularly by King Alexander II. the family of Stuarts, and others. In the year 1561, the revenue appeared, by the account then taken, to be as follows:

- In Money — 1758l. per annum.

- Wheat — 14 chalders, 9 bolls.

- Bear — 56 chalders, 5 bolls.

- Meal — 78 chalders, 13 bolls, 1 firlot.

- Aittes — 44 chalders, 10 bolls.

- Capons — 84.

- Poultry — 620.

- Butter — 105 stone.

- Salt — 8 chalders paid out of Preston Pans.

- Peats — 340 loads.

- Carriages 500.

Mr Hay, in his Scotia Sacra, gives the following account: ‘In charta visitationis 1542, invenio Monachos ibi fuisse 100; anno 1520, 80; anno 1540, 70 & 60 conversos, quibus dabantur modia frumenti annuatim 60, cervisiae dolia 300, ad missarum solemnia vini dolia 18, ad hospites suspiciendos dolia vini 20, cervisiae 40 frumenti modia 30, infirmis nutriendis 4000lb. Turon, tonsori lib. 400. Pono monasterium omnium erat in Scotia pulcherimum & opulentissimum.’

After the reformation, the abbey of Mailross was granted by Queen Mary to James Earl of Bothwell, who forfeited the same. It then came to the family of Douglas, one of whom was created Earl of Mortan, under whose hands all the evidences of this abbey's possessions were preserved, and are now in the custody of that family. A grant was made of it to John Ramsay by King James VI. and confirmed by parliament, as a reward for preserving the King against a traiterous attempt by Lord Gowry. He was created Lord Haddington, and afterwards made a peer of England, by the title of Earl of Holdernesse. It came afterwards to Sir Thomas Hamilton, who was created Earl of Mailross in 1619, and assumed on that occasion three roses in his coat armour: he afterwards took the title of Haddington. The abbey with its demesnes were lately purchased by the family of Buccleugh.

Many large buildings have stood within the walls of the monastery, whose remains yet appear.

In returning from Mailross, we passed

Notes

*

From the Manuscripts of the late Roger Gale, Esq The following account was communicated to Roger Gale, Esq by Mr Francis Drake of York.

Norham, 14th July, 1742.
SIR,

I could heartily wish that some judicious brother of your Antiquarian Society was but to see a Gothic rarity that is in this neighbourhood, (viz.) the beauteous ruins of the Abbey of Mailross, which I shall take upon me to say, has been the most exquisite structure of its kind in either kingdom: I wont say but other abbies have been larger, such as St Albans, and some conventual churches more august, as Beverley; but this of Mailross is extravagantly rich in its imagery, niches, and all sorts of carving by the best hands that Europe could produce at that time; nay there is such a profusion of nice chisel-work in foliage and flowers at the very top of the steeple, that it cannot be seen from the ground without the help of a glass. The capital of every pillar that supports the arches of the church and the doors, are all hollowed with a small tool, being wreathed-work of all sorts of flowers, such as you have at the entrance of your chapter-house at York. Every brother has had a stall in the cloister (now much demolished) which have been variously adorned with the leaves of fern, oak, palm, holly, or some other kind of trees.

The building from the steeple to the east end is entire in the walls, but the roof (which has been of stone and carved) is much decayed.

The quire is but small, but has a noble east window, the glass all out; therein lies a marble stone without any inscription, half a hexagon, tapering smaller at the foot, of a bright green colour, and powdered full of white feathers.

The whole structure is in the form of a St John of Jerusalem's cross, the north and south ailes pretty compleat; at the north side of which is a stair-case that has led into the Prior's house.

From the steeple, westward, remain six arches of the nave, in which is the present kirk, that takes up about three of them; but how much further the ancient church has extended, I believe will be hard to know.

In every arch of the nave, both north and south, has run a cross wall into the two side ailes, making so many sacella each, with an altar and holy-water pot.

The windows are of an equal dimension, but variously figured and carved.

The cloister has been on the north side of the church, which opened into a garden, that led to the Tweed, that is there of a good breadth, and there was another garden on the opposite side of the river. Our neighbours are not wanting in the faculty of amplifying, but this thing does really exceed all their exaggerations of praise. By this you'll sneer, and say I have lived too long here, and am become as vain as they; however, I stand to my assertion.

There is printed an upright of this abbey, that is ill done. I could wish there was not only an exact whole plate, but also a view of the east end, with a distinct draught of the doors, columns, capitals, and some of the finest images, which are so well finished to the life, that Dr King of Oxford, who has been lately to see it, wished they were taken down and preserved from the weather: the whole building is of a fine stone.

I could wish also, there was an exact Ichnography drawn of the whole. The Minister is a good sensible man, a lover of this kind of antiquity, and is daily studying the walls of this church. He shewed me some of the glass of the windows, which is of an uncommon thickness, not stained through, but painted upon.

If by this mean effort, your society could be prevailed upon to take this structure into their consideration (I know not how far the Scotch gentlemen are engaged in their Monasticon Scoticum) I have gained my end, especially if you will vouchsafe me the favour of an answer to this, who am, dear cousin,

Yours affectionately, F. DRAKE.

P. S. You know our St Cuthbert was educated at this abbey. Over a door is a date of the work, and the name of the Architect. Mr Browne-Willis has had an account of this abbey sent him.

↵

*
Read, "Passus est quia ipse voluit."
↵

†
— "Cum venit Jesus, sequitur, cessabit umbra."
↵

*
Page 175.
↵

*

Ecclesiae clypeus, pax plebis, dux miserorum,

Rex rectus, rigidus, sapiens, consultus, honestus;

Rex pius, rex fortis, rex optimus, rex opulentus,

Nominis istius ipse secundus erat.

Annis ter denis & quinis rex fuit ipse,

Insula quae carneri dicitur hunc rapuit.

Spiritus alta petit, caelestibus associatus,

Sed Melrossensis ossa sepulta tenet.

↵

†
He fell a victim to the jealousy of William the first Earl of Douglas, and was assassinated. His eulogy, in the life of the Douglasses, p. 78, stiles him ‘terrible and fearful in arms; meek, mild, and gentle in peace; the scourge of England, and sure buckler and wall of Scotland, whom neither hard success could make slack, nor prosperous slothful.’
↵

*
Our reformed church of England has retained too much of the Popish spirit and custom, which tends to the destruction of rational piety and true christian worship.

Monthly Review, Sept. 1777, page 190.

↵

*
Dryethelme had a cell assigned him in the most retired part of the convent, that he might be less disturbed in his continual devotions. And the place itself being situated on the bank of the river, he used often, for the sake of mortifying his body, to go down into it, and plunge in the stream. There he continued praying and singing psalms as long as he could, the water sometimes coming up to his loins, and sometimes as far as his neck: and when he came out from it he never thought of casting off his wet and cold garments, but wore them till they grew dry and warm on his body. In the winter, when encompassed with crusts of ice, he continued this mortification, sometimes breaking the ice to make room for his standing or dipping.

Bede, lib. 5. c. 12.

↵

†
Pennant.
↵

*
A Lay Brother.
↵

†
Fordun, l. 8. c. 66.
↵

NEWSTEAD,

a little village at the distance of about a mile from the abbey, noted for a lodge of Free Masons, whose antiquity is believed to be cotemporary with the monastery at least; but some presume to trace it to a much greater distance, from its vicinity to the Helton Mountains, which entertained a Druid tribe, whose traces are evident to this day. Here are the foundations and remains of a house belonging to the Knights Templars, called Red Abbey Stead.

The name of a peculiar spot on the middle Helton Mountain, with a traditional account that it was sacred to Jupiter, and was a possession of the Druids, induced us to visit these lofty hills. We advanced to the summit of the center hill, a rise of about a mile and half: the place called Abor-jo, of which there is such tradition, engaged us some time; our guide said, that in former times it was girt with a grove of oaks, and fenced with a trench and vallum of earth. The vestiges of the trench remain, but the grove is no more. Abor was a name given by the Amonians to the great luminary, and signifies the parent of light. In Mr Bryant's work we have the following definition:—‘This luminary was also called Abor, the parent of light, and his temple Cho-abor. Of this name both a city and river were to be found in Gauzaintis, as well as in Susiaria and other parts.’—Abor-jo is an easy corruption of Abor-cho, being a mere transposition of the titles.

On the top of the north-east mountain are the traces of a large encampment. Mr Pennant says, on one of these hills ‘is a Roman camp, and that he had been informed of others, with military ways to be traced in various places.’ I am apt to conjecture Mr Pennant took this account from a little pamphlet sold at Mailross, describing that place and its environs, and did not visit it himself. The place hath not the form or appearance of a Roman camp; it has been an occasional fortification, not a permanent one: the climate and exposure of the situation will not allow a conjecture that it was designed for a continued strong-hold. The breastworks are of earth, defended by moles at irregular distances, a mode not practised by the Romans. In the beginning of Ethelwold's reign, Oswin, who claimed the crown as his right of inheritance, levied forces to recover it. This was the scene of a decisive engagement; Oswin having fortified himself strongly, at length determined to put his claim to the issue of battle: the fight continued for three successive days, beginning on the 6th of August, 761; but the event was fatal to Oswin and his adherents, Oswin dying in the field. It is most probable these fortifications were of the above date, when the disposition of the crown of Northumberland was determined by the event I have mentioned.

King Alexander III. levied a great army in 1258, which rendezvoused at Mailross, where the King continued some time. There is scarce an eminence on these borders, but what bears the marks of warfare. From the north-east eminence there is a most extensive and beautiful prospect, commanding all the vale of Tweed down to Berwick, a fine though distant view of Tiviotdale; the northern and western views are rugged and mountainous.

After repassing Kelso, we arrived at

COLDSTREAM,

having kept the northern side of Tweed. The views on this ride were open and beautiful: we passed the seat of Dr Johnston, finely covered with wood; also the seat of Lord Hume, around which extensive plantations of young firs are arising, and already have an excellent effect upon the landskip. The elegant house of Mr Majoribanks, by Coldstream, loses half its beauty in want of wood.

APPENDIX. Anno decimo quarto Elizabethae cap. 13. An Act for annexing Exam and Examshire to the County of Northumberland.

WHereas for the space of diverse years last past, the Queen her Highness and her most dearly and beloved father King Henry the Eighth, King Edward the Sixth her Highness's brother, Queen Mary her sister, as in right of the Imperial Crown of this realm of England by reason of an exchange had and passed between the said late King Henry the Eighth and the late Reverend Father Robert Archbishop of York, in the eighth year of the most noble reign of the said late King Henry, have been, and her Majesty yet is seized of and in the franchise and liberty of Exam and Examshire, lying within the body and middle of the county of Northumberland, which said liberty and territories, when it was in the hands of the said Archbishop, was commonly termed and called a county palatine, where in right or proof there was none such; yet by reason of that error ever since and yet there hath been and are diverse opinions, besides some question and doubt, whether the liberty and territory of Exam and Examshire should and ought to be part of the said county of Northumberland or otherwise exempted, and whether the dwellers and inhabitants there should and ought to be justifiable and answer to justice as others of the said county of Northumberland are and ought or not, and the like question and doubt yet is and remaineth; by reason whereof not only pleas of the crown and suits betwixt party and party suffer continues, stays, letts, and also have no end of tryal; and besides the most and greatest offenders to the crown and their country have and daily run thither, as to a Sanctuary, upon hope and trust of refuge thereby, to the great comfort and encouragement of many the vilest and worst subjects and offenders in all the north parts, and to the great offence of the Almighty and most manifest hinderance of good execution of law and justice:—In and for the due remedy and redress of such great enormities and apparent mischiefs, may it please the Queen her Majesty, That by her Highness, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons in this high court of Parliament assembled, it may be enacted, manifested, and declared by the authority of the same, the said territories, franchises, and liberties of Exam and Examshire, with the liberty of the same, may be, is, and shall be from henceforth taken to be within and part, parcel, and member of the said county of Northumberland; and that as well all suits of the crown as also all suits betwixt party and party, may proceed and have their due tryal within the said county of Northumberland by and before the Sheriffs and Coroners of the said shire, and also before the Justices of the Peace, Justices of Gaol Delivery, Justices of Assize, Nisi Prius, Oyer and Terminer, and other officers, and each and every of them as the case shall require, and take effect as any of the like have been or ought to be, which have happened or shall hereafter happen within the said county of Northumberland; and that from henceforth the Sheriff and other officers of the county of Northumberland for the time being may have full power and authority to execute his and their office, and all process to him and them directed within Exam or Examshire, and the liberties of the same, in as large and ample manner as he or they may, should, or ought to do within any other part of the said county of Northumberland, (any grant, privilege, custom, usage, liberty, or any thing else whatsoever heretofore made, claimed, used, had, put in use or execution, or enjoyed, to the contrary notwithstanding) saving to the Bailiff of the liberty, or other officer of the said town of Exam and Examshire, or the liberties thereof, all such liberties and privileges for executing of process, return of writs, and otherwise, as they or any of them of right ought to have before the making of this act.

ITINERARY and INDEX.

- INTRODUCTION.

- Genealogical Table of the Kings of Northumberland.

- A State of Northumberland under the Romans, and the Succession of Kings under the Saxon Heptarchy.

- A Chronological Table of the Kings of Northumberland.

- A Table of Coins.

- ALDSTON in Cumberland Page 3

- WHITLEY CASTLE, the Alione of the Romans —

- KIRKHAUGH Page 7

- KNARESDALE, with a description of the Roman Maiden Way Page 8

- KNARESDALE HALL Page 9

- LAMBLEY —

- FEATHERSTON CASTLE, with a Plate Page 10

- BELLISTER CASTLE Page 11

- HALTWEZELL Page 12

- CARR-VORAN, the Magna of the Romans Page 14

- with a Plate of Inscriptions Page 18

- BLENKINSOP CASTLE —

- THE PICTS WALL described Page 19

- Part of the Manuscripts of Roger Gale, Esq —Two letters from Mr John Horsley, notes Page 40

- THIRLWALL CASTLE, with a large Plate Page 42

- WARDREW Page 43

- WALL TOWN Page 44

- GREAT CHESTERS, the Aesica of the Romans —

- Plate of monumental Effigies Page 46

- WILLIMOTESWICK Page 50

- LITTLE CHESTERS, the Vindolona of the Romans —

- A sketch of the mode of sacrificing Page 54

- HOUSE STEADS, the Borcovicus of the Romans Page 61

- MANUSCRIPTS of R. Gale. Esq—Letter from J. WARBURTON, with Mr Gale's Notes thereon, notes

- SHEWING SHEELS, called by Camden the Hunnum of the Romans Page 64

- CARROWBROUGH, the Procolitia of the Romans Page 65

- WALWICK Page 71

- WALWICK CHESTERS, the Cilurnum of the Romans Page 72

- Plate of the Roman manner of encamping, according to POLYBIUS Page 73

- Plate of an ideal drawing of a ROMAN CAMP Page 79

- WALWICK GRANGE

- Plate of a monumental Effigy and Inscription Page 81

- Plate of another monumental Effigy Page 82

- Plate of another monumental Effigy and Inscription Page 83

- HEXHAM Page 86

- Plate of an elegant Inscription in the CHURCH OF HEXHAM.

- Plate of a Tomb in the Church.

- Plate of an Effigy of Silenus in the Church.

- Large Plate of Antiquities in the Church.

- Plate of an Inscription in the Old Tower.

- Manuscripts of R. Gale, Esq—Letter from Sir John Clerk, notes Page 101

- HAYDEN BRIDGE Page 109

- LANGLEY CASTLE —

- RIDLEY HALL Page 110

- STAWARD CASTLE Page 111

- WHITFIELD HALL Page 112

- Manuscripts of R Gale, Esq notes Page 112

- Letters from R. Gale, Esq to Mr John Warburton notes Page 112

- — from Mr J. Warburton to Mr Gale notes Page 112

- — from Mr Gale to Mr Warburton notes Page 112

- BLANCHLAND Page 118

- BOLBECK Page 119

- MINSTER ACRES Page 120

- PRUDHOE Page 121

- A Plate of the Castle.

- OVINGHAM Page 127

- WYLAM —

- CLOSE HOUSE Page 128

- RUTCHESTER, the Vindoiata of the Romans —

- CHEESBURN GRANGE Page 130

- BYWELL Page 131

- STAMFORDHAM Page 135

- FENWICK TOWER —

- WEST MATFEN —

- WELTON TOWER Page 138

- HALTON TOWER —

- HALTON CHESTERS, the Hunnum of the Romans Page 140

- AYDEN CASTLE Page 142

- CORBRIDGE Page 144

- AN ELEGANT LARGE PLATE of the Roman Laux found at Corbridge, now in the custody of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland.

- Manuscripts of R. Gale, Esq—Letters on this Piece of Antiquity, from Mr Robert Cay, Sir John Clerk, Mr Maurice Johnson, Dr Stukeley, and Mr Gale Page 146

- Manuscripts, &c. notes Page 162

- Letter from Mr Horsley to Mr Gale on the Roman Altars found at Corbridge notes Page 162

- — from Mr Gale to Mr Horsley notes Page 162

- A LARGE PLATE, an Etching of the Altar inscribed to Astarte, now in the custody of the Rev. Dr Graham of Netherby.

- CORCHESTER, the Corstopidum of the Romans Page 168

- DILSTON Page 170

- NUNSBROUGH Page 172

- BEAUFRONT Page 173

- Manuscripts, &c.—Letter from Mr Robert Cay to Roger Gale, Esq

- PORTGATE Page 174

- THOCKRINGTON —

- LITTLE BAVINGTON —

- ST. OSWALDS Page 175

- HANGING SHAWS Page 177

- HALYTON MESNES —

- HAUGHTON CASTLE —

- SWINBURN CASTLE Page 178

- CHIPCHASE CASTLE —

- WARK Page 179

- BELLINGHAM Page 180

- HEZLEYSIDE —

- RISINGHAM, the Habitancum of the Romans. —

- ETCHING of the Effigy on a Rock called Robin of Risingham.

- Inscriptions found at CHESTER HOPE Page 184

- ELISHAW Page 193

- ELSDEN —

- Manuscripts, &c.—Letter from the Rev. Mr Robert Patten to R. Gale, Esq notes.

- OTTERBURN Page 196

- An Account of the Battle of OTTERBURN.

- Manuscripts, &c.—Letter from Mr J. Horsley to R. Gale, Esq notes.

- RIECHESTER, the Bremenium of the Romans Page 198 Manuscripts, &c.

- Letter from Mr Robert Cay to R. Gale, Esq

- — Mr Gale's Answer.

- — from Sir John Clerk to R. Gale, Esq

- — from Mr J. Horsley to R. Gale, Esq

- — from the same.

- — from the same.

- — Mr Gale's Answer.

- — from Mr J. Horsley to R. Gale, Esq

- — Mr Gale's Answer.

- — from Mr J. Horsley to R. Gale, Esq

- — from the same.

- PLATE of a Sculpture and Inscription lately found at this Station, not published before.

- NUNWICK Page 211

- SYMONDBURN Page 212

- BAVINGTON Page 216

- CAPHEATON —

- HARNHAM Page 217

- BELSEY CASTLE Page 218

- LITTLE HARLE Page 219

- KIRK HARLE —

- WALLINGTON Page 220

- ROTHLY CASTLE Page 223

- ROTHBURY Page 227

- HEPPLE Page 228

- CARTINGTON —

- HALYSTONE Page 229

- HARBOTTLE CASTLE —

- WHITTINGHAM Page 230

- CALLELEY —

- LEMINGTON Page 231

- EDLINGHAM Page 232

- ESLINGTON —

- LITTLE RYLE AND UNTHANK Page 233

- BITTLESDON —

- BOLTON —

- EGLINGHAM Page 234

- BEANLY —

- A Plate of Percy's Cross.

- RODHAM Page 235

- A Plate of the Druids Monument at Three-stone Burn Page 236

- LINHOPE SPOUT —

- ILDERTON Page 237

- LILBURN —

- CHILLINGHAM CASTLE —

- HORTON CASTLE Page 240

- WOOLER Page 241

- The Battle at Redrigs Page 242

- YEVERING Page 243

- YEVERING BELL, a Saxon Monument Page 246

- With a large Plate of the Monument on the Crown of the Mountain called Yevering Bell.

- NEWTON EAST AND WEST TOR Page 257

- Remarks on the Country and Inhabitants Page 258

- KIRK NEWTON Page 260

- THE CASTLE OF COPELAND —

- The Battles of Milfield, Haltwell-Sweir, and Broonridge Page 261

- KELSO Page 263

- A large Plate of the North-east Aspect of KELSO ABBEY.

- A small Plate of the South-east Aspect of KELSO ABBEY Page 266

- ROXBURGH CASTLE Page 271

- A Plate of a fine Danish Fort on the Banks of Tweed Page 279

- A Description of the Fort Page 280

- DRYBURGH ABBEY Page 281

- A small Plate of the Ruins of the Abbey —

- MAILROSS Page 282 Manuscripts, &c.

- Letter from Mr Francis Drake, of York, to Roger Gale, Esq —notes.

- A large Plate of the South-east Aspect of MAILROSS ABBEY.

- NEW STEAD Page 299

- COLDSTREAM Page 301

- End of the First Part.

- APPENDIX. Act of Parliament for annexing Exam and Examshire to the county of Northumberland.

ERRATA.

- Page 22 line 22 for Praetentatura read Praetentura.

- — 34 for Praetentatura read Praetentura.

- 93 10 for TRIDSTOL read FRIDSTOL.

- 97 — for Fig. III. under the plate, read Fig. IIII.

- 183 27 for page 38 read page 48.

- 223 — for Rothbury read Rothly.

- 229 — for Unfranvil read Umfrevill.

- 276 — for hav- read having

- 286 33 for high altar read choir.

- 34 for this part read high altar.

- — for three windows towards the East and two side windows in the aile, read by three windows, one towards the East and two side windows.

- 37 for center read other.

Order of the Plates.

- Genealogical Table of the Kings of Northumberland to face the 1st page of the Introduction.

- A Plate of Thirlwall Castle Page 42

- — Inscription in the Church at Hexham Page 91

- — The Effigies in the Church of Hexham, &c. Page 97

- — Inscription in the great Tower at Hexham Page 107

- — The Roman Lanx found at Corbridge, now in the Custody of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland Page 145

- — The Altar found at Corbridge Page 166

- — The Monument on Yevering Bell Page 246

- — The North-east Aspect of Kelso Abbey Page 263

- — The South-east Aspect of Mailross Abbey Page 282

BOOKS printed by T. SAINT, and sold by the Booksellers in Town and Country.

- Price 6s. An EXCURSION to the LAKES in Westmoreland and Cumberland, by W. HUTCHINSON.

- Price 4s. The SPIRIT of MASONRY, in Moral and Elucidatory LECTURES. By W. HUTCHINSON, Master of the Barnardcastle Lodge of Concord.

- Price 5s. OBSERVATIONS ON POPULAR ANTIQUITIES; Including the whole of Mr BOURNE'S Antiquitates Vulgares, with Addenda to every Chapter of that Work: As also, an APPENDIX containing such Articles on that Subject, as have been ommitted by that Author. By J. BRAND, A. B. and F.S.A.

- Price 1s. 6d. ILLICIT LOVE, a POEM. By J. BRAND, A. B. of Lincoln College, Oxford, F. S. A.

Information about this book

Title statement

A view of Northumberland with an excursion to the abbey of Mailross in Scotland. By W. Hutchinson: [pt.1]

Hutchinson, William, 1732-1814.

Publication

Distributor

University of Oxford Text Archive
Oxford University Computing Services
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ota@oucs.ox.ac.uk

ID [ota]

http://ota.ox.ac.uk/id/4836

ID [isbn10]

1106018354

ID [isbn13]

9781106018359

ID [TCP]

K080053.001

ID [BIBNO]

CW3304152874

ID [ECHG]

0085300201

Availability

Distributed by the University of Oxford under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License

Source

— A view of Northumberland with an excursion to the abbey of Mailross in Scotland. By W. Hutchinson, Hutchinson, William, 1732-1814.. 2v.,plates ; 4⁰. Newcastle :: printed by T. Saint, for W. Charnley, and Messrs Vesey & Whitfield,. 1778 [1779?]. [The dedication is dated 1779.] [The dedication and the titlepages to each volume are engraved.] [Includes: 'A state of the churches under the Archdeaconry of Northumberland, ..and 'Ancient customs which prevail in the county .. '.] [Vol. 2 was reissued around 1795 by John Catnach of Alnwick, and its cancel title reads 'The history of the following places in Northumberland'.] [Reproduction of original from the British Library.] [English Short Title Catalog, ESTCT99506.] [Electronic data. Farmington Hills, Mich. : Thomson Gale, 2003. Page image (PNG). Digitized image of the microfilm version produced in Woodbridge, CT by Research Publications, 1982-2002 (later known as Primary Source Microfilm, an imprint of the Gale Group).]

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