The history of Hindostan: from the earliest account of time, to the death of Akbar; translated from the Persian of Mahummud Casim Ferishta of Delhi: ... With an appendix, containing the history of the Mogul empire, from its decline in the reign of Mahummud Shaw, to the present times. By Alexander Dow. ... [pt.1] — Tārı̄kh-i Firishtah. English

Table of contents

- [frontispiece]

- [titlepage]

- TO THE KING.

- CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

- PREFACE.

- A DISSERTATION CONCERNING THE Customs, Manners, Language, Religion and Philosophy of the HINDOOS.

- A CATALOGUE OF THE GODS OF THE HINDOOS.

- [map]

- PART I. The History of the HINDOOS, before the first Invasion of HINDOSTAN by the MAHO MEDANS.

- SECTION I. Of the fabulous Accounts of the Hindoos concerning their Origin.—A Specimen of their ancient History.

- SECTION II. Of the Origin of the Hindoos.

- SECTION III. Of the Reign of Krishen, the Founder of the Dynasty of the Marages.

- SECTION IV. Of the Reign of Marage, the son of Krishen, and of the Dynasties of the Marages and Keshrorages.

- SECTION V. Of the Reign of Firose Ra, and the Dissolution of the Dynasty of the Keshrorage.

- SECTION VI. Of the Reign of Soorage; and the Dynasty of that Name.

- SECTION VII. Of Barage.

- SECTION VIII. Of the Reign of Keidar the Brahmin.

- SECTION IX. Of the Reign of Shinkol and of his Son and Successor Rhoat.

- SECTION X. Of the Reign of Merage.

- SECTION XI. Of the Reign of Kederage.

- SECTION XII. Of the Reign of Jeichund.

- SECTION XIII. Of the Reigns of Delu and the two Foors.

- SECTION XIV. Of Callian Chund.

- SECTION XV. Of the Reign of Ramdeo Rhator.

- SECTION XVI. Of the Reign of Partab Chund.

- SECTION XVII. Of Annindeo, Maldeo, and the Dissolution of the Empire.

- PART II. The History of the Empire of Ghizni.

- SECTION I. Of the first Appearance of the Star of Islamism in Hin dostan, together with a summary Account of those Ma hommedans, by whom the Empire of Ghizni was formed.

- SECTION II. The Reign of Nasir ul-dien Subuctagi, the Founder of the Empire of Ghizni.

- SECTION III. The Reign of Amir Ismaiel ben Nasir ul dien Subuctagi.

- SECTION IV. The History of the Reign of Amin ul Muluc, Emin ul Dowla, Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, from his Accession to the Year 403.

- SECTION V. The History of the Reign of Sultan Mamood, from the Year 403 to his Death in the Year 419.

- SECTION V. The History of the Reign of Jellal ul Dowla, Jemmal ul Muluck SULTAN MAHUMMUD, ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.

- SECTION VI. The Reign of Shahab ul dowla Jemmal ul Muluck Sultan MUSAOOD ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.

- SECTION VII. The Reign of Abul Fatte, Chutub ul Muluck Shahab ul Dowla AMIR MODOOD ben Musaood ben Mamood Ghiznavi.

- SECTION VIII. The Reign of Abu Jaffier MUSAOOD ben Modood.

- SECTION IX. The Reign of Sultan ABUL HASSEN ALI ben Musaood.

- SECTION X. The Reign of Zein ul Muluck, Sultan ABDUL RESHID.

- SECTION XI. The Reign of Jemmal ul Dowla FEROCH ZAAD, ben Sultan Musaood Ghiznavi.

- SECTION XII. The Reign of Zahir ul Dowla SULTAN IBRAHIM, ben Musaood Ghiznavi.

- SECTION XIII. The Reign of Alla ul Dowla MUSAOOD, ben Ibrahim ben Musaood Ghiznavi.

- SECTION XIV. The Reign of Sultan ul Dowla ARSILLA SHAW ben Musaood.

- SECTION XV. The Reign of Moaz ul dowla BYRAM SHAW, ben Musaood.

- SECTION XVI. The Reign of Zehiri ul dowla CHUSERO SHAW ben Byram Shaw Ghiznavi.

- SECTION XVII. The Reign of CHUSERO MALLECK, ben Chusero Shaw.

- SECTION XVIII. Of the Dynasty of Ghor.

- SECTION XIX. The Reign of Shaw Chursied Ahtiesham SULTAN MOAZ UL DIEN; known in Hindostan by the name of SHAB UL DIEN MAHUMMUD GHORI.

- PART III. The History of the EMPIRE OF DELHI, from the Accession of CUTTUB to the Throne, to the Invasion of TIMUR.

- SECTION I. The Reign of Sultan CUTTUB UL DIEN ABIEK.

- SECTION II. The Reign of TAJE UL DIEN ELDOZE.

- SECTION III. The Reign of Sultan ARAM SHAW, ben Sultan Cuttub ul dien Abiek.

- SECTION IV. The Reign of SHUMSE UL DIEN ALTUMSH.

- SECTION V. The Reign of Ruckun ul dien FEROSE SHAW ben Sultan Shumse ul dien Altumsh.

- SECTION VI. The Reign of MALLEKE DORAN SULTANA RIZIA.

- SECTION VII. The Reign of Sultan Moaz ul dien BYRAM SHAW ben Sultan Shumse ul dien Altumsh.

- SECTION VIII. The Reign of Sultan ALLA UL DIEN MUSAOOD SHAW, the son of Ruckun ul dien Firoze Shaw.

- SECTION IX. The Reign of Sultan NASIR UL DIEN MAMOOD ben Sultan Shumse ul dien Altumsh.

- SECTION X. The Reign of Sultan YEAS UL DIEN BALIN.

- SECTION XI. The Reign of Sultan MOAZ UL DIEN KEI KUBAD, ben Bughera Chan, ben Sultan Yeas ul dien Balin.

- SECTION XII. The Reign of SULTAN JELLAL UL DIEN Firose of Chillige.

- SECTION XIII. The Reign of ALLA UL DIEN, called SECUNDER SANI.

- SECTION XIV. The Reign of SHAB UL DIEN OMAR ben Sultan ALLA UL DIEN CHILLIGIE.

- SECTION XV. The Reign of CUTTUB UL DIEN MUBARICK SHAW CHIL LIGE.

- SECTION XVI. The Reign of Sultan YEAS UL DIEN TUGLICK SHAW.

- SECTION XVII. The Reign of Sultan MAHUMMUD the son of YEAS UL DIEN TUGHLICK SHAW.

- SECTION XVIII. The Reign of Sultan Moazim Mohizzib FIROSE SHAW, the son of Sallar Rigib.

- SECTION XIX. The Reign of YEAS UL DIEN, TUGHLICK SHAW, the son of Fatte Chan, and grandson of Sultan Firose Shaw.

- SECTION XX. The Reign of ABU BICKER SHAW, the son of Ziffer Chan, and grandson of Firose Shaw.

- SECTION XXI. The Reign of NASIR UL DUNIA UL DIEN MAHUMMUD SHAW, the son of Firose Shaw.

- SECTION XXII. The Reign of NASIR UL DIEN MAMOOD SHAW, the son of Mahummud Shaw.

THE HISTORY OF HINDOSTAN.

END of the FIRST VOLUME.

From an Original Painting
•. Taylor sculp Shaw Allum the present Emperor of Hindostan.

THE HISTORY OF HINDOSTAN; FROM THE EARLIEST ACCOUNT OF TIME, TO THE DEATH OF AKBAR; TRANSLATED FROM THE PERSIAN OF MAHUMMUD CASIM FERISHTA OF DELHI: TOGETHER WITH A DISSERTATION Concerning the RELIGION and PHILOSOPHY of the BRAHMINS; WITH An APPENDIX, Containing the History of the MOGUL EMPIRE, from its Decline in the Reign of MAHUMMUD SHAW, to the present Times.

By ALEXANDER DOW.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOLUME I.

LONDON: Printed for T. BECKET and P. A. DE HONDT, in the Strand. MDCCLXVIII.

TO THE KING.

SIR,

THE History of India is laid, with great humility, at the foot of the throne. As no inconsiderable part of Hindostan, is now in a manner comprehended within the circle of the British empire, there is a propriety in addressing the history of that country to the Sovereign.

The success of your Majesty's arms has laid open the East to the researches of the curious; and your gracious acceptance of this first, though small specimen of the literature of Asia, will excite men of greater abilities than the present translator possesses, to study the annals of a people, remarkable for their antiquity, civilization, and the singular character of their religion and manners.

In the history of Hindostan, now offered to your Majesty, the people of Great-Britain may see a striking contrast of their own condition; and, whilst they feel for human nature suffering under despotism, exult at the same time, in that happy liberty, which they enjoy under the government of a Prince who delights in augmenting the security and felicity of his subjects.

That your Majesty may long remain a public blessing, and reign for a series of many years over this happy nation, is the sincere prayer of

Your Majesty's most dutiful, most humble, and most devoted subject and servant, ALEXANDER DOW.

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

- A DISSERTATION concerning the customs, manners, language, religion, and philosophy of the Hindoos, p. xxi.

PART I. THE HISTORY OF THE HINDOOS, BEFORE THE FIRST INVASION OF HINDOSTAN, BY THE MAHOMEDANS.

- SECT. I. Of the fabulous accounts of the Hindoos concerning their origin.—A specimen of their ancient history, 1

- SECT. II. Of the origin of the Hindoos, 7

- SECT. III. Of the Reign of Krishen, the founder of the Dynasty of the Marages, 10

- SECT. IV. Of the Reign of Marage the son of Krishen, and of the Dynasties of the Marages and Keshrorages, 11

- SECT. V. Of the Reign of Firosera, and the dissolution of the Dynasty of Keshrorage, 14

- SECT. VI. Of the Reign of Soorage, and the Dynasty of that name, 15

- SECT. VII. Of Barage, 17

- SECT. VIII. Of the Reign of Keidar the Brahmin, 18

- SECT. IX. Of the Reign of Shinkol, and of his son and successor, Rhoat, ibid.

- SECT. X. Of the Reign of Merage, p. 21

- SECT. XI. Of the Reign of Kederage, 22

- SECT. XII. Of the Reign of Jeichund, 23

- SECT. XIII. Of the Reigns of Delu, and the two Foors, 23

- SECT. XIV. Of Callian Chund, 25

- SECT. XV. Of the Reign of Rhamdeo Rhator, 28

- SECT. XVI. Of the Reign of Partab Chund, 31

- SECT. XVII. Of Annindeo, Maldeo, and the dissolution of the empire, 32

PART II. THE HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF GHIZNI

- SECT. I. Of the first appearance of the star of Islamism, in Hindostan, together with a summary account of those Mahomedans, by whom the empire of Ghizni was formed, 34

- SECT. II. The Reign of Nasir ul dien Subuctagi, the founder of the empire of Ghizni, 39

- SECT. III. The Reign of Amir Ismaiel ben Nasir ul dien Subuctagi, 50

- SECT. IV. The History of the Reign of Amin ul Muluck, Emin ul Dowla, Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, from his accession to the year 403, 52

- SECT. V. The History of the Reign of Sultan Mamood, from the year 403, to his death in the year 419, 69

- SECT. V. The History of the Reign of Jellal ul Dowla Jemmal ul Muluck, Sultan Mahummud, ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, 99

- SECT. VI. The Reign of Shahab ul Dowla Jemmal ul Muluck Sultan Musaood ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, 101

- SECT. VII. The Reign of Abul Fatte, Chutub ul Muluck Shahab ul Dowla Amir Modood ben Musaood ben Mamood Ghiznavi, 115

- SECT. VIII. The Reign of Abu Jaffier Musaood ben Modood, 123

- SECT. IX. The Reign of Sultan Abul Hassen Ali ben Musaood, ibid.

- SECT. X. The Reign of Zein ul Muluck, Sultan Abdul Reshid, 124

- SECT. XI. The Reign of Jemmal ul Dowla Feroch Zaad ben Sultan Musaood Ghiznavi. 126

- SECT. XII. The Reign of Zehir ul Dowla Sultan Ibrahim ben Musaood Ghiznavi, 128

- SECT. XIII. The Reign of Alla ul Dowla Musaood, ben Ibrahim ben Musaood Ghiznavi, 132

- SECT. XIV. The Reign of Sultan ul Dowla Arsilla Shaw ben Musaood, 133

- SECT. XV. The Reign of Moaz ul Dowla Byram Shaw ben Musaood, 135

- SECT. XVI. The Reign of Zehir ul Dowla Chusero Shaw ben Byram Shaw Ghiznavi, 140

- SECT. XVII. The Reign of Chusero Malleck, ben Chusero Shaw, 141

- SECT. XVIII. Of the Dynasty of Ghor, 143

- SECT. XIX. The Reign of Shaw Chursihed Ahtiesham Sultan Moaz ul dien, known in Hindostan by the name of Shab ul dien Mahummud Ghori, 148

PART III. THE HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF DELHI, FROM THE ACCESSION OF CUTTUB TO THE THRONE, TO THE INVASION OF TIMUR.

- SECT. I. The Reign of Sultan Cuttub ul dien Abiek, 164

- SECT. II. The Reign of Taje ul dien Eldoze, 173

- SECT. III. The Reign of Sultan Aram Shaw ben Sultan Cuttub ul dien Abiek, 175

- SECT. IV. The Reign of Shumse ul dien Altumsh, 176

- SECT. V. The Reign of Ruckun ul dien Firose Shaw ben Sultan Shumse ul dien Altumsh, 182

- SECT. VI. The Reign of Malleke Doran Sultana Rizia, 183

- SECT. VII. The Reign of Sultan Moaz ul dien Byram Shaw ben Sultan Shumse ul dien Altumsh, 187

- SECT. VIII. The Reign of Sultan Alla ul dien Musaood Shaw, the son of Ruckun ul dien Firose Shaw, 190

- SECT. IX. The Reign of Sultan Nasir ul dien Mamood ben Sultan Shumse ul dien Altumsh, 192

- SECT. X. The Reign of Sultan Yeas ul dien Balin, 203

- SECT. XI. The Reign of Sultan Moaz ul dien Kei Kubad, ben Bughera Chan, ben Sultan Yeas ul dien Balin, 222

- SECT. XII. The Reign of Sultan Jellal ul dien Firose of Chillige, 232

- SECT. XIII. The Reign of Alla ul dien, called Secunder Sani, 255

- SECT. XIV. The Reign of Shab ul dien Omar ben Sultan Alla ul dien Chillige, 295

- SECT. XV. The Reign of Cuttub ul dien Mubarick Shaw Chillige, 297

- SECT. XVI. The Reign of Sultan Yeas ul dien Tuglick Shaw, 308

- SECT. XVII. The Reign of Sultan Mahummud, the son of Yeas ul dien Tughlick Shaw, 313

- SECT. XVIII. The Reign of Sultan Moazim Mohizzib Firose Shaw, the son of Sallar Rigib, 336

- SECT. XIX. The Reign of Yeas ul dien Tughlick Shaw, the son of Fatte Chan, and grandson of Sultan Firose Shaw, 350

- SECT. XX. The Reign of Abu Bicker Shaw, the son of Ziffer Chan, and grandson of Firose Shaw, 352

- SECT. XXI. The Reign of Nasir ul dunia ul dien Mahummud Shaw, the son of Firose Shaw, 353

- SECT. XXII. The Reign of Nasir ul dien Mamood Shaw, the son of Mahummud Shaw, 359

PREFACE.

THE translator of the following history of the Mahommedan empire in Hindostan, having in a military capacity resided for some time in the kingdom of Bengal, dedicated the most of his leisure hours to the study of the oriental languages. The Persian tongue being the most polite and learned, as well as the most universally understood in Asia, engaged his principal attention.

The intimate connection which the British nation now have, with a part of Hindostan, renders the knowledge of the country languages of great importance to the servants of the public in that part of the world. The translator, who had extended his views in the way of his profession, thought it so capital a point for him, that he persevered for some years, in that dry and difficult study, and incurred a very considerable expence, in retaining masters, and in procuring manuscripts.

Though to qualify himself for action, and negotiation in India, was the primary object of the translator, yet in proportion as he advanced in his studies, other motives for his continuing them arose. He found, that however different the manner of the eastern writers may be from the correct taste of Europe, there are many things in their works worthy of the attention of literary men. Their poetry it is true is too turgid and florid, and the diction of their historians too diffuse and verbose. Yet in the first we meet with some passages truly elegant and sublime; and amidst the redundancy of the latter, there appears sometimes a nervousness of expression, and a manliness of sentiment, which might do honour to any historical genius in the west.

Locked up in the difficulties of the Persian tongue, the literature of Asia has been hitherto little known in Europe. From an ignorance so unpardonable in this investigating age, a very unfavourable idea has prevailed concerning the learning, as well as history, of the eastern nations. Full of prejudices so natural to an European, the translator entered upon the study of the oriental languages. Whatever aid a knowledge of them might give to his private views, he little hoped to be able to convert his studies to the amusement or instruction of the public. To translate some piece of history, was, by his teachers, recommended to him as a proper exercise in the Persian. The works of Mahummud Casim Ferishta of Delhi, who flourished in the reign of Jehangire, about the beginning of the seventeenth century, was put into his hands for that purpose. As he advanced, a greater field gradually opened before him. He found, with some degree of astonishment, the minute and authentic history of a great empire, the name of which had scarcely ever travelled to Europe.

To open a door to the literary treasures, which lay concealed in the obscurity of the Persian, the translator resolved to proceed in his version of Ferishta's history, and to give it to the public as a small specimen of what men of greater abilities may hereafter meet with in that language. But before he had fully accomplished this design, injuries in rank, and other motives, forced him to quit the company's service, and to return to England. Being, at his departure from India, possessed only of one volume of the original, he has been obliged to confine himself to it; and to leave the second volume, which contains the particular histories of the Decan, Bengal, Guzerat, and Cashmire, to a more favourable opportunity, or to the employment of some other hand. This circumstance has occasioned some chasms in that part of the history which is now given to the public; and many material transactions of those nations, of whom Ferishta in his second volume treats, are only slightly mentioned.

The reigns of the Mogul Emperors, from Akbar, with whom our author concludes his general history, have been written by different historians. But so voluminous are those works, that to attempt a translation, would be a laborious and very tedious task. Since the days of Ferishta, no writer that has come to our knowledge, has abridged the history of India, and therefore the translator had formed a design to compile from various authors that very essential part of the history of the Mogul empire, which is not comprehended in the following translation.

With a view to accomplish this undertaking, the translator, who had been honoured with the particular friendship of the present Mogul, applied in person to that Prince, for such books, and authentic records, as were necessary to compleat the History of Hindostan. The King approved very much of his design, and gave orders to his secretary to grant his request. But in the mean time the translator quitted the service, and retired to Calcutta. To revive however his Majesty's memory upon that subject, he wrote to him; and as the manner of writing to eastern Princes may afford matter of some curiosity to the public, we shall here give a literal translation of the letter.

To the audience of the admitted into the presence of the treasury of liberality, and beneficence: To the sage director of the ways of truth, the Kibla[*] of the world, and the asylum of the inhabitants of the universe, whose kingdom and renown last for ever, it is most humbly presented;

That a servant, nourished by their[†] bounty, having, from their splendid presence, obtained leave of departure, hath now reached the city of Calcutta, where, retired from the noise of public affairs, he prays for their Majesty's welfare.

Moved by a grateful remembrance of their royal favour, warmed by the fame, justice, and glorious exploits and conquests of the emperors of the paradisiacal regions of Hindostan; but more particularly excited by the renown of the imperial house of Timur[‡], lord of ages! And also by a desire to gratify the curiosity of distant nations, with the great actions of a splendid dynasty of Kings, he has dared to aspire to translate the history of Hindostan, from the best and most authentic Persian authors, into the English language, now strong, learned and universal.

From the first rising of the star of the faith, upon these paradisiacal plains, unto the end of the glorious reign of ARSH ASTANI MAHUMMUD AKBAR, King, the history of Empire has been already penned: but, from that period to the present time, materials have been wanting to their Majesty's servant: he therefore breathes in hope, that their sublime Majesty will signify their royal pleasure to the RAI RAIAN, chief secretary of the illustrious presence, to supply their servant with such books and authentic records, as are necessary to accomplish his great design. Thus shall the glory of their renown shine forth to European eyes, with that splendor, which, from the firmament of empire, hath hitherto enlightened the East.

The government of the presidency of Bengal, have of late, in some particulars, imbibed the political principles of the East; for all private correspondence with any of the country powers is strictly prohibited. The above letter was dispatched by the translator to a friend at Allahabad, the present residence of the Emperor, with a request to deliver it in person to that prince. But whether afraid of his superiors, or guilty of an unaccountable neglect, that gentleman returned to Calcutta without presenting the letter to the Mogul. The translator forwarded it a second time to Allahabad, but before an answer could be received from so great a distance, he was obliged, after having waited for the last ship in the season, to embark for Europe.

Though our author Mahummud Casim Ferishta has given the title of the History of Hindostan to his work, yet it is rather that of the Mahommedan empire in India, than a general account of the affairs of the Hindoos. What he says concerning India, prior to the first invasion of the Afgan Mussulmen, is very far from being satisfactory. He collected his accounts from Persian authors, being altogether unacquainted with the Shanscrita or learned language of the Brahmins, in which the internal history of India is comprehended. We must not therefore, with Ferishta, consider the Hindoos as destitute of genuine domestic annals, or that those voluminous records they possess are mere legends framed by the Brahmins.

The prejudices of the Mahommedans against the followers of the Brahmin religion, seldom permits them to speak with common candour of the Hindoos. It swayed very much with Ferishta when he affirmed, that there is no history among the Hindoos of better authority than the Mahabarit. That work is a poem and not a history: It was translated into Persian by the brother of the great Abul Fazil, rather as a performance of fancy, than as an authentic account of the ancient dynasties of the Kings of India. But that there are many hundred volumes in prose in the Shanscrita language, which treat of the ancient Indians, the translator can, from his own knowledge, aver, and he has great reason to believe, that the Hindoos carry their authentic history farther back into antiquity, than any other nation now existing.

The Mahommedans know nothing of the Hindoo learning: and had they even any knowledge of the history of the followers of Brimha, their prejudices in favour of the jewish fictions contained in the Koran, would make them reject accounts, which tend to subvert the system of their own faith. The Shanscrita records contain accounts of the affairs of the western Asia, very different from what any tribe of the Arabians have transmitted to posterity: and it is more than probable, that upon examination, the former will appear to bear the marks of more authenticity, and of greater antiquity than the latter.

But whether the Hindoos possess any true history of greater antiquity than other nations, must altogether rest upon the authority of the Brahmins, till we shall become better acquainted with their records. Their pretensions however are very high, and they confidently affirm, that the Jewish and Mahommedan religions are heresies, from what is contained in the Bedas. They give a very particular account of the origin of the Jewish religion in records of undoubted antiquity. Raja Tura, say they, who is placed in the first ages of the Cal Jug, had a son who apostatized from the Hindoo faith, for which he was banished by his father to the West. The apostate fixed his residence in a country called Mohgod, and propagated the Jewish religion, which the impostor Mahommed further corrupted. The Cal Jug commenced about 4885 years ago, and whether the whole story may not relate to Terah and his son Abraham, is a point which we will leave to others to determine.

There is one circumstance which goes far to prove that there is some connection between the Brahmin Bedas and the doctrines contained in the Old Testament. Ever since the promulgation of the religion of Mahommed, which is founded upon Moses and the Prophets, the Brahmins have totally rejected their fourth Beda called the Obatar Bah, as the schism of Mahommed, according to them, has been founded upon that book. However extraordinary this reason is for rejecting the fourth part of their religious records, it can scarcely be doubted, as it is in the mouth of every Brahmin.

Feizi, the brother of Abul Fazil the historian, was the only Mussulman we ever heard of, who understood the Shanscrita. The fraudulent means by which he acquired it, will be shewn in another place. He never translated any of the Indian histories, excepting the Mahabarit, which, at best, is but an historical poem, in which a great deal of fable is blended with a little truth. We, upon the whole, cannot much depend upon the accounts which the followers of Mahommed give of the religion and ancient history of the Hindoos: Their prejudice makes them misrepresent the former, and their ignorance in the Shanscrita language, has totally excluded them from any knowledge of the latter.

The history of Casim Ferishta being an abridgment of a variety of authors, who wrote distinct accounts of the different reigns of the Mahommedan Emperors of Hindostan, he, with a view to comprehend in a small compass, every material transaction, has crowded the events too much together, without interspersing them with those reflections which give spirit and elegance to works of this kind: This defect seems however to have proceeded more from a studied brevity, than from a narrowness of genius in Ferishta. Upon some occasions, especially in the characters of the princes, he shews a strength of judgment, and a nervousness and conciseness of expression which would do no dishonour to the best writers in the west. What is really remarkable in this writer is, that he seems as much divested of religious prejudices, as he is of political flattery or fear. He never passes a good action without conferring upon it its due reward of praise, nor a bad one, let the villainous actor be never so high, without stigmatizing it with infamy. In short, if he does not arrive at the character of a good writer, he certainly deserves that of a good man.

The brevity which we censure in Ferishta, is by no means a common fault in the writers of Asia. Redundant and verbose in their diction, they often regard more the cadence and turn of their sentences, than the propriety and elegance of their thoughts; leading frequently the reader into a labyrinth to which he can find no end. This is too much the manner of the learned Abul Fazil himself. He wrote the history of the reign of Akbar in two large volumes in folio. The intrigues of the court, and all the secret motives to action are investigated with the utmost exactness; but the diction is too diffuse, and the language too florid for the correct taste of Europe.

It ought here to be remarked, that all the oriental historians write, in what they call in Europe, poetical prose. This false taste only commenced about five centuries ago, when literature declined in Asia, with the power of the Caliphs. The translator has now in his possession, books written in the Persian before that period, the diction of which, is as concise and manly, as that which descended from Greece and Rome, to the writers of modern Europe. The learned and celebrated Abul Fazil, instead of correcting this vicious taste, encouraged it greatly by his florid manner, in his history of the reign of Akbar. But this great writer has, notwithstanding his circumlocutions, cloathed his expressions with such beauty and pomp of eloquence, that he seems to come down upon the astonished reader, like the Ganges in the rainy season.

The small progress which correctness and elegance of sentiment and diction has made in the East, did not proceed from a want of encouragement to literature. We shall find in the course of this history, that no princes in the world patronised men of letters with more generosity and respect, than the Mahommedan Emperors of Hindostan. A literary genius was not only the certain means to acquire a degree of wealth which must astonish Europeans, but an infallible road for rising to the first offices of the state. The character of the learned, was at the same time so sacred, that tyrants, who made a pastime of embruing their hands in the blood of their other subjects, not only abstained from offering violence to men of genius, but stood in fear of their pens. It is a proverb in the East, that the Monarchs of Asia were more afraid of the pen of Abul Fazil, than they were of the sword of Akbar; and, however amazing it may seem in absolute governments, it is certain that the historians of that division of the world, have wrote with more freedom concerning persons and things, than writers have ever dared to do in the West.

The translator, however, being sensible of the impropriety of poetical diction, in the grave narration of historical facts, has, in many places, clipped the wings of Ferishta's turgid expressions, and reduced his metaphors into common language, without however swerving in the least from the original meaning of the author.

A frequent repetition of proper names is unavoidable in a work of such brevity, and so much crouded with action. This will perhaps appear the most glaring defect in the work: but to use the pronouns too often, would have rendered the sense more perplexed, and the narration less elegant and distinct. The translator, in short, chose to give the faults of his author to the public as they stood, rather than by an attempt to amend them, to substitute perhaps some of his own in their place.

Our author with great propriety begins the history of the Patan empire in Hindostan, from the commencement of the kingdom of Ghizni. The Mahommedan government, which afterwards extended itself to Hindostan, rose originally from very small beginnings among the mountains which divide Persia from India. The Afgans or Patans, a warlike race of men, who had been subjects of the vast empire of Bochara, revolted under their governor Abistagi, in the fourth century of the Higera, and laid the foundation of the empire of Ghizni, known commonly in Europe, by the name of Gazna. Under a succession of warlike princes, this empire rose to a surprising magnitude. We find that in the reign of Musaood, in the beginning of the fifth century of the Higera, it extended from Ispahan to Bengal, and from the mouths of the Indus to the banks of the Jaxartes, which comprehends near half of the great continent of Asia.

Soon after the death of Musaood, the Charizmian empire arose on the confines of Persia and great Tartary. It extended itself over Tartary and the greatest part of the Persian provinces; the Kings of the Ghiznian Patans were obliged to relinquish their dominions in the north, and to transfer the seat of their empire to Lahore, and afterwards to Delhi.

When the great conqueror of Asia Zingis Chan, invaded and subverted the Charizmian empire under Mahummud Shaw, the Patan dominions were entirely confined within the limits of Hindostan. They possessed however power sufficient to repel the generals of that great man, though flushed with victory and the spoils of the East. The whole force of Zingis, it is true, was never bent against Hindostan, otherwise it is probable it would have shared the fate of the western Asia, which was almost depopulated by his sword.

The uncommon strength of the Patan empire in Hindostan at this period, may be easily accounted for: It was the policy of the adopted Turkish slaves of the family of Ghor, who then held the kingdom of Delhi, to keep standing armies of the mountain Afgans, under their respective chiefs, who were invariably created Omrahs of the empire. This hardy race, whatever domestic confusions and revolutions they might occasion in India, were, to use Ferishta's words, a wall of iron against foreign enemies.

Our author has not been careful to mark the extent of the Empire in every reign. We can only form a general idea of it, from the transactions which he records. The Empire we find sometimes reduced to a few districts round the capital, and at other times, extending itself from the bay of Bengal to Persia, and from the Carnatic to the great mountains of Sewalic. In short, the boundaries of the Patan imperial dominions, varied in proportion to the abilities of those princes who possessed the throne. When the monarchs discovered great parts, the governors of provinces shrunk back from their independance into their former submission; but when a weak Prince sat on the Musnud, his lieutenants started up into Kings around him.

The history now given to the public, presents us with a striking picture of the deplorable condition of a people subjected to arbitrary sway; and of the instability of empire itself, when it is founded neither upon laws, nor upon the opinions and attachments of mankind. Hindostan, in every age, was an ample field for private ambition, and for public tyranny. At one time we see a petty Omrah starting forth, and wading through an ocean of blood to the crown, or involving many thousands of indigent adventurers in the ruin which he draws upon his own head. At another time we meet with Kings, from a lust of power which defeats itself, destroying those subjects over whom they only wished to tyrannize.

In a government like that of India, public spirit is never seen, and loyalty is a thing unknown. The people permit themselves to be transferred from one tyrant to another, without murmuring; and individuals look with unconcern upon the miseries of others, if they are capable to screen themselves from the general misfortune. This, however, is a picture of Hindostan in bad times, and under the worst Kings. As arbitrary government can inflict the most sudden miseries, so, when in the hands of good men, it can administer the most expeditious relief to the subject. We accordingly find in this history, that the misfortunes of half an age of tyranny, are removed in a few years, under the mild administration of a virtuous prince.

It may not be improper in this place, to lay before the public, a short sketch of the constitution of Hindostan. The Emperor is absolute and sole arbiter in every thing, and is controlled by no law. The lives and properties of the greatest Omrahs are as much at his disposal, as those of the meanest subjects. The former however are often too powerful to be punished, while the latter are not only slaves to the King, but to the provincial governors. These governors, distinguished by the name of Nabobs, have in their respective jurisdictions, the power of life and death, and are, in every particular, invested with regal authority.

All the lands in India are considered as the property of the King, except some hereditary districts possessed by Hindoo Princes, for which, when the Empire was in its vigour, they paid annual tributes, but retained an absolute jurisdiction in their own hands. The King is the general heir of all his subjects; but when there are children to inherit, they are seldom deprived of their father's estate, without the fortune is enormous, and has been amassed in the oppressive government of a province. In a case of this kind, the children, or nearest relations, are allowed a certain proportion for their subsistance, at the discretion of the Casy or judge. The fortunes of merchants, tradesmen, and mechanics, are never confiscated by the crown, if any children or relations remain.

The King has the extraordinary power of nominating his successor by will. This part of royal prerogative is not peculiar to the monarchs of Hindostan. We find that our own nation, so remarkable for their political freedom, were, not above two centuries ago, made over like a private estate, and that with their own consent, by the will of a Prince, who neither deserved to be beloved nor admired. According to the opinion of the Indians, the right of succession is vested in the male heir, but the last will of the King very often supersedes this idea of justice. Notwithstanding this prejudice in favour of the first born, there is no distinction made between natural children and those born in lawful wedlock; for every child brought forth in the Haram, whether by wives or concubines, are equally legitimate.

The vizier is generally first minister of state. All edicts and public deeds must pass under his seal, after the royal signet is affixed to them. The Vizier's office consists of various departments, in every one of which all commissions, patents for honorary titles, and grants for Jagiers, are carefully registered. He superintends the royal exchequer, and, in that capacity, keeps accounts with the Dewans of the several provinces, in every thing which regards the finances.

A Vakiel Mutuluck is sometimes appointed by the King. The power of this officer is superior to that of the Vizier, for he not only has the superintendency of civil, but also of all military affairs. This last is never any part of the Vizier's office; the Amir ul Omrah, or Buxshi, being independent captain-general, and paymaster of the forces. It is not easy to explain to Europeans the full extent of authority conferred upon the Vakiel Mutuluck; he seems to be an officer to whom the King for a time delegates his whole power, reserving only for himself the imperial title, and ensigns of royalty.

The Emperor of Hindostan gives public audience twice a day from the throne. All petitioners, without distinction, are, after having gone through the usual ceremonies, admitted. They are permitted to present their written complaints to the Ariz Beg, or lord of the requests, who attends, in order to present them to the King. The King reads them all himself, and superscribes his pleasure in a few words, with his own hand. Should any thing in the petition appear doubtful, it is immediately referred to the Sidder ul Suddur, whose office answers to that of our chief justice, to be examined and determined according to law.

The Mahommedans of Hindostan have no written laws, but those contained in the Koran. There are certain usages founded upon reason, and immemorial custom, which are also committed to writing. By the latter some causes are determined, and there are officers appointed by the crown, under the name of Canongoes, who, for a certain fee, explain the written usages to the people. In every district or pergunnah, there is a cutchery, or court of justice established. These courts are extremely venal, and even the legal fees for determining a cause concerning property, is one fourth of the value of the matter in dispute. Their decisions were, however, very expeditious; and through fear of the displeasure of the King, who invariably punished with the utmost severity corrupt judges, the Casys were pretty equitable in their determinations.

In the declining state of the Empire, the provinces were submitted to the management of Nabobs, or military governors, who farmed the revenues at a certain sum, and reserved the overplus for their own use. Originally the Nabobs were only commanders of the forces, who receiving their orders from court, through the medium of the Dewan, a civil officer who collected all the revenues for the King, paid the just expences of the government of the province, and remitted the surplus to the exchequer. But the Nabobs having the military power in their hands, despised the authority of the Dewans, and purposely fomented divisions, factions, and insurrections, that they might be indulged with great standing armies, to make more money pass through their own hands, and to favour their schemes of independence.

The imbecility of the Empire daily increasing, the nominal authority vested in the Dewan, was not sufficient to contend with the real force in the hands of the Nabob. Continual altercations subsisted between these officers in the province, and frequent complaints were transmitted to court. Ministers who preferred present ease to the future interest of the empire, curtailed the power of the Dewan, and, from being in a manner the commander in chief of the province, he fell into the simple superintendency of the collections. He had, it is true, the power to prevent new imposts, and innovations in the law.

When the King took the field, the provincial Nabobs, with their troops, were obliged to repair to the imperial standard. Each Nabob erected his own standard, and formed a separate camp, subject only to his own orders. The Nabobs every morning attended at the royal pavilion, and received their orders from the Amir ul Omrah[*], who received his immediately from the King himself. If we except the army of the great Sultan Baber, there are few traces of real discipline to be met with among those myriads, with whom the Emperors of Hindostan often took the field. The forces of Baber were formed on a very regular and masterly plan. The dispositions of his battles were excellent; and the surprizing victories he obtained with a handful of men, over immense armies, are sufficient to convince us, that military discipline has not always been unknown in Asia.

It may to an European, furnish matter of some surprize, how Eastern armies of two or three hundred thousand horse, and triple that number of soldiers and followers, could be supplied with provisions and forage upon their march, and in their standing camps. To account for this it is to be observed, that every provincial Nabob, upon his taking the field, appoints an officer called the Cutwal, whose business it is to superintend the Bazars or markets, which may belong to his camp. Every commander of a body of troops obtains at the same time, permission to hoist a slag for a Bazar, and to appoint a Cutwal of his own, under the direction of the Cutwal-general. These Cutwals grant licences to chapmen, sutlers, and corn dealers, who gladly pay a certain tax for permission to dispose of their various commodities, under the protection of the different flags.

The sutlers and dealers in corn, being provided with a sufficient number of camels and oxen, collect provisions from all the countries in their rear, and supply the wants of the camp. The pay of soldiers in Hindostan is very great, being from 60 to 200 rupees per month, to every single trooper. This enables them to give such high prices for provisions, that the countries round run all hazards for such a great prospect of gain. The fertility of Hindostan itself, is the great source of this ready and plentiful supply to the armies; for that country produces, in most parts two, and sometimes three crops of corn every year[†].

It may perhaps be expected, that something concerning the language of the translation, should be said in this place. Employed from his youth in a profession very different from that of letters, the translator aspires not to the character of a fine writer. To express his author's meaning in a plain and unaffected diction, was all his design; and he expects the public will the more readily overlook any errors he may have committed, that he neither hopes for much literary reputation, nor wishes for any advantage from his work.

Notes

*
The point to which the Mahommedans turn their faces when they pray.
↵

†
It is an invariable custom among the Eastern nations, to address crowned heads in the third person plural, while the writer himself always uses the third person in the singular number.
↵

‡
Timur, who in Europe is, by corruption, called Tamerlane, has always conferred upon him the title of Saib Kirren, or lord of the periods. Kirren, of which Kiran is the plural, signifies a period of thirty years. The long reign of Timur gave rise to his title.
↵

*
The captain-general.
↵

†
The Indians sometimes feed their horses with a kind of vetch called Gram, which they boil. In want of that, they make a shift with the roots of grass, which they dig up and wash in water. This they reckon better than hay. They are by this means never in want for forage, in a country so remarkable for vegetation. The horses always belong to the riders, which renders them more assiduous to keep them in proper order, as their pay depends entirely on the goodness of their horses. But this is attended with a bad consequence. A soldier of fortune, who has nothing but his horse to depend upon, is often afraid to expose him, where he would perhaps risque his own life.
↵

A DISSERTATION CONCERNING THE Customs, Manners, Language, Religion and Philosophy of the HINDOOS.

THE learned of modern Europe have, with reason, complained that the writers of Greece and Rome did not extend their enquiries to the religion and philosophy of the Druids. Posterity will perhaps, in the same manner, find fault with the British for not investigating the learning and religious opinions, which prevail in those countries in Asia, into which either their commerce or their arms have penetrated. The Brahmins of the East possessed in antient times, some reputation for knowledge, but we have never had the curiosity to examine whether there was any truth in the reports of antiquity upon that head.

Excuses, however, may be formed for our ignorance concerning the learning, religion and philosophy of the Brahmins. Literary inquiries are by no means a capital object to many of our adventurers in Asia. The few who have a turn for researches of that kind, are discouraged by the very great difficulty in acquiring that language, in which the learning of the Hindoos is contained; or by that impenetrable veil of mystery with which the Brahmins industriously cover their religious tenets and philosophy.

These circumstances combining together, have opened an ample field for fiction. Modern travellers have accordingly indulged their talent for fable, upon the mysterious religion of Hindostan. Whether the ridiculous tales they relate, proceed from that common partiality which Europeans, as well as less enlightened nations, entertain for the religion and philosophy of their own country, or from a judgment formed upon some external ceremonies of the Hindoos, is very difficult to determine; but they have prejudiced Europe against the Brahmins, and by a very unfair account, have thrown disgrace upon a system of religion and philosophy, which they did by no means investigate.

The author of this dissertation must own, that he for a long time, suffered himself to be carried down in this stream of popular prejudice. The present decline of literature in Hindostan, served to confirm him in his belief of those legends which he read in Europe, concerning the Brahmins. But conversing by accident, one day, with a noble and learned Brahmin, he was not a little surprized to find him perfectly acquainted with those opinions, which, both in ancient and modern Europe, have employed the pens of the most celebrated moralists. This circumstance did not fail to excite his curiosity, and in the course of many subsequent conversations, he found that philosophy and the sciences had, in former ages, made a very considerable progress in the East.

Having then no intention to quit India for some time, he resolved to acquire some knowledge in the Shanscrita language; the grand repository of the religion, philosophy and history of the Hindoos. With this view, he prevailed upon his noble friend the Brahmin, to procure for him a Pundit, from the university of Benaris, well versed in the Shanscrita, and master of all the knowledge of that learned body. But before he had made any considerable progress in his studies, an unexpected change of affairs in Bengal, broke off all his literary schemes. He found that the time he had to remain in India would be too short to acquire the Shanscrita. He determined therefore, through the medium of the Persian language, and through the vulgar tongue of the Hindoos, to inform himself as much as possible, concerning the mythology and philosophy of the Brahmins. He, for this purpose, procured some of the principal SHASTERS, and his Pundit explained to him, as many passages of those curious books, as served to give him a general idea of the doctrine which they contain.

It is but justice to the Brahmins to confess that the author of this dissertation is very sensible of his own inability to illustrate, with that fullness and perspicuity which it deserves, that symbolical religion, which they are at so much pains to conceal from foreigners. He however can aver, that he has not misrepresented one single circumstance or tenet, though many may have escaped his observation.

The books which contain the religion and philosophy of the Hindoos, are distinguished by the name of Bedas. They are four in number, and like the sacred writings of other nations, are said to have been penned by the divinity. Beda in the Shanscrita, literally signifies SCIENCE: for these books not only treat of religious and moral duties, but of every branch of philosophical knowledge.

The Bedas are, by the Brahmins, held so sacred, that they permit no other sect to read them; and such is the influence of superstition and priest-craft over the minds of the other CASTS in India, that they would deem it an unpardonable sin to satisfy their curiosity in that respect, were it even within the compass of their power. The Brahmins themselves are bound by such strong ties of religion, to confine those writings to their own tribe, that were any of them known to read them to others, he would be immediately excommunicated. This punishment is worse than even death itself among the Hindoos. The offender is not only thrown down from the noblest order to the most polluted CAST, but his posterity are rendered for ever incapable of being received into his former dignity.

All these things considered, we are not to wonder that the doctrine of the Bedas is so little known in Europe. Even the literary part of the Mahomedans of Asia, reckon it an abstruse and mysterious subject, and candidly confess, that it is covered with a veil of darkness, which they could never penetrate. Some have indeed supposed, that the learned Feizi, brother to the celebrated Abul Fazil, chief secretary to the Emperor Akbar, had read the Bedas, and discovered the religious tenets contained in them to that renowned Prince. As the story of Feizi made a good deal of noise in the east, it may not be improper to give the particulars of it in this place.

Mahummud Akbar being a prince of elevated and extensive ideas, was totally divested of those prejudices for his own religion, which men of inferior parts not only imbibe with their mother's milk, but retain throughout their lives. Though bred in all the strictness of the Mahommedan faith, his great soul in his riper years, broke those chains of superstition and credulity, with which his tutors had, in his early youth, fettered his mind. With a design to chuse his own religion, or rather from curiosity, he made it his business to enquire minutely into all the systems of divinity, which prevailed among mankind. The story of his being instructed in the christian tenets, by a missionary from Portugal, is too well known in Europe to require a place in this dissertation. As almost all religions admit of proselytes, Akbar had good success in his enquiries, till he came to his own subjects the Hindoos. Contrary to the practice of all other religious sects, they admit of no converts; but they allow that every one may go to heaven his own way, though they perhaps suppose, that theirs is the most expeditious method to obtain that important end. They chuse rather to make a mystery of their religion, than impose it upon the world, like the Mahommedans, with the sword, or by means of the stake, after the manner of some pious christians.

Not all the authority of Akbar could prevail with the Brahmins to reveal the principles of their faith. He was therefore obliged to have recourse to artifice to obtain the information which he so much desired. The Emperor, for this purpose, concerted a plan with his chief secretary, Abul Fazil, to impose Feizi, then a boy, upon the Brahmins, in the character of a poor orphan of their tribe. Feizi being instructed in his part, was privately sent to Benaris, the principal seat of learning among the Hindoos. In that city the fraud was practised on a learned Brahmin, who received the boy into his house, and educated him as his own son.

When Feizi, after ten years study, had acquired the Shanscrita language, and all the knowledge of which the learned of Benaris were possessed, proper measures were taken by the Emperor to secure his safe return. Feizi it seems, during his residence with his patron the Brahmin, was smitten with the beauty of his only daughter; and indeed the ladies of the Brahmin race are the handsomest in Hindostan. The old Brahmin saw the mutual passion of the young pair with pleasure, and as he loved Feizi for his uncommon abilities, he offered him his daughter in marriage. Feizi, perplexed between love and gratitude, at length discovered himself to the good old man, fell down at his feet, and grasping his knees, solicited with tears for forgiveness, for the great crime he had committed against his indulgent benefactor. The Brahmin, struck dumb with astonishment, uttered not one word of reproach. He drew a dagger, which he always carried on his girdle, and prepared to plunge it in his own breast. Feizi seized his hand, and conjured him, that if yet any atonement could be made for the injury he had done him, he himself would swear to deny him nothing. The Brahmin, bursting into tears, told him, that if Feizi should grant him two requests, he would forgive him, and consent to live. Feizi, without any hesitation, consented, and the Brahmin's requests were, that he should never translate the Bedas, nor repeat the creed of the Hindoos.

How far Feizi was bound by his oath not to reveal the doctrine of the Bedas to Akbar is uncertain; but that neither he, nor any other person, ever translated those books, is a truth beyond any dispute. It is however well known, that the Emperor afterwards greatly favoured the Hindoo faith, and gave much offence to zealous Mahommedans, by practising some Indian customs which they thought savoured of idolatry. But the dispassionate part of mankind have always allowed, that Akbar was equally divested of all the follies of both the religious superstitions, which prevailed among his subjects.

To return from this digression, the Brahmins maintain, that the Bedas are the divine laws, which Brimha, at the creation of the world, delivered for the instruction of mankind. But they affirm that their meaning was perverted in the first age, by the ignorance and wickedness of some princes, whom they represent as evil spirits who then haunted the earth. They call those evil genii Dewtas, and tell many strange allegorical legends concerning them; such as, that the Bedas being lost, were afterwards recovered by Bishen, in the form of a fish, who brought them up from the bottom of the ocean, into which they were thrown by a Deo, or Demon.

The first credible account we have of the Bedas, is, that about the commencement of the Cal Jug, of which aera the present year 1768, is the 4886th year, they were written, or rather collected by a great philosopher, and reputed prophet, called Beäss Muni, or Beäss the inspired. This learned man is otherwise called Krishen Basdeo, and is said to have lived in the reign of Judishter, in the city of Histanapore, upon the river Jumna, near the present city of Delhi.

The Brahmins do not give to Beäss Muni the merit of being the author of the Bedas. They however acknowledge, that he reduced them into the present form, dividing them into four distinct books, after having collected the detached pieces of which they are composed, from every part of India. It is, upon the whole, probable, that they are not the work of one man, on account of their immense bulk.

The Mahomedans of Asia, as well as some of the learned of Europe, have mistaken Brimha, an allegorical person, for some philosopher of repute in India, whom they distinguish by the disfigured names of Bruma, Burma, and Bramha, whom they suppose to have been the writer of the religious books of the Hindoos. Ferishta, in the history now given to the public, affirms, that Brimha was of the race of Bang, and flourished in the reign of Krishen, first monarch of Hindostan. But the Brahmins deny, that any such person ever existed, which we have reason to believe is the truth; as Brimha in the Shanscrita language allegorically signifies WISDOM, one of the principal attributes of the supreme divinity.

The four Bedas contain 100,000 ashlogues or stanzas in verse, each of which consists of four lines. The first Beda is called RUG BEDA, which signifies the science of divination, concerning which it principally treats. It also contains astrology, astronomy, natural philosophy, and a very particular account of the creation of matter, and the formation of the world.

The second Beda is distinguished by the name of SHEHAM. That word signifies piety or devotion, and this book accordingly treats of all religious and moral duties. It also contains many hymns in praise of the supreme being, as well as verses in honour of subaltern intelligences.

The third is the JUDGER BEDA, which, as the word implies, comprehends the whole science of religious rites and ceremonies; such as fasts, festivals, purifications, penances, pilgrimages, sacrifices, prayers, and offerings. They give the appellation of OBATAR BAH to the fourth Beda. OBATAR signifies in the Shanscrita, the being, or the essence, and BAH good; so that the Obatar Bah is literally the knowledge of the good being, and accordingly this book comprehends the whole science of theology and metaphysical philosophy.

The language of the Obatar Bah Beda is now become obsolete; so that very few Brahmins pretend to read it with propriety. Whether this proceeds from its great antiquity, or from its being wrote in an uncommon dialect of the Shanscrita, is hard to determine. We are inclined to believe that the first is the truth; for we can by no means agree with a late ingenious writer[*], who affirms, that the Obatar Bah was written in a period posterior to the rest of the Bedas.

It has been already observed, that the Bedas are written in the Shanscrita tongue. Whether the Shanscrita was, in any period of antiquity, the vulgar language of Hindostan, or was invented by the Brahmins, to be a mysterious repository for their religion and philosophy, is difficult to determine. All other languages, it is true, were casually invented by mankind, to express their ideas and wants; but the astonishing formation of the Shanscrita seems to be beyond the power of chance. In regularity of etymology and grammatical order, it far exceeds the Arabic. It, in short, bears evident marks, that it has been fixed upon rational principles, by a body of learned men, who studied regularity, harmony, and a wonderful simplicity and energy of expression.

Though the Shanscrita is amazingly copious, a very small grammar and vocabulary serve to illustrate the principles of the whole. In a treatise of a few pages, the roots and primitives are all comprehended, and so uniform is the rules for derivations and inflections, that the etymon of every word is, with the greatest facility, at once investigated. The pronunciation is the greatest difficulty which attends the acquirement of the language to perfection. This is so quick and forcible, that a person, even before the years of puberty, must labour a long time before he can pronounce it with propriety; but when once that is attained to perfection, it strikes the ear with amazing boldness and harmony. The alphabet of the Shanscrita consists of fifty letters, but one half of these carry combined sounds, so that its characters in fact, do not exceed ours in number. Some small idea of the Shanscrita may be conveyed by the annexed plate, which contains the alphabet, and the measure of the four Bedas.

Before we shall proceed to the religion and philosophy of the Brahmins, it may not be improper to premise something

A Specimen of the measure of the Bedas.

Feet

Rugh Beda.

12

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Joidippi nabatti hani

18

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Parakian chirritti basa bodat chan

12

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Assa mon jesso mitaeh muttah

14

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Jodopu kela kidatti sheta.

Sheam Beda.

14

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Aiati jati punareti puna preati

14

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Padang kourani bishenuti dunoli puckow

14

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Udbeieniti succulani puddani juckow

14

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Sari sati bolina bidatenati.

Judger Beda.

12

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Malla Maiah pugalla pindeh

18

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Sukollo Sullch dingkilisi soddeh

16

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Luhi putti chulani hing janibo

12

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Upa bimilla subabo.

Obatar bah Beda.

11

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Jaboda gummateta norrindiran

11

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Saissam baro gohaia mokinderan

11

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Tabo debo crissi crindro dedico

8

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Stridissa damo jagamo.

The Shanscrita Alphabet.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ka

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Kha

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ga

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Gha

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Gna

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Cua

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Sua

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Jo

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Jho

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Nia

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ta

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Tah

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Da

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Dah

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Na

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Tha

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Doa

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Dhoa

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Nah

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Pa

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Pah

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ba

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Bah

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ma

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ja

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ra

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

La

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Bha

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Sua

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Sha

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Sa

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ha

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Cha

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

A

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

AA

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

J

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

JJ

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

U

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

UU

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ri

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Rii

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Li

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Lii

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

E

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ey

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

O

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ou

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ang

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Ah

The first thirty four Letters are consonants & the last sixteen are used for Vowels, but never written as above except at the beginning of a proper name or paragraph; the manner of writing the common Vowels being different; as for example.

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Ka

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Ku

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Kuu

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Ku

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Kiii

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Kli

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Klii

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Ke

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Ky

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Ko

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Koo

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Kang

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Kah

concerning the most characteristical manners and customs of the Hindoos in general. The Hindoos are so called from Indoo or Hindoo, which, in the Shanscrita language, signifies the Moon; for from that luminary, and the sun, they deduce their fabulous origin. The author of the dissertation has in his possession, a long list of a dynasty of Kings, called Hindoo-buns or Chunder-buns, both of which words mean, the Children of the Moon. He also has a catalogue of the Surage-buns, or the Children of the Sun, from whom many of the Rajas of Hindostan pretend to derive their blood. Hindostan, the domestic appellation of India, is a composition of Hindoo, and Stan, a region; and the great river Indus takes its name from the people, and not the people from the river, as has been erroneously supposed in Europe.

The Hindoos have, from all antiquity, been divided into four great tribes, each of which comprehend a variety of inferior casts. These tribes do not intermarry, eat, drink, or in any manner associate with one another, except when they worship at the temple of Jagga-nat[†] in Orissa, where it is held a crime to make any distinction. The first and most noble tribe are the Brahmins, who alone can officiate in the priesthood, like the Levites among the Jews. They are not however excluded from government, trade, or agriculture, though they are strictly prohibited from all menial offices by their laws. They derive their name from Brimha, who they allegorically say, produced the Brahmins from his head, when he created the world.

The second in order is the Sittri tribe, who are sometimes distinguished by the name of Kittri or Koytri. They, according to their original institution, ought to be all military men; but they frequently follow other professions. Brimha is said to have produced the Kittri from his heart, as an emblem of that courage which warriors should possess.

The name of Beise or Bise is given to the third tribe. They are for the most part, merchants, bankers, and bunias or shop-keepers. These are figuratively said to have sprung from the belly of Brimha; the word Beish signifying a provider or nourisher. The fourth tribe is that of Sudder. They ought to be menial servants, and they are incapable to raise themselves to any superior rank. They are said to have proceeded from the feet of Brimha, in allusion to their low degree. But indeed it is contrary to the inviolable laws of the Hindoos, that any person should rise from an inferior cast into a higher tribe. If any therefore should be excommunicated from any of the four tribes, he and his posterity are forever shut out from society of every body in the nation, excepting that of the Harri cast, who are held in utter detestation by all the other tribes, and are employed only in the meanest and vilest offices. This circumstance renders excommunication so dreadful, that any Hindoo will suffer the torture, and even death itself, rather than deviate from one article of his faith. This severity prevented all intermixture of blood between the tribes, so that, in their appearance, they seem rather four different nations, than members of the same community.

It is, as we have already observed, a principle peculiar to the Hindoo religion, not to admit of proselytes. Instead of being solicitous about gaining converts, they always make a mystery of their faith. Heaven, say they, is like a palace with many doors, and every one may enter in his own way. But this charitable disposition never encouraged other sects to settle among them, as they must have been excluded entirely from all the benefits of society.

When a child is born, some of the Brahmins are called. They pretend, from the horoscope of his nativity, to foretel his future fortune, by means of some astrological tables, of which they are possessed. When this ceremony is over, they burn incense, and make an offering according to the circumstances of the parent; and without ever consulting them, tie the zinar[*] round the infant's neck, and impose a name upon him, according to their own fancy.

Between the age of seven and ten, the children are, by their parents, given away in marriage. The young pair are brought together, in order to contract an intimacy with one another. But when they approach to the years of puberty, they carefully separate them, till the female produces signs of womanhood. She then is taken from her parents to cohabit with her husband: nor is she ever after permitted to visit them. It is not lawful among the Hindoos to marry nearer than the eighth degree of kindred. Polygamy is permitted, but seldom practised; for they very rationally think, that one wife is sufficient for one man.

The extraordinary custom of the women burning themselves with their deceased husbands, has, for the most part, fallen into desuetude in India; nor was it ever reckoned a religious duty, as has been very erroneously supposed in the West. This species of barbarity, like many others, rose originally from the foolish enthusiasm of feeble minds. In a text in the Bedas, conjugal affection and fidelity are thus figuratively inculcated: "The woman, in short, who dies with her husband, shall enjoy life eternal with him in heaven." From this source the Brahmins themselves deduce this ridiculous custom, which is a more rational solution of it, than the story which prevails in Europe; that it was a political institution, made by one of the Emperors, to prevent wives from poisoning their husbands, a practice, in those days, common in Hindostan.

People of rank and those of the higher casts, burn their dead and throw some incense into the pile. Some throw the bodies of their friends into the Ganges, while others expose them on the high ways, as a prey to vultures and wild beasts. There is one cast in the kingdom of Bengal, who barbarously expose their sick by the river's side to die there. They even sometimes choak them with mud, when they think them past hopes of recovery. They defend this inhuman custom by saying, that life is not an adequate recompence for the tortures of a lingering disease.

The Hindoos have a code of laws in the NEA SHASTER. Treason, incest, sacrilege, murder, adultery with the wife of a Brahmin, and theft, are capital crimes. Though the Brahmins were the authors of those laws, we do not find that they have exempted themselves from the punishment of death, when guilty of those crimes. This is one of those numerous fables, which modern travellers imported from the East. It is however certain, that the influence of the Brahmins is so great, and their characters as priests so sacred, that they escape in cases where no mercy would be shewn to the other tribes.

Petty offences are punished by temporary excommunications, pilgrimages, penances and fines, according to the degree of the crime, and the wealth of the guilty person. But as the Hindoos are now, for the most part, subject to the Mahommedans, they are governed by the laws of the Koran, or by the arbitrary will of the prince.

The Senasseys are a sect of mendicant philosophers, commonly known by the name of Fakiers, which literally signifies poor people. These idle and pretended devotees, assemble sometimes in armies of ten or twelve thousand, and, under a pretext of making pilgrimages to certain temples, lay whole countries under contribution. These saints wear no clothes, are generally very robust, and convert the wives of the less holy part of mankind to their own use, upon their religious progresses. They admit any man of parts into their number, and they take great care to instruct their disciples in every branch of knowledge, to make the order the more revered among the vulgar.

When this naked army of robust saints direct their march to any temple, the men of the provinces through which their road lies, very often fly before them, notwithstanding of the sanctified character of the Fakiers. But the women are in general more resolute, and not only remain in their dwellings, but apply frequently for the prayers of those holy persons, which are found to be most effectual in cases of sterility. When a Takier is at prayers with the lady of the house, he leaves either his slipper or his staff at the door, which if seen by the husband, effectually prevents him from disturbing their devotion. But should he be so unfortunate as not to mind those signals, a sound drubbing is the inevitable consequence of his intrusion.

Though the Fakiers inforce with their arms, that reverence which the people of Hindostan have naturally for their order, they inflict voluntary penances of very extraordinary kinds upon themselves, to gain more respect. These fellows sometimes hold up one arm in a fixed position till it becomes stiff, and remains in that situation during the rest of their lives. Some clench their fists very hard, and keep them so till their nails grow into their palms, and appear through the back of their hands. Others turn their faces over one shoulder, and keep them in that situation, till they fix for ever their heads looking backward. Many turn their eyes to the point of their nose, till they have lost the power of looking in any other direction. These last, pretend sometimes to see what they call the sacred fire, which vision, no doubt, proceeds from some disorder arising from the distortion of the optic nerves.

It often appears to Europeans in India, a matter of some ridicule to converse with those distorted and naked philosophers; though their knowledge and external appearance, exhibit a very striking contrast. Some are really what they seem, enthusiasts; but others put on the character of sanctity, as a cloak for their pleasures. But what actually makes them a public nuisance, and the aversion of poor husbands, is, that the women think they derive some holiness to themselves, from an intimacy with a Fakier.

Many other foolish customs, besides those we have mentioned, are peculiar to those religious mendicants. But enthusiastic penances are not confined to them alone. Some of the vulgar, on the fast of Opposs, suspend themselves on iron hooks, by the flesh of the shoulder-blade, to the end of a beam. This beam turns round with great velocity, upon a pivot, on the head of a high pole. The enthusiast not only seems insensible of pain, but very often blows a trumpet as he is whirled round above, and, at certain intervals, sings a song to the gaping multitude below; who very much admire his fortitude and devotion. This ridiculous custom is kept up to commemorate the sufferings of a martyr, who was in that manner, tortured for his faith.

To dwell longer upon the characteristical customs and manners of the Hindoos, would extend this dissertation too far. Some more particulars concerning that nation, will naturally arise from an investigation of their religion and philosophy. This last was the capital design of this introductory discourse; and we hope to be able to throw a new, if not a compleat light, on a subject hitherto little understood in the West. Some writers have very lately given to the world, an unintelligible system of the Brahmin religion; and they affirm, that they derived their information from the Hindoos themselves. This may be the case, but they certainly conversed upon that subject only with the inferior tribes, or with the unlearned part of the Brahmins: and it would be as ridiculous to hope for a true state of the religion and philosophy of the Hindoos from those illiterate casts, as it would be in a Mahommedan in London, to rely upon the accounts of a parish beadle, concerning the most abstruse points of the Christian faith; or, to form his opinion of the principles of the Newtonian philosophy, from a conversation with an English carman.

The Hindoos are divided into two great religious sects: the followers of the doctrine of the BEDANG; and those who adhere to the principles of the NEADIRSIN. As the first are esteemed the most orthodox, as well as the most ancient, we shall begin to explain their opinions, by extracts literally translated from the original SHASTER[a], which goes by the name of Bedang.

Bedang, the title of the Shaster, or commentary upon the Bedas, concerning which we are about to treat, is a word compounded of Beda, science, and Ang, body. The name of this Shaster therefore, may be literally translated, the Body of science. This book has, in Europe, been erroneously called Vedam; and it is an exposition of the doctrine of the Bedas, by that great philosopher and prophet Beâss Muni, who, according to the Brahmins, flourished about four thousand years ago. The Bedang is said to have been revised some ages after Beâss Muni, by one Sirrider Swami, since which it has been reckoned sacred, and not subject to any further alterations. Almost all the Hindoos of the Decan, and those of the Malabar and Coromandel coasts, are of the sect of the Bedang.

This commentary opens with a dialogue between Brimha[b], the Wisdom of the Divinity; and Narud[c] or Reason, who is represented as the son of Brimha. Narud desires to be instructed by his father, and for that purpose, puts the following questions to him.

NARUD.

O father! thou first of God[d], thou art said to have created the world, and thy son Narud, astonished at what he beholds, is desirous to be instructed how all these things were made.

BRIMHA.

Be not deceived, my son! do not imagine that I was the creator of the world, independent of the divine mover[e], who is the great original essence[f], and creator of all things. Look, therefore, only upon me as the instrument of the great WILL[g], and a part of his being, whom he called forth to execute his eternal designs.

NARUD.

What shall we think of God?

BRIMHA.

Being immaterial[h], he is above all conception; being invisible[i], he can have no form[k]; but, from what we behold in his works, we may conclude that he is eternal[l], omnipotent[m], knowing all things[n], and present every where[o].

NARUD.

How did God create the world?

BRIMHA.

Affection[p], dwelt with God, from all eternity. It was of three different kinds, the creative[q], the preserving[r], and the destructive[s]. This first is represented by Brimha, the second by Bishen[t], and the third by Shibah[u]. You, O Narud! are taught to worship all the three, in various shapes and likenesses, as the creator[w], the preserver[x], and the destroyer[y]. The affection of God then produced power[z], and power at a proper conjunction of time[a] and fate[b], embraced goodness[c], and produced matter[d]. The three qualities then acting upon matter, produced the universe in the following manner. From the opposite actions of the creative and destructive quality in matter, self-motion[e] first arose. Self-motion was of three kinds; the first inclining to plasticity[f], the second to discord[g], and the third to rest[h]. The discordant actions then produced the Akash[i], which invisible element possessed the quality of conveying sound; it produced air[k], a palpable element, fire[l], a visible element, water[m], a fluid element, and earth[n], a solid element.

The Akash dispersed itself abroad. Air formed the atmosphere; fire, collecting itself, blazed forth in the host of heaven[o]; water rose to the surface of the earth, being forced from beneath by the gravity of the latter element. Thus broke forth the world from the veil of darkness, in which it was formerly comprehended by God. Order rose over the universe. The seven heavens were formed[p], and the seven worlds were fixed in their places; there to remain till the great dissolution[q], when all things shall be absorbed[r] into God.

God seeing the earth in full bloom, and that vegetation[s] was strong from its seeds, called forth for the first time, Intellect[u], which he endued with various organs and shapes, to form a diversity of animals[w] upon the earth. He endued the animals with five senses, feeling, seeing, smelling, tasting, and hearing[x]. But to man he gave reflexion [y] to raise him above the beasts of the field.

The creatures were created male and female[z], that they might propagate their species upon the earth. Every herb bore the seed of its kind, that the world might be cloathed with verdure, and all animals provided with food.

NARUD.

What dost thou mean, O Father! by intellect?

BRIMHA.

It is a portion of the GREAT SOUL[a] of the universe, breathed into all creatures, to animate them for a certain time.

NARUD.

What becomes of it after death?

BRIMHA.

It animates other bodies, or returns like a drop into that unbounded ocean from which it first arose.

NARUD.

Shall not then the souls of good men receive rewards? Nor the souls of the bad meet with punishment?

BRIMHA.

The souls of men are distinguished from those of other animals; for the first are endued with reason[b] and with a consciousness of right and wrong. If therefore man shall adhere to the first, as far as his powers shall extend, his soul, when disengaged from the body by death, shall be absorbed into the divine essence, and shall never more re-animate flesh. But the souls of those who do evil[c], are not, at death, disengaged from all the elements. They are immediately cloathed with a body of fire, air, and akash, in which they are, for a time, punished in hell[d]. After the season of their grief is over, they re-animate other bodies; but till they shall arrive at a state of purity, they can never be absorbed into God.

NARUD.

What is the nature of that absorbed state[e] which the souls of good men enjoy after death?

BRIMHA.

It is a participation of the divine nature, where all passions are utterly unknown, and where consciousness is lost in bliss[f].

NARUD.

Thou sayst, O Father! that unless the soul is perfectly pure, it cannot be absorbed into God: Now, as the actions of the generality of men are partly good, and partly bad, whither are their spirits sent immediately after death?

BRIMHA.

They must alone for their crimes in hell, where they must remain for a space proportioned to the degree of their iniquities; then they rise to heaven to be rewarded for a time for their virtues; and from thence they will return to the world, to reanimate other bodies.

NARUD.

What is time[g]?

BRIMHA.

Time existed from all eternity with God: but it can only be estimated since motion was produced, and only be conceived by the mind, from its own constant progress.

NARUD.

How long shall this world remain?

BRIMHA.

Until the four jugs shall have revolved. Then Rudder[h] with the ten spirits of dissolution shall roll a comet under the moon, that shall involve all things in fire, and reduce the world into ashes. God shall then exist alone, for matter will be totally annihilated[i].

Here ends the first chapter of the Bedang. The second treats of providence and free will; a subject so abstruse, that it was impossible to understand it, without a compleat knowledge of the Shanscrita. The author of the Bedang, thinking perhaps, that the philosophical catechism which we have translated above, was too pure for narrow and superstitious minds, has inserted into his work, a strange allegorical account of the creation, for the purposes of vulgar theology. In this tale, the attributes of God, the human passions and faculties of the mind are personified, and introduced upon the stage. As this allegory may afford matter of some curiosity to the public, we shall here translate it.

BRIMH existed from all eternity, in a form of infinite dimensions. When it pleased him to create the world, he said, Rise up, O Brimha [k]. Immediately a spirit of the colour of flame issued from his navel, having four heads and four hands, Brimha gazing round, and seeing nothing but the immense image, out of which he had proceeded, he travelled a thousand years, to endeavour to comprehend its dimensions. But after all his toil, he found himself as much at a loss as before.

Lost in amazement, Brimha gave over his journey. He fell prostrate and praised what he saw, with his four mouths. The almighty, then, with a voice like ten thousand thunders, was pleased to say: Thou hast done well, O Brimha, for thou canst not comprehend me!—Go and create the world!—How can I create it?—Ask of me, and power shall be given unto thee.—O God, said Brimha, thou art almighty in power!—

Brimha forthwith perceived the idea of things, as if floating before his eyes. He said, LET THEM BE, and all that he saw became real before him. Then fear struck the frame of Brimha, lest those things should be annihilated. O immortal Brimh! he cried, who shall preserve those things which I behold. In the instant a spirit of a blue colour issued from Brimha's mouth, and said aloud, I WILL. Then shall thy name be Bishen[l], because thou hast undertaken to preserve all things.

Brimha then commanded Bishen to go and create all animals, with vegetables for their subsistance, to possess that earth which he himself had made. Bishen forthwith created all manner of beasts, fish, foul, insects and reptiles. Trees and grass rose also beneath his hands, for Brimha had invested him with power. But man was still wanting to rule the whole: and Brimha commanded Bishen to form him. Bishen began the work, but the men he made were idiots with great bellies, for he could not inspire them with knowledge; so that in every thing but in shape, they resembled the beasts of the field. They had no passion but to satisfy their carnal appetites.

Brimha, offended at the men, destroyed them, and produced four persons from his own breath, whom he called by four different names. The name of the first was Sinnoc[m], of the second, Sinnunda[n], of the third, Sonnatin[o], and of the fourth, Sonninkunar[p]. These four persons were ordered by Brimha, to rule over the creatures, and to possess for ever the world. But they refused to do any thing but to praise God, having nothing of the destructive quality[a] in their composition.

Brimha, for this contempt of his orders, became angry, and lo! a brown spirit started from between his eyes. He sat down before Brimha, and began to weep: then lifting up his eyes, he asked him, "Who am I, and where shall be the place of my abode." Thy name shall be Rudder[b], said Brimha, and all nature shall be the place of thine abode. But rise up, O Rudder! and form man to govern the world.

Rudder immediately obeyed the orders of Brimha. He began the work, but the men he made were fiercer than tigers, having nothing but the destructive quality in their compositions. They, however, soon destroyed one another, for anger was their only passion. Brimha, Bishen, and Rudder then joined their different powers. They created ten men, whose names were, Narud, Dico, Bashista, Birga, Kirku, Pulla, Pulista, Ongira, Otteri and Murichi[c]: The general appellation of the whole, was the Munies[d]. Brimha then produced Dirmo[e] from his breast, Adirmo[f] from his back, Loab[g] from his lip, and Kâm[h] from his heart. This last being a beautiful female, Brimha looked upon her with amorous eyes. But the Munies told him, that she was his own daughter; upon which he shrunk back, and produced a blushing virgin called Ludja[i]. Brimha thinking his body defiled by throwing his eyes upon Kâm, changed it, and produced ten women, one of which was given to each of the Munies.

In this division of the Bedang Shaster, there is a long list of the Surage Buns, or children of the sun, who, it is said, ruled the world in the first periods. But as the whole is a mere dream of imagination, and scarcely the belief of the Hindoo children and women, we shall not trespass further on the patience of the public with these allegories. The Brahmins of former ages wrote many volumes of romances upon the lives and actions of those pretended Kings, inculcating, after their manner, morality by fable. This was the grand fountain from which the religion of the vulgar in India was corrupted; if the vulgar of any country require any adventitious aid to corrupt their ideas, upon so mysterious a subject.

Upon the whole, the opinions of the author of the Bedang, upon the subject of religion, are not unphilosophical. He maintains that the world was created out of nothing by God, and that it will be again annihilated. The unity, infinity and omnipotence of the supreme divinity are inculcated by him: for though he presents us with a long list of inferior beings, it is plain that they are merely allegorical; and neither he nor the sensible part of his followers believe their actual existence. The more ignorant Hindoos, it cannot be denied, think that these subaltern divinities do exist, in the same manner, that Christians believe in Angels: but the unity of God was always a fundamental tenet of the uncorrupted faith of the more learned Brahmins.

The opinion of this philosopher, that the soul, after death, assumes a body of the purer elements, is not peculiar to the Brahmins. It descended from the Druids of Europe, to the Greeks, and was the same with the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of Homer. His idea of the manner of the transmigration of the human soul into various bodies, is peculiar to himself. As he holds it as a maxim that a portion of the GREAT SOUL or God, animates every living thing; he thinks it no ways inconsistent, that the same portion that gave life to man, should afterwards pass into the body of any other animal. This transmigration does not, in his opinion, debase the quality of the soul: for when it extricates itself from the fetters of the flesh, it reassumes its original nature.

The followers of the BEDANG SHASTER do not allow that any physical evil exists. They maintain that God created all things perfectly good, but that man, being a free agent, may be guilty of moral evil: which, however, only respects himself and society, but is of no detriment to the general system of nature. God, say they, has no passion but benevolence: and being possessed of no wrath, he never punishes the wicked, but by the pain and affliction which are the natural consequences of evil actions. The more learned Brahmins therefore affirm, that the hell which is mentioned in the Bedang, was only intended as a mere bugbear to the vulgar, to inforce upon their minds, the duties of morality: for that hell is no other than a consciousness of evil, and those bad consequences which invariably follow wicked deeds.

Before we shall proceed to the doctrine of the NEADIRSEN SHASTER, it may not be improper to give a translation of the first chapter of the DIRM SHASTER, which throws a clear light upon the religious tenets, common to both the grand sects of the Hindoos. It is a dialogue between Brimha, or the wisdom of God; and Narud, or human reason.

NARUD.

[k]O thou first of God! Who is the greatest of all Beings?

BRIMHA.

BRIMH; who is infinite and almighty.

NARUD.

Is he exempted from death?

BRIMHA.

He is: being eternal and incorporeal.

NARUD.

Who created the world?

BRIMHA.

GOD, by his power.

NARUD.

Who is the giver of bliss?

BRIMHA.

KRISHEN: and whosoever worshippeth him, shall enjoy heaven[l].

NARUD.

What is his likeness?

BRIMHA.

He hath no likeness: but to stamp some idea of him upon the minds of men, who cannot believe in an immaterial being, he is represented under various symbolical forms.

NARUD.

What image shall we conceive of him?

BRIMHA.

If your imagination cannot rise to devotion without an image; suppose with yourself, that his eyes are like the Lotos, his complexion like a cloud, his cloathing of the lightning of heaven, and that he hath four hands.

NARUD.

Why should we think of the almighty in this form?

BRIMHA.

His eyes may be compared to the Lotos, to show that they are always open, like that flower which the greatest depth of water cannot surmount. His complexion being like that of a cloud, is an emblem of that darkness with which he veils himself from mortal eyes. His cloathing is of lightning, to express that awful majesty which surrounds him: and his four hands are symbols of his strength and almighty power.

NARUD.

What things are proper to be offered unto him?

BRIMHA.

Those things which are clean, and offered with a grateful heart. But all things which by the law are reckoned impure, or have been defiled by the touch of a woman in her times; things which have been coveted by your own soul, seized by oppression, or obtained by deceit, or that have any natural blemish, are offerings unworthy of God.

NARUD.

We are commanded then to make offerings to God of such things as are pure and without blemish, by which it would appear that God eateth and drinketh, like mortal man, or if he doth not, for what purpose are our offerings?

BRIMHA.

God neither eats nor drinks like mortal men. But if you love not God, your offerings will be unworthy of him; for as all men covet the good things of this world, God requires a free offering of their substance, as the strongest testimony of their gratitude and inclinations towards him.

NARUD.

How is God to be worshipped?

BRIMHA.

With no selfish view; but for love of his beauties, gratitude for his favours, and for admiration of his greatness.

NARUD.

How can the human mind fix itself upon God, being, that it is in its nature changeable, and perpetually running from one object to another?

BRIMHA.

True: The mind is stronger than an elephant, whom men have found means to subdue, though they have never been able entirely to subdue their own inclinations. But the ankush[a] of the mind is true wisdom, which sees into the vanity of all worldly things.

NARUD.

Where shall we find true wisdom?

BRIMHA.

In the society of good and wise men.

NARUD.

But the mind, in spite of restraint, covets riches, women, and all worldly pleasures. How are these appetites to be subdued?

BRIMHA.

If they cannot be overcome by reason, let them be mortified by penance. For this purpose it will be necessary to make a public and solemn vow, lest your resolution should be shaken by the pain which attends it.

NARUD.

We see that all men are mortal, what state is there after death?

BRIMHA.

The souls of such good men as retain a small degree of worldly inclinations, will enjoy Surg[b] for a time; but the souls of those who are holy, shall be absorbed into God, never more to reanimate flesh. The wicked shall be punished in Nirick[c] for a certain space, and afterwards their souls are permitted to wander in search of new habitations of flesh.

NARUD.

Thou, O father, dost mention God as one; yet we are told, that Râm, whom we are taught to call God, was born in the house of Jessarit: That Kishen, whom we call God, was born in the house of Basdeo, and many others in the same manner. In what light are we to take this mystery?

BRIMHA.

You are to look upon these as particular manifestations of the providence of God, for certain great ends, as in the case of the sixteen hundred women, called Gopi, when all the men of Sirendiep[d] were destroyed in war. The women prayed for husbands, and they had all their desires gratified in one night, and became with child. But you are not to suppose, that God, who is in this case introduced as the actor, is liable to human passions or frailties, being in himself, pure and incorporeal. At the same time he may appear in a thousand places, by a thousand names, and in a thousand forms; yet continue the same unchangeable, in his divine nature.—

Without making any reflections upon this chapter of the DIRM SHASTER, it appears evident, that the religion of the Hindoos has hitherto been very much misrepresented in Europe. The followers of the NEADIRSEN SHASTER, differ greatly in their philosophy, from the sect of the BEDANG, though both agree about the unity of the supreme being. To give some idea of the Neadirsen philosophy, we shall, in this place, give some extracts from that Shaster.

NEADIRSEN is a compound from NEA, signifying right, and DIRSEN, to teach or explain; so that the word may be translated an exhibition of truth. Though it is not reckoned so antient as the Bedang, yet it is said to have been written by a philosopher called Goutam, near four thousand years ago. The philosophy contained in this Shaster, is very abstruse and metaphysical; and therefore it is but justice to Goutam to confess, that the author of the dissertation, notwithstanding the great pains he took to have proper definitions of the terms, is by no means certain, whether he has fully attained his end. In this state of uncertainty he chose to adhere to the literal meaning of words, rather than by a free translation, to deviate perhaps from the sense of his author.

The generality of the Hindoos of Bengal, and all the northern provinces of Hindostan, esteem the NEADIRSEN a sacred Shaster; but those of the Decan, Coromandel, and Malabar, totally reject it. It consists of seven volumes. The first only came to the hands of the author of the dissertation, and he has, since his arrival in England, deposited it in the British Museum. He can say nothing for certain, concerning the contents of the subsequent volumes; only that they contain a compleat system of the theology and philosophy of the Brahmins of the Neadirsen sect.

Goutam does not begin to reason, a priori, like the writer of the Bedang. He considers the present state of nature, and the intellectual faculties, as far as they can be investigated by human reason; and from thence he draws all his conclusions. He reduces all things under six principal heads; substance, quality, motion, species, assimulation, and construction[e]. In substance, besides time, space, life, and spirit, he comprehends earth, water, fire, air, and akash. The four grosser elements, he says, come under the immediate comprehension of our bodily senses; and akash, time, space, soul and spirit, come under mental perception.

He maintains, that all objects of perception are equally real, as we cannot comprehend the nature of a solid cubit, any more than the same extent of space. He affirms, that distance in point of time and space, are equally incomprehensible; so that if we shall admit, that space is a real existence, time must be so too. That the soul, or vital principle, is a subtile element, which pervades all things; for that intellect, which, according to experience in animals, cannot proceed from organization and vital motion only, must be a principle totally distinct from them.

"The author of the Bedant[f]," says Goutam, "finding the impossibility of forming an idea of substance, asserts, that all nature is a mere delusion. But as imagination must be acted upon by some real existence, as we cannot conceive that it can act upon itself, we must conclude, that there is something real, otherwise philosophy is at an end."

He then proceeds to explain what he means by his second principle, or Goon, which, says he, comprehends twenty-four things; form, taste, smell, touch, sound, number, quantity, gravity, solidity, fluidity, clasticity, conjunction separation, priority, posteriority, divisibility, indivisibility, accident, perception, ease, pain, desire, aversion, and power[g]. Kirmo or motion is, according to him, of two kinds, direct and crooked. Sammania, or species, which is his third principle, includes all animals and natural productions. Bishesh he defines to be a tendency in matter towards productions; and Sammabae, or the last principle, is the artificial construction or formation of things, as a statue from a block of marble, a house from stones, or cloth from cotton.

Under these six heads, as we have already observed, Goutam comprehends all things which fall under our comprehension; and after having reasoned about their nature and origin, in a very philosophical manner, he concludes with asserting, that five things must of necessity be eternal. The first of these is Pirrum Attima, or the GREAT SOUL, who, says he, is immaterial, one, invisible, eternal, and indivisible, possessing omniscience, rest, will, and power[h].

The second eternal principle is the Jive Attima, or the vital soul, which he supposes is material, by giving it the following properties; number, quantity, motion, contraction, extension, divisibility, perception, pleasure, pain, desire, aversion, accident, and power. His reasons for maintaining, that the vital soul is different from the great soul, are very numerous, and it is upon this head that the followers of the Bedang and Neadirsen are principally divided. The first affirm that there is no soul in the universe but God, and the second strenuously hold that there is, as they cannot conceive, that God can be subject to such affections and passions as they feel in their own minds; or that he can possibly have a propensity to evil. Evil, according to the author of the Neadirsen Shaster, proceeds entirely from Jive Attima, or the vital soul. It is a selfish craving principle, never to be satisfied; whereas GOD remains in eternal rest, without any desire but benevolence.

Goutam's third eternal principle is time or duration, which, says he, must of necessity have existed, while any thing did exist; and is therefore infinite. The fourth principle is space or extension, without which nothing could have been; and as it comprehends all quantity, or rather is infinite, he maintains, that it is indivisible and eternal. The fifth eternal principle is Akash, a subtile and pure element, which fills up the vacuum of space, and is compounded of purmans or quantities, infinitely small, indivisible and perpetual. "God," says he, "can neither make nor annihilate these atoms, on account of the love which he bears to them, and the necessity of their existence; but they are, in other respects, totally subservient to his pleasure."

"God," says Goutam, "at a certain season, endued these atoms, as we may call them, with Bishesh or plasticity, by virtue of which they arranged themselves into four gross elements, fire, air, water, and earth. These atoms being, from the beginning, formed by God into the seeds of all productions, Jive Attima, or the vital soul, associated with them, so that animals, and plants of various kinds, were produced upon the face of the earth."

"The same vital soul," continues Goutam, "which before associated with the Purman of an animal, may afterwards associate with the Purman of a man." This transmigration is distinguished by three names, Mirt, Mirren, and Pirra-purra-purvesh, which last literally signifies the change of abode. The superiority of man, according to the philosophy of the Neadirsen, consists only in the finer organization of his parts, from which proceed reason, reflexion, and memory, which the brutes only possess in an inferior degree, on account of their less refined organs.

Goutam supposes, with the author of the Bedang, that the soul after death, assumes a body of fire, air, and akash, unless in the carnal body, it has been so purified by piety and virtue, that it retains no selfish inclinations. In that case it is absorbed into the GREAT SOUL OF NATURE, never more to reanimate flesh. Such, says the philosopher, shall be the reward of all those who worship God from pure love and admiration, without any selfish views. Those that shall worship God from motives of future happiness, shall be indulged with their desires in heaven, for a certain time. But they must also expiate their crimes, by suffering adequate punishments; and afterwards their souls will return to the earth, and wander about for new habitations. Upon their return to the earth, they shall casually associate with the first organized Purman they shall meet. They shall not retain any consciousness of their former state, unless it is revealed to them by God. But those favoured persons are very few, and are distinguished by the name of Jates Summon[i].

The author of the Neadirsen teaches, for the purposes of morality, that the sins of the parents will descend to their posterity; and that, on the other hand, the virtues of the children will mitigate the punishments of the parents in Nirick, and hasten their return to the earth. Of all sins he holds ingratitude[h] to be the greatest. Souls guilty of that black crime, says he, will remain in hell, while the sun remains in heaven, or to the general dissolution of all things.

Intellect, says Goutam, is formed by the combined action of the senses. He reckons six senses: five external[i], and one internal. The last he calls Manus, by which he seems to mean conscience. In the latter he comprehends reason, perception[k] and memory: and he concludes, that by their means only, mankind may possibly acquire knowledge. He then proceeds to explain the manner by which these senses act.

Sight, says he, arises from the Shanskar or repulsive qualities of bodies, by which the particles of light which fall upon them, are reflected back upon the eyes from all parts of their surfaces. Thus the object is painted in a perfect manner upon the organ of seeing, whither the soul repairs to receive the image. He affirms, that, unless the soul fixes its attention upon the figure in the eye, nothing can be perceived by the mind; for a man in a profound reverie, though his eyes are open to the light, perceives nothing. Colours, says Coutam, are particular feelings in the eye, which are proportioned to the quantity of light reflected from any solid body.

Goutam desines hearing in the same manner with the European philosophers, with this difference only, that he supposes, that the sound which affects the ear, is conveyed through the purer element of akash, and not by the air; an error which is not very surprizing, in a speculative philosopher. Taste, he defines to be a sensation of the tongue and palate, occasioned by the particular form of those particles which compose food. Smell, says he, proceeds from the effluvia which arise from bodies to the nostrils. The feeling, which arises from touching, is occasioned by the contact of dense bodies with the skin, which, as well as the whole body, excepting the bones, the hair and the nails, is the organ of that sense. There runs, says he, from all parts of the skin, very small nerves to a great nerve, which he distinguishes by the name of Medda. This nerve is composed of two different coats, the one sensitive, and the other insensitive. It extends from the crown of the head, down the right side of the vertebrae to the right foot[l]. When the body becomes languid, the soul, fatigued with action, retires within the insensible coat, which checks the operation of the senses, and occasions sound sleep. But should there remain in the soul, a small inclination to action, it starts into the sensitive part of the nerve, and dreams immediately arise before it. These dreams, says he, invariably relate to something perceived before by the senses, though the mind may combine the ideas together at pleasure.

Manus, or conscience, is the internal feeling of the mind, when it is no way affected by external objects. Onnuman, or reason, says Goutam, is that faculty of the soul which enables us to conclude that things and circumstances exist, from an analogy to things, which had before fallen under the conception of our bodily senses: For instance, when we see smoak, we conclude that it proceeds from a fire; when we see one end of a rope, we are persuaded that it must have another.

By reason, continues Goutam, men perceive the existence of God; which the Boad or Atheists deny, because his existence does not come within the comprehension of the senses. These atheists, says he, maintain, that there is no God but the universe; that there is neither good nor evil in the world; that there is no such thing as a soul; that all animals exist, by a mere mechanism of the organs, or by a fermentation of the elements; and that all natural productions are but the fortuitous concourse of things.

The philosopher refutes these atheistical opinions, by a long train of arguments, such as have been often urged by European divines. Though superstition and custom may biass reason to different ends, in various countries, we find a surprising similarity in the arguments used by all nations, against the BOAD, those common enemies of every system of religion.

"Another sect of the BOAD, says Goutam, are of opinion that all things were produced by chance[m]."
This doctrine he thus refutes. Chance is so far from being the origin of all things, that it has but a momentary existence of its own; being alternately created and annihilated, at periods infinitely small, as it depends entirely on the action of real essences. This action is not accidental, for it must inevitably proceed from some natural cause. Let the dice be rattled eternally in the box, they are determined in their motion, by certain invariable laws. What therefore we call chance, is but an effect proceeding from causes which we do not perceive.

"Perception," continues Goutam, "is that faculty by which we instantaneously know things without the help of reason. This is perceived by means of relation, or some distinguishing property in things, such as high and low, long and short, great and small, hard and soft, cold and hot, black and white."

Memory, according to Goutam, is the elasticity of the mind, and is employed in three different ways; on things present as to time, but absent as to place; on things past, and on things to come. It would appear from the latter part of the distinction, that the philosopher comprehends imagination in memory. He then proceeds to define all the original properties of matter, and all the passions and faculties of the mind. He then descants on the nature of generation.

"Generation, says he, may be divided into two kinds; Jonidge, or generation by copulation; and adjonidge, generation without copulation. All animals are produced by the first, and all plants by the latter. The purman or seed of things, was formed from the beginning, with all its parts. When it happens to be deposited in a matrix suitable to its nature, a soul associates with it; and, by assimulating more matter, it gradually becomes a creature or plant; for plants, as well as animals, are possessed of a portion of the vital soul of the world."

Goutam, in another place, treats diffusely of providence and free will. He divides the action of man under three heads: The will of God, the power of man, and casual or accidental events. In explaining the first, he maintains a particular providence; in the second, the freedom of will in man; and in the third, the common course of things, according to the general laws of nature. With respect to providence, though he cannot deny the possibility of its existence, without divesting God of his omnipotence, he supposes that the deity never exerts that power, but that he remains in eternal rest, taking no concern, neither in human affairs, nor in the course of the operations of nature.

The author of the Neadirsen maintains, that the world is subject to successive dissolutions and renovations at certain stated periods. He divides these dissolutions into the lesser and the greater. The lesser dissolution will happen at the end of a revolution of the Jugs. The world will be then consumed by fire, and the elements shall be jumbled together, and after a certain space of time, they will again resume their former order. When a thousand of those smaller dissolutions shall have happened, a MAHPERLEY or great dissolution will take place. All the elements will then be reduced to their original Purmans or atoms, in which state they shall long remain. God will then, from his mere goodness and pleasure, restore Bisheth or plasticity. A new creation will arise; and thus things have revolved in succession, from the beginning, and will continue to do so to eternity.

These repeated dissolutions and renovations have furnished an ample field for the inventions of the Brahmins. Many allegorical systems of creation are upon that account contained in the Shasters. It was for this reason, that so many different accounts of the cosmogony of the Hindoos have been promulgated in Europe; some travellers adopting one system, and some another. Without deviating from the good manners due to those writers, we may venture to affirm, that their tales, upon this subject, are extreamly puerile, if not absurd. They took their accounts from any common Brahmin, with whom they chanced to meet, and never had the curiosity or industry to go to the fountain head.

In some of the renovations of the world, Brimha, or the wisdom of God, is represented in the form of an infant with his toe in his mouth, floating on a comala or water flower, or sometimes upon a leaf of that plant, upon the watery abyss. The Brahmins mean no more by this allegory, than that at that time, the wisdom and designs of God will appear, as in their infant state. Brimha floating upon a leaf, shews the instability of things at that period. The toe which he sucks in his mouth, implies that infinite wisdom subsists of itself; and the position of Brimha's body, is an emblem of the endless circle of eternity.

We see Brimha sometimes creeping forth from a winding shell. This is an emblem of the untraceable way by which divine wisdom issues sorth from the infinite ocean of God. He, at other times, blows up the world with a pipe, which implies, that the earth is but a bubble of vanity, which the breath of his mouth can destroy. Brimha, in one of the renovations, is represented in the form of a snake, one end of which, is upon a tortoise which floats upon the vast abyss, and upon the other, he supports the world. The snake is the emblem of wisdom, the tortoise is a symbol of security, which figuratively signifies providence, and the vast abyss is the eternity and infinitude of God.

What has been already said has, it is hoped, thrown a new light on the opinions of the Hindoos, upon the subject of religion and philosophical inquiry. We find that the Brahmins, contrary to the ideas formed of them in the west, invariably believe in the unity, eternity, omniscience and omnipotence of God: that the polytheism of which they have been accused, is no more than a symbolical worship of the divine attributes, which they divide into three principal classes. Under the name of BRIMHA, they worship the wisdom and creative power of God; under the appellation of BISHEN, his providential and preserving quality; and under that of SHIBAH, that attribute which tends to destroy.

This system of worship, say the Brahmins, arises from two opinions. The first is, that as God is immaterial, and consequently invisible, it is impossible to raise a proper idea of him, by any image in the human mind. The second is, that it is necessary to strike the gross ideas of man, with some emblems of God's attributes, otherwise, that all sense of religion will naturally vanish from the mind. They, for this purpose, have made symbolical representations of the three classes of the divine attributes; but they aver, that they do not believe them to be separate intelligences. BRIMH, or the supreme divinity, has a thousand names; but the Hindoos would think it the grossest impiety to represent him under any form. "The human mind, say they, may form some conception of his attributes separately, but who can grasp the whole, within the circle of finite ideas."

That in any age or country, human reason was ever so depraved as to worship the work of hands, for the creator of the universe, we believe to be an absolute deception, which arose from the vanity of the abettors of particular systems of religion. To attentive inquirers into the human mind, it will appear, that common sense, upon the affairs of religion, is pretty equally divided among all nations. Revelation and philosophy have, it is confessed, lopped off some of those superstitious excrescences and absurdities that naturally arise in weak minds, upon a subject so mysterious: but it is much to be doubted, whether the want of those necessary purifiers of religion, ever involved any nation in gross idolatry, as many ignorant zealots have pretended.

In India, as well as in many other countries, there are two religious sects; the one look up to the divinity, through the medium of reason and philosophy; while the others receive, as an article of their belief, every holy legend and allegory which have been transmitted down from antiquity. From a fundamental article in the Hindoo faith, that God is the soul of the world, and is consequently diffused through all nature, the vulgar revere all the elements, and consequently every great natural object, as containing a portion of God; nor is the infinity of the supreme being, easily comprehended by weak minds, without falling into this error. This veneration for different objects, has, no doubt, given rise among the common Indians, to an idea of subaltern intelligences; but the learned Brahmins, with one voice, deny the existence of inferior divinities; and, indeed, all their religious books of any antiquity, confirm that assertion.

END of the DISSERTATION.

Notes

*
Mr. Holwell: The author of the dissertation finds himself obliged to differ almost in every particular concerning the religion of the Hindoos, from that gentleman.
↵

†
Jagga nat signifies Lord of the creation. This is one of the names of Bishen and the Obatar, or Being, who is said to preside over the present period. He is represented under the figure of a fat man, sitting cross-legged, with his arms hanging down by his side as if they had no strength. This last circumstance alludes to the imbecility of this age. His temple is in the greatest repute of any now in India.
↵

*
A string which all the Hindoos wear, by way of charm or amulet.
↵

a
Shaster literally signifies Knowledge: but it is commonly understood to mean a book which treats of divinity and the sciences. There are many Shasters among the Hindoos; so that those writers who affirmed, that there was but one Shaster in India, which, like the Bible of the Christians, or Koran of the followers of Mahommed, contained the first principles of the Brahmin saith, have deceived themselves and the public.
↵

b
Brimha is the genitive case of BRIMH, which is a primitive signifying GOD. He is called Brimha or WISDOM, the first attribute of the supreme divinity. The divine wisdom, under the name of Brimha, is figuratively represented with one head, having four faces, looking to the four quarters, alluding to his seeing all things. Upon the head of this figure is a crown, an emblem of power and dominion. He has four hands, implying, the omnipotence of divine wisdom. In the first hand he holds the four Bedas, as a symbol of knowledge; in the second a scepter, as a token of authority; and in the third a ring, or compleat circle, as an emblem of eternity. Brimha holds nothing in the fourth hand, which implies, that THE WISDOM OF GOD is always ready to lend his aid to his creatures. He is represented riding upon a goose, the emblem of simplicity among the Hindoos. The latter circumstance is intended to imply the simplicity of the operations of nature, which is but another name for the wisdom of the divinity. These explications of the insignia of Brimha, were given by the Brahmin, and are, by no means, conjectures of the author of this dissertation.
↵

c
Narud literally signifies REASON, emphatically called the son of THE WISDOM OF GOD. He is said to be the first-born of the MUNIS, of whom hereafter.
↵

d
Brimh.
↵

e
The supreme divinity.
↵

f
Pirrim Purrus; from PIR first, and PURRUS essence or being.
↵

g
ISH-BUR; from ISH will, and BUR great: commonly pronounced ISHUR. This is one of the thousand names of GOD, which have so much perplexed the writers of Europe. In the answer of Brimha, mention is made of the first three great deities of the Hindoos; which three, however, they by no means worship as distinct beings from God, but only as his principal attributes.
↵

h
Nid-akar.
↵

i
Oderissa.
↵

k
Sirba-Sirrup.
↵

l
Nitteh.
↵

m
Ge-itcha.
↵

n
Subittera-dirsi.
↵

o
Surba-Birsi. These are the very terms used in the Bedang, in the definition of God, which we have literally translated in the text. Whether we, who profess christianity, and call the Hindoos by the detestable names of Pagans and Idolaters, have higher ideas of the supreme divinity, we shall leave to the unprejudiced roader to determine.
↵

p
Maiah, which signifies either affection or passion.
↵

q
Redjo-goon, the creative quality.
↵

r
Sittohgoon, the preserving quality.
↵

s
Timmugoon, the destructive quality.
↵

t
The preserver; Providence is personified under the name of Bishen.
↵

u
Shibah, the foe of good.
↵

w
Naat.
↵

x
Bishen.
↵

y
Shibah. The Hindoos worship the destructive attribute of the divinity, under the name of Shibah; but they do not mean evil by Shibah, for they affirm, that there is no such thing but what proceeds from the free agency of man.
↵

z
Jotna.
↵

a
Kaal.
↵

b
Addaristo.
↵

c
Pir-kirti, from Pir good, and Kirti action. God's attribute of goodness, is worshipped as a Goddess, under the name of Pirkirti, and many other appellations, which comprehend all the virtues. It has been ridiculously supposed in Europe, that PURRUS and PIRKIRTI were the first man and woman, according to the system of the Hindoos; whereas by Purrus is meant God, or emphatically, the Being; and by Pirkirti, his attribute of goodness.
↵

d
Mohat. In other places of the Bedang, matter is distinguished by the name of Maha-tit, the great substance.
↵

e
Ahankar. The word literally signifies self-action.
↵

f
Rajas.
↵

g
Tamas.
↵

h
Satig.
↵

i
A kind of celestial element. The Bedang in another place, speaks of akash as a pure impalpable element, through which the planets move. This element, says the philosopher, makes no resistance, and therefore the planets continue their motion, from the first impulse which they received from the hand of Brimha or God; nor will they stop, says he, till he shall seize them in the midst of their course.
↵

k
Baiow.
↵

l
Tege.
↵

m
Joal.
↵

n
Prittavi.
↵

o
Dewta; of which Surage the Sun is first in rank.
↵

p
The names of the seven heavens are, Bu, Buba, Surg, Moha, Junnoh, Tapu, and Sutteh. The seven worlds are, Ottal, Bittal, Suttal, Joal, Tallattal, Rissatal, and Pattal. The author of the dissertation, by a negligence which he very much regrets, forgot to get the proper explanation of those names, or the uses to which the seven heavens were converted.
↵

q
Mah-pirly.
↵

r
Mucht.
↵

s
Birgalotta.
↵

u
Mun.
↵

w
Jount.
↵

x
The five senses are, Suppursina, Chowkownu, Nasiga, Rissina, Kurnowa.
↵

y
Manus.
↵

z
Nir and Madda signifies male and female.
↵

a
Purmattima literally signifies the great soul.
↵

b
Upiman.
↵

c
Mund.
↵

d
Nirick. The Hindoos reckon above eighty kinds of hells, each proportioned to the degree of the wickedness of the persons punished there. The Brahmins have no idea that all the sins that a man can commit in the short period of his life, can deserve eternal punishment; nor that all the virtues he can exercise, can merit perpetual felicity in heaven.
↵

e
Muchti.
↵

f
It is somewhat surprising, that a state of unconsciousness, which in fact is the same with annihilation, should be esteemed by the Hindoos as the supreme good; yet so it is, that they always represent the absorbed state, as a situation of perfect insensibility, equally destitute of pleasure and of pain. But Brimha seems here to imply, that it is a kind of delirium of joy.
↵

g
Kaal. It may not be improper, in this place, to say something concerning the Hindoo method of computing time. Their least subdivision of time is, the Nemish or twinkling of an eye. Three Nemish's make one Kaan, fifty Kaan one Ligger, ten Liggers one Dind, two Dinds one Gurry, equal to forty-five of our minutes; four Gurries one Pâr, eight Pârs one Dien or day, fifteen Diens one Packa, two Packas one Mâsh, two Mâshes one Ribbi, three Ribbis one Aioon or year, which only consists of 360 days, but when the odd days, hours and minutes, wanting of a solar year, amount to one revolution of the moon, an additional month is made to that year to adjust the Callendar. A year of 360 days, they reckon but one day to the Dewtas or host of Heaven; and they say, that twelve thousand of those planetary years, make one revolution of the four Jugs or periods, into which they divide the ages of the world. The Sittoh Jug or age of truth contained, according to them, four thousand planetary years. The Treta Jug, or age of three, contained three thousand years. The Duapur Jug, or age of two, contained two thousand; and the Kallé Jug, or age of pollution, consists of only one thousand. To these they add two other periods, between the dissolution and renovation of the world, which they call Sundeh, and Sundass, each of a thousand planetary years; so that from one Maperly, or great dissolution of all things, to another, there are 3,720,000 of our years.
↵

h
The same with Shibah, the destroying quality of God.
↵

i
Nisht.
↵

k
The wisdom of God.
↵

l
The providence of God.
↵

m
Body.
↵

n
Life.
↵

o
Permanency.
↵

p
Intellectual existence.
↵

a
Timmu-goon.
↵

b
The weeper; because he was produced in tears. One of the names of Shibah, the destructive attribute of the Divinity.
↵

c
The significations of these ten names are in order, these. Reason, Ingenuity, Emulation, Humility, Piety, Pride, Patience, Charity, Deceit, Mortality.
↵

d
The Inspired.
↵

e
Fortune.
↵

f
Misfortune.
↵

g
Appetite.
↵

h
Love.
↵

i
Shame.
↵

k
Brimha, as we have already observed, is the genitive case of BRIMH; as WISDOM is, by the Brahmins, reckoned the chief attribute of God.
↵

l
Krishen is derived from Krish giving, and Ana joy. It is one of the thousand names of God.
↵

a
Aukush is an iron instrument used for driving elephants.
↵

b
Heaven.
↵

c
Hell.
↵

d
The island of Ceylon.
↵

e
These are in the original Shanscrita, Dirba, Goon, Kirmo, Summania, Bishesh, Sammabac.
↵

f
A system of sceptical philosophy, to which many of the Brahmins adhere.
↵

g
The twenty-four things are, in the Shanscrita, in order these; Rup,
•
is, Gund, Supursi, Shubardo, Sirika, Putriman, Cur

•…

, Dirbitte, Sinniha, Shanskan, Sangoog, Bibag, Pirrible, Particca, Apporticta, Addarillo, Bud, Suc, Duc, Itcha, Desh, Jotna.
↵

h
These properties of the divinity, are the following in order; Nidakaar, Akitta, Oderisa, Nitte, Apparticta, Budsirba, Suck, Itcha, Jotna.
↵

i
The acquainted with their former state.
↵

h
Mitterdro.
↵

i
Onnuman, reason. Upimen, perception.
↵

k
Chakous, Shraban, Rasan, Granap, Tawass.
↵

l
To save the credit of Goutam, in this place, it is necessary to observe, that anatomy is not at all known among the Hindoos, being strictly prohibited from touching a dead body, by the severest ties of religion.
↵

m
Addaristo.
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A CATALOGUE OF THE GODS OF THE HINDOOS.

TO prevent future writers from confounding themselves and others, by mistaking synonimous names of the Gods of the Hindoos, for different intelligences, we here present the public with a catalogue of them, as taken from an original book of the Brahmins. A list of proper names, especially in a foreign language, is so very dry of itself, that it is superfluous to advise such as are not particularly inquisitive upon this subject, to pass entirely over this list, as it can afford very little amusement.

BRIMH, or the supreme being, is distinguished by a thousand names, in the Shanscrita, according to the Brahmins; but it is to be observed, that in that number they include the names of all those powers, properties, and attributes, which they conceive to be inherent in the divine nature, as well as the names of all those symbols and material essences, under which God is worshipped. Those commonly used are, Ishbur, the great will; Bagubaan, the receptacle of goodness; Narrain, the giver of motion; Pirrimpurrous, the first essence; Niringen, the dispassionate; Nidakar, the immaterial.

BRIMHA, or God, in his attribute of wisdom, is worshipped under the following names. Attimabah, the good spirit. Beda, science. Beddatta, the giver of knowledge. Bisheshrick, the flower of the creation. Surrajist, Purmisti, Pittamah, Hirinagirba, Lokessa, Saimbu, Chottranun, Datta, Objajoni, Birrinchi, Commalasein, Biddi.

BISHEN, or God in his providential quality, is worshipped under the following names. Krishana, the giver of joy; Bishana, the nourisher. Baycanta, Bitara-sirba, Dammudar, Bishi-kesh, Keseba, Mahdob, Subbuh, Deitari, Pundericack, Gurrud-idaja, Pittamber, Otchuta, Saringi, Bissickson, Jannardan, Uppindera, Indrabah-raja, Suckerpani, Chullerbudge, Puttanab, Mudcripu, Basdebo, Tribickerma, Deibuckinindan, Suri, Sirriputti, Purrusittam, Bunnumali, Billidinsi, Kangsarratti, Oddu-kego, Bissimber, Koitabagit, Sirbassa, Lanchana.

SHIBAH, or as it is generally pronounced, SHIEB, and sometimes SHIEW, emblematically, the destructive power of God, is known by the names of Mahoissur, the great Demon; Mahdebo, the great spirit; Bamdebo, the frightful spirit; Mohilla, the destroyer; Khaal, time; Sumbu, Ish, Pusshuputti, Shuli, Surboh, Ishan, Shawkacarrah, Sandraseikar, Butchessa, Candapursu, Girissa, Merrurah, Mittinja, Kirtibash, Pinnaki, Pirmatadippo, Ugur, Choppurdi, Sricant, Sitticant, Copalbrit, Birrupacka, Trilochuna, Kersanwreta, Sirbugah, Durjutti, Neloloito, Harra, Sarraharra, Trimbick, Tripurantacka, Gangadir, Undukorripu, Kirtudansi, Birsadija, Bumkesa, Babah, Bimeh, Stanu, Rudder, Ummaputti.

In the same manner as the power of God is figuratively said to have taken upon itself three masculine forms at the creation; so PIRKITTI, or the goodness of God, is said to have taken three feminine forms. The first of these was Drugah, or Virtue, who, say they, was married to Shibah, to intimate that good and evil are so blended together, that they could not have existed separately; for had there been no such thing as evil, in consequence there could be no good. She is worshipped in this character under the names of Bowani, courage; Maiah, love; Homibutti, Ishura, Shibae, Rudderani, Sirbani, Surba-mungula, Appurna, Parbutti, Kattaini Gouri, and a variety of other names.

As the consort of Bishen, she is worshipped under the names of Litchmi, which signifies fortune; Puddamah, Leich, Commala, Siri Horripria.

As the consort of Brimha, she is generally known by the names of Sursitti, which means the bestower of wisdom; Giandah, the giver of reason; Gire, Baak, Bani, Sardah, Brimhapira.

Besides the above six capital divisions of the divine attributes, they raise temples to GRANESH, or policy, whom they worship at the commencement of any design, by the names of Biggenrage, Binnauck, Deimatar, Gunnadebo, Eckdant, Herrumboo, Lumbodre, Gunjanund. This divinity is feigned to be the first born son of Shibah, and is represented with the head of an elephant, with one tooth only.

KARTICK, or Fame, is also worshipped under various names as follows; Farruck-gite, Mahasin, Surjunmah, Surranonno, Parbutti-nundun, Skunda Sonnani, Agnibu, Guha, Bahulliha, Bishaka, Shuckibahin, Shanmattara, Shuckliddir, Cummar, Corrim-chidarna. He is said to be the second son of Sibah.

CAM-DEBO, the spirit of love, is also known by the names of Muddun, Mannumut, Maro, Purrudumun, Minckatin, Kundurp, Durpako, Annungah, Pansusur, Shwaro, Sumberari, Munnusigah, Kusshumesha, Ommenidja, Passbadinna, Kulliputti, Nackera-dija, Ratimoboo: he is said to be the first born of Bishen.

COBERE, or wealth, is known by the following names; Trumbuca-suca, Juckrage, Gudja-kessera, Monnusa-dirma, Dunnedo, Raja Raja, Donnadippa, Kinaresso, Borsserbunnu, Pollusta, Narru-bahin, Joikaika, Ellabilla, Srida Punejanisherah. Nill Cobere the son of wealth, is also represented in the emblems of luxury, but is seldom worshipped.

SOORAGE, or the Sun, is worshipped under the names of Inder, or the King of the Stars; Mohruttan, Mugubah, Biraja, Packsasen, Birdirsisba, Sonnasir, Purruhutta, Purrinder, Gistnow, Likkersubba, Sockor, Sukamunneh, Debasputti, Suttrama, Gottrabit, Budgeri, Basub, Bitterha, Bastosputti, Suraputti, Ballaratti, Satchiputti, Jambubedi, Horriheia, Surat, Nomisinundun, Sonkrindana, Dussibina, Turrasat, Negabahina, Akindilla, Sorakah, Ribukah.

CHUNDER, or the Moon, is worshipped under the names of Hindoo, Himmanchu, Chundermah, Kumuda-bandibah, Biddu, Sudduns, Subransu, Ossadissa, Nishaputti, Objoja, Soom, Gullow, Merkanku, Kollandi, Dirjarage, Sesudirra, Nuhtitressa, Kepakina.

Besides all the above, they have divinities which they suppose to preside over the elements, rivers, mountains, &c. or rather worship all these as parts of the divinity, or on a supposition of his existence in all things.

AGUNNI, or the God of fire, hath thirty-five names. Birren, or the God of water, ten names. Baiow, or the God of air, twenty-three names; all which are too tedious to mention.

The JUM are fourteen in number, and are supposed to be spirits who dispose of the souls of the dead.

The USSERA are beautiful women, who are feigned to reside in heaven, and to sing the praises of God.

The GUNDIRP are boys who have the same office.

The RAKISS are ghosts or spectres who walk about the earth.

The DEINTS or OISSURS are evil spirits or demons, who were expelled from heaven, and are now said to live under ground.

The DEOS or DEBOS, are spirits whose bodies are supposed to be of the element of fire; they are sometimes represented beautiful as angels, and at other times in horrible forms; they are supposed to inhabit the air.

Such is the strange system of religion which priestcraft has imposed on the vulgar, ever ready in all climes and ages to take advantage of superstitious minds. There is one thing however to be said in favour of the Hindoo doctrine, that while it teaches the purest morals, it is systematically formed on philosophical opnions. Let us therefore no longer imagine half the world more ignorant than the stones which they seem to worship, but rest assured, that whatever the external ceremonies of religion may be, the self-same infinite Being is the object of universal adoration.

A GENERAL MAP of HINDOSTAN, with the ADJACENT COUNTRIES.

PART I. The History of the HINDOOS, before the first Invasion of HINDOSTAN by the MAHOMEDANS.

SECTION I. Of the fabulous Accounts of the Hindoos concerning their Origin.—A Specimen of their ancient History.

The ancient history of the Hindoos fabulous.

THERE is no history among the Hindoos, of better authority than the Mahabarit[*], which Shech Abul Fazil translated into Persian, in the reign of Akbar. It consists of about one hundred and twenty thousand periods[†] in the original Shanscrita, in a kind of long blank verse. We shall from this author select the particulars which relate to the history of the Hindoos.

Their division of time.

The Hindoos divide the age of the world into four grand periods or jugs: the Sat Jug, the Treta Jug, the Duapur Jug, and the Cal Jug. They believe that when the Cal Jug is finished, the Sat Jug will commence again, and that thus time will revolve in eternal succession. The Sat Jug is said to have been a period of fourteen millions and four hundred thousand years, and it is represented as the age of felicity, in which there was nothing but truth, religion, happiness, peace, plenty, and independence; and that the life of man extended to one hundred thousand years.

The Treta Jug is said to contain one million and eighty thousand years, in which, it is said, that in the composition of mankind, there were three fourths truth, and one fourth falsehood, and that the age of man extended to ten thousand years. The Duapur Jug is said to contain seventy two thousand years, in which two parts of the composition of man were truth, and two parts falsehood, his age extending to one thousand years. The Cal Jug contains thirty six thousand years, in which period three fourths of the composition of man consisted of falshood, and only one fourth of truth, his age being one hundred years.

Brimha creates the world.

It is the opinion of the Hindoos, that God first created five elements; Fire, Water, Air, Earth, and Akash, or a Celestial Element of which the heavens are made. He afterwards created a kind of being endued with perfect wisdom, whom he called Brimha, and commanded him to make the world.
and mankind.

When Brimha had created mankind out of nothing, he divided them into four tribes; the Brahmin, the Kittri, the Bise, and the Sudur. The first tribe were to be priests, to direct man in the ways of God; the second rulers and possessors of the earth; the third labourers; and the fourth tradesmen and servants; which division is strictly maintained to this day.

Author of the Bedas.

Brimha, say they, wrote a book which he called the Beda, by the order of God, in which he affirms, that all things were originally God, and that all things shall be resolved into him again; that happiness consists in virtue, and that vice will be punished with misery. To regulate the ceremonies of religion, and to instruct men how to govern the world, he has in the Beda given a canon of laws, founded upon the principles of justice. But as the Bedas are covered with a veil of darkness by the Brahmins, we cannot say much more for certain concerning them. The Hindoos affirm, that Brimha lives for ever, or, as some say, one hundred years, in which each day is computed at four hundred revolutions of the Jugs. We shall here give a specimen of the early history of the Hindoos.

Specimen of the ancient history of the Hindoos.

It is recorded in the Mahabarit, that about the middle of the third period, there was a Raja of the tribe of Kittiri, in the city of Histinapoor, whose name was Birt. He ruled the kingdom of Hindostan, and his issue after him in lineal descent for eight generations, in peace and tranquillity. The ninth in succession, whose name was Kour, we are told, founded the city of that name, which is now called Tannassar, and is about 70 crores from Delhi. He was the father of the tribe who are still called Kours.

Ditarashter being blind, his brother succeeds to the throne.

In the thirteenth generation from Kour, Chitterbourge reigned, and was esteemed a great prince. He had two sons, one named Ditarashter, and the other Pind. But when Ditarashter grew up, he became blind, and therefore his father left the kingdom to his younger son, who had five children; Judishter, Brimsein, and Arjun, by one wife, and Nucul and Sedive, by another woman. But his elder brother Ditarashter had sons one hundred and one, by a variety of women, among whom one was named Jirjodin, being the eldest of his children by the first wife, and another was called Jutush, being his first born by a second spouse. In short, when Pind died, the inheritance descended by right to the heirs of his elder brother Ditarashter, so that Jirjodin became king.

Differences between their children.

But the children of Pind regarded Jirjodin as an enemy, and waited an opportunity to divest him of his authority. Ditarashter, fearing disturbances, advised his son to build a palace without the city for the sons of Pind, in which for some time they consented to reside. In the mean time Jirjodin had privately ordered the workmen who built this palace to fill up several vaults with combustibles, and hired an old woman to set fire to them, at a proper opportunity. But the plot being discovered accidentally by the sons of Pind, they themselves set fire to the mine, and burnt the old woman and her five sons in the flames, while they privately withdrew into the wilderness, where they remained for some time, the king imagining they had been destroyed in the fire.

The sons of Pind shew themselves at Cumpula.

The sons of Pind ventured at length into a certain city called Cumpula, where they wedded Diropti, the Raja's daughter, with whom they lived by turns, for the space of seventeen days. In a short time, however, it was noised abroad, that the sons of Pind were not dead, as was supposed, which reaching the ears of the king, he ordered enquiry to be made, and found that truth was in the report.
Are invited to court.

Anxious to have them again in his power, he wrote to them affectionate letters, inviting them to Histinapoor, to share with him the inheritance of their forefathers. They were at length prevailed upon by his fair promises, returned to court, and were treated in every respect becoming their dignity. A part of the kingdom was allotted for their maintenance, for upon their arrival they became so much beloved by the people and nobility, that the king was afraid to lay violent hands upon them. Their popularity daily increasing, and their party being strengthened by many of the principal nobility, they at length openly insisted upon a division of the empire in their favour, which the king being in no condition to refuse, complied with without hesitation.

The feast of the period.

Some time after these transactions Judishter gave the feast of the period[*], the manner of which is said to be this: They lighted a prodigious fire, and threw into it every kind of spice, perfume, fruit, and grain. At this feast it was necessary that all the Rajas of the earth should be present. Judishter, in order to invite the Rajas, sent his four brothers to the four quarters of the world, that by the favour of God his design in a short time might be accomplished. His brothers, according to his desire, from Arab, from Agim, from Turkistan, from Habysh, and other countries, brought those princes to be present at this grand festival. Jirjodin, on observing the greatness of Judishter, burnt with envy at his fortune, and contrived this scheme to deprive his rival of his kingdoms and wealth.

The sons of Pind banished for twelve years.

It was the custom in those days to play at dice, and Jirjodin, having made a false set, challenged Judishter to play, which being accepted by him, he in a short time, in the presence of the princes, lost all his wealth and kingdoms. Jirjodin told him then, that he would give him one more chance to recover the whole, but that if he again should lose, he must retire, with all his brothers, for the space of twelve years into banishment, and if during that interval he was to be seen in his former dominions, he was to remain in banishment twelve years more. Judishter, hoping that fortune would not always be unkind, consented to these terms, but having lost as before, he was constrained by the princes, who were umpires, to relinquish his kingdoms to Jirjodin, and retire into banishment with his brethren from Inderput, his capital city, now known by the name of Delhi.

Send an ambassador to demand their share of the kingdom.

Twelve years they lay concealed in the wilderness, in such a manner that the tread of their feet was not heard; and when the time of their exile expired, they dispatched Kishen, the son of Basdeo, to demand the restoration of their kingdoms. Jirjodin, notwithstanding of his promise, made a jest of the embassy, and turned the ambassador with scorn from his presence. The sons of Pind finding that they could do nothing without force, began to collect their friends, of whom they had many; and in a short time they appeared in the field of Kirket, near the city of Tanassar, at the head of a mighty army, in the beginning of the Cal Jug. Jirjodin advancing with his army, after having drawn up his troops in array, encouraged the ranks of the valiant.
A battle.

The soldiers on both sides, according to the custom of battle, began to work, for death; the contest was renw'd, with dubious advantages, for the space of eighteen days, till at length, Jirjodin, with most of his friends, as the reward of his perfidy, drank the cup of fate in the field of war.

Incredible number of both armies.

The Hindoos say, that in this war, Jirjodin commanded eleven cohin, and the sons of Pind seven: a cohin, according to their fabulous accounts, consisted of twenty-one thousand eight hundred and seventy elephants of war, an equal number of chariots, six thousand six hundred and ten horsemen, and one hundred and nine thousand three hundred and fifty foot. Of all this incredible number, they say that only twelve men survived on both sides, four on the part of Jirjodin, and eight on the part of Judishter; among the latter was the ambassador Kishen Basdeo, who is esteem'd a great prophet among the Hindoos. They say, that the astrologers gave advice to Raja Kuns, who ruled in the city of Muttra, that Kishen should one day take away his life; upon which he sought every opportunity to put Kishen to death: but Kishen, knowing the designs of his foe, retired to a place called Nind, where he lived with a shepherd eleven years. He ventured at length into the world, and collecting a body of men together, who were dissatisfied with the government of Kuns, he made war upon him and put him to death, setting up Ogursein, the father of Kuns, in the kingdom; and he himself lived afterwards thirty-two years, at the head of the administration at Muttra. Raja Jeradsing, from the country of Barounia, came at length with a great army, towards Muttra, to turn Kishen from his place. At the same time came from the east, Raja Callioon, and attacked him on the other side. Kishen, not able to oppose these two Rajas, fled towards Duarka, which is on the coast of the Salt Sea, and was there besieg'd for the space of eighteen years, where some say he died; but the superstitious aver that he is still alive, and therefore they pay him divine honors.

They relate that after the Mahabarit, which signifies the great war, Judishter having overcome Jirjodin, ruled the whole empire of Hindostan for thirty-six years, when being disgusted with the vanity and pomp of the world, he retired into a mountain, dividing his wealth and empire among his friends, and lived the life of religion and poverty the remainder of his days. The reign of Jirjodin and Judishter is said to be one hundred and twenty-five years. Such are the tales of the Hindoos concerning an age too dark and distant to be distinctly known.

SECTION II. Of the Origin of the Hindoos[†].

Origin of the Hindoos.

AS the best and most authentic historians agree that Adam was the father of mankind, whose creation they place about five thousand years before the Higerah, the sensible part of mankind, who love the plainness of truth better than the extravagance of fable, have rejected the marvellous traditions of the Hindoos, concerning the transactions of a hundred thousand years, and are of opinion that they, like other nations, are the descendants of the sons of Noo, who peopled the world. The Hindoos pretend to know nothing of the flood; however, as this event is supported by the testimony of all other nations, there is little room to doubt of its truth, and we shall, therefore, proceed to trace the Hindoos from that great aera, according to the best authorities.

The sons of Noo or Noah

We are told that Noo had three sons, Sham, Eaphs and Ham. Sham, the eldest, had nine sons, Arshud, Arphashud, Bood, Khe, Simood, Aram, Kibt, Aad and Keitan. All the tribes of Arabs, Abraham and the prophets, were of the race of Arphashud, and his second son Keiomours, is said to be the first king of Agim[*], and his sons were six, Shamuc, Pharis, Iraac, Billou, Shaam and Mogaan. Shamuc inherited the kingdom after the death of his father, whereas the other sons dispersing themselves, laid the foundation of monarchies, which pass'd by their names.

Eaphs or Japhet.

Eaphs, according to the desire of his father, turned his face to the north-east, where he had many sons and daughters. The name of his first-born was Turc, from whence all the tribes of the Turks, Moguls, Usbecks, Chigettas, Turkumanians and Rumians[†]. The name of the second son was Chin, who laid the foundation of the mighty monarchy of China; and the third, whose name was Rus, is said to be the father of those nations, who extend themselves northward, even into the regions of darkness, in the countries of Muse, Ghiz and Eucolaat.

Ham, the progenitor of the Hindoos.

Ham, by the order of his illustrious father, turned his face to the south. He also had many children: the name of the first was Hind, the second Sind, the third Habysh[‡], the fourth Zinge, the fifth Barber, and the sixth Nobah; from these, all the kingdoms, distinguished by their names, took their rise. Hind, turning eastward, possessed himself of the paradisial regions of Hindostan, where he laid the foundation of his monarchy. His brother Sind, turning to the south-east, possessed himself of the fertile plains of the river‖, and founding the city of Tatta, ruled the kingdom of Moultan.

The sons of Hind.

Hind had four sons, one of whom was named Purib, another Bang, a third Decan, and a fourth Nerwaal. They first inhabited the countries, known to this day by their names. To Decan, the son of Hind, was born three sons, among whom he divided his kingdom, Marhat, Conher and Tiling; and from them sprung these three great tribes in the Decan, Marhattas, Conherias and Telingas. Nerwaal had also three sons, Beroge, Cambage and Malrage, whose names descended to the countries over which they ruled. Bang also had many children, who lived to inherit the kingdom of Bengal. But Purib, the first-born of Hind, had forty-two sons, who in a short time multiply'd exceedingly; but among these, one of them whose name was Krishen, exalted himself above his brethren.

SECTION III. Of the Reign of Krishen, the Founder of the Dynasty of the Marages.

Krishen first king of Hindostan.

LET it not be concealed that the first who placed his foot on the musnud of empire, in the region of Hindostan, was Krishen; but not that Krishen whom the Hindoos worship, but a man of wisdom, policy, and courage. He was, it is said, so fat a man, that finding no horse sufficiently strong for his weight, he first, prompted by necessity, found out the art of catching and taming elephants. In the reign of Krishen, it is also said, that there lived a certain person of the race of Bang, whose name was Brahma, wise and learned, whom Krishen made his vizier. This Brahma is said to be the father of many arts, of writing and of working in wood and iron. He was also the founder of the city of Oud, which became the capital of Krishen; and is said to have been the first regular imperial city of Hindostan. When Krishen had lived to the age of four hundred years[*], he left the world to his first-born Marage, having, during his reign, peopled near two thousand towns and villages.

SECTION IV. Of the Reign of Marage[*], the son of Krishen, and of the Dynasties of the Marages and Keshrorages.

Is s
•…

eeded by Marage.WHEN Marage, by the consent of his brothers and of the people, had ascended the throne, in the art of government he soon rivall'd the same of his father, devoting his time to the just administration of his affairs. As the children of Brahma were skill'd in the arts of their father, he continued the most expert of them as his vizier, and appointed the rest his astrologers, physicians and priests, whence some derive the origin of the Brahmins, who to this day exercise those functions in Hindostan. Others of the nobility were appointed hereditary governors of provinces, from whom the second great sect of the Hindoos are supposed to derive their origin; while a third class were commanded to cultivate the ground, and a fourth to employ themselves in such arts as were necessary for the purposes of society.
Marage divides his subjects into four tribes.

It was enacted, that this division of the subjects of Marage into four grand departments should subsist for ever: and thus was laid the foundation of the four great sects of Hindoos, Brahma, Kittri, Bise and Sudur.

Is a lover of learning.

The wise and the excellent Marage was a lover of learning. He invited philosophers from all parts, and founded the city of Bahar for their reception; appropriating the revenues of certain lands for their maintenance, and building several noble edifices and temples for the worship of the true God. Of the length of his reign, and the manner of his death, we have no particular accounts; neither are we inform'd of the lives and actions of his successors, who are said to have ruled over Hindostan, under the name and honours of their father, during the space of seven hundred years, in which time the country is said to have greatly encreas'd in riches, cultivation, and in the number of its people. A friendly correspondence was kept up between the imperial crowns of Hindostan and Iran[†], till at length one of the princes of the blood of Hind, went in disgust to the presence of Feredoon, king of Iran. He laid his complaints before the king, who ordered Kirshib, the son of Attrid, with a numerous army, to recover his rights.
The Persians, for the first time, invade Hindostan.

When Kirshib reach'd the kingdom of Hindostan, a war was commenced, which continued, with various success, for the space of ten years. The country suffered exceedingly, till Marage was compell'd to give up a part of his dominions to the fugitive prince, of whose name we have no information, only that he was nephew to the then emperor. Marage thus procured peace, and sent presents by the hand of Kirshib, to the king of Iran.

Rebellion in Ceylon.

It is said, that some time after, the governor of Shingeldiep‖ and Carnatic, trusting in his strength, blew up the flames of rebellion, which was the occasion of a long and bloody war in the Decan, in which the eldest son of the king lost his life, being deserted in the fight by Showra, ruler of the Decan, who fled with his discomfited army to the king. Marage, on hearing this news, writhed himself like a snake with anger, and bit the finger of sorrow, because, before that time, none of the rulers of the islands of Atchin, or the coasts of Pegu or Malabar, had dared to dispute his commands.

Second invasion of the Persians.

He was, at the same time, threaten'd with an invasion from Iran; for Minuchere had advanced as far as Moultan, with a mighty army, intending to make an entire conquest of Hindostan. Marage sent Baal Chund, his general, against him, who, finding that peace would be more advantageous at that juncture, than war with this foreign enemy, prevailed on Minuchere, by large presents, to return to Iran.
Ceylon reduced.

When Baal Chund had accomplished this pacification, he was ordered by the king, to march to the Carnatic, where he subdued the governor of Shingeldiep, and again established the authority of his master. Some authors relate, that Baal Chund was obliged to cede the whole territory of Punjaab to Minuchere, the general of Feredoon[*], before he would return to Iran: But others affirm, that the territory of Punjaab, during the reign of Feredoon, was in the possession of the king of Agim[†].

When Baal Chund returned from the war, Marage, in reward of his bravery, appointed him ruler of Malava. This general is said to have built the castles of Gualier and Biana, and to have first introduced music into Hindostan, from the Tilingas of the Decan, among whom it was invented.

Before Christ 1429.

Dynasty of the Keshrorage commences.

The dynasty of the posterity of Marage lasted seven hundred years after the death of Krishen, when Keshrorage ascended the throne. This prince was also of the race of the Marages, and had fourteen brothers, whom on his accession he dispatch'd into different countries; while he himself taking the way of Calpic, went into the Decan, by the city of Gunduar, and directing his march towards Shingeldiep, reduced that country into obedience, and regulated its government.
Rebellion in the Decan.

Soon after, the Zemindars of the Decan joining in confederacy, exalted the spear of enmity, and day by day gained strength, till at last they ventured to advance their standards against the king. Keshrorage, seeing the inequality of his force, began to treat about a peace, which he obtained, and began his retreat.

Persians aid Keshrorage.

In the mean time, he sent presents to Minuchere, King of Iran, to demand assistance. Minuohere ordered Sham, the son of Nireman, with a great force, to his aid. Keshrorage met him at the town of Jillender, and received him with feasts and with joy. The confederate armies turned their standards towards the Decan, and the chiefs of the rebels began to be greatly affected with the terror of the troops of Iran.
The Decan reduced.

The regions of the Decan fell again into the hands of the King. When the country was settled in tranquillity, Keshrorage returned with his army to his capital of Oud, and from thence, accompanying Sham as far as Punjaab, dismiss'd him with presents to his prince Minuchere. Keshrorage returning home, spread the umbrella of justice over the head of his people, and gave them happiness, plenty and peace. His successors of the same name ruled Hindostan two hundred and twenty years, of whom we hear nothing remarkable, till Firose Ra ascended the throne of empire.

SECTION V. Of the Reign of Firose Ra, and the Dissolution of the Dynasty of the Keshrorage.

Before Christ 1209.

Firose Ra a weak prince.

FIROSE RA, being versed in the Indian sciences of the Shashter, took great delight in the society of learned men, and entirely neglected the art of war. He expended his revenues in charities to Fakeers, and in building temples for the worship of God. He made two journeys to the city of Bahar, to which he granted large endowments, and built the town of Moneer. Among the bad actions of his life is related, that on the death of Sham, the son of Nireman, who was a great general under Minuchere[*], Afrasiab[*] having invaded the kingdom of Iran,
Seizes upon Punjaab.

Firose Ra ungratefully seiz'd the same opportunity to wrest the countries of Punjaab[†] and Jallender from that prince, notwithstanding the generous assistance of Persia to his father, in recovering the kingdoms of the Decan. Some ancient authors relate, that till the reign of Keikubad, the territories of Punjaab were annexed to those of Hindostan: But when the hero of the world, Rustum Dista[‡], gave grace to the throne of empire, he turned to the conquest of Punjaab; and Firose Ra unable to oppose his progress, withdrew his army to the mountains of Turhat.
Deposed by Rustum Dista.

After Rustum had conquer'd Sind, Moultan and Punjaab, he advanced towards Turhat; and Firose Ra, in great terror, fled from thence to the mountains of Jarcund and Gundwarah; nor did he ever after see happiness, but gave up his soul to death.
Dynasty of the Firose Ra ends.

He is said to have reign'd one hundred and thirty-seven years, but this period must be understood, to include all the Kings who ruled under that name and title.

SECTION VI. Of the Reign of Soorage; and the Dynasty of that Name.

Before Christ 1072.

Soorage ascends the throne.

WHEN the news of the death of Firose Ra reach'd the ears of Rustum, that hero, on account of his character and ingratitude to Minuchere, was not desirous that his son should succeed to his honours; he therefore placed a chief of the Hindoos, whose name was Soorage, upon the throne, and he himself returned to Iran.
A powerful prince.

Soorage became a powerful prince, and from the sea of Bengal, to that of Malabar, placed his viceroys and governors, and turned his mind to erect magnificent edifices, and to improve agriculture.

In the reign of Soorage, a Brahmin from the mountains of Jarcund appear'd, who was skill'd in the arts of enchantment, and who, insinuating himself into the favour of the King, instructed him in the practices of idolatry. It is said, that Hind continued, in imitation of his father, to worship the true God, and that his descendants followed his example; till in the time of Marage, a person came from Iran, and introduced the worship of the sun, moon and stars, and their proper symbol the element of fire:
The worship of idols introduced.

But the Brahmin, in the days of Soorage, having introduced the worship of Idols, in a manner obliterated all traces of the old religion; for then, every great family molded their silver and gold into images of their fore fathers, and setting them up as objects of worship, among their vassals, there arose in the land, Gods without number.

Soorage builds Kianoge.

Soorage built the city of Kinnoge, which he adorn'd with the temples of his Gods, and was intent upon the practice of idolatry. This city, being pleasantly situated on the banks of the Ganges, he constituted his capital; and it is said that the extent of the walls of Kinnoge was, at that time, fifty crores.

Duration of the dynasty of the Soorages.

The dynasty of the Soorages lasted two hundred and eighty-six years, during which time, they sent annual presents, by way of tribute, to the Kings of Iran.

SECTION VII. Of Barage.

Before Christ 786.

Barage mounts the throne.

OF the race of the Surage we hear nothing particular till the reign of Barage, who was the last of that family. When Barage mounted the throne of Hindostan, he enlarged the city of Barage, and dignified it with his own name. This city is situated to the north-west of Oud about forty crores, by the foot of the mountains. He is said to have wrote some books on the science of music, which were in great repute in antient times. We are also told, that he finished the city of Banaris, which his father had begun to build towards the latter end of his reign:
Is tyrannical.

But his disposition being somewhat tinctured with madness, he overturned the laws of Marage, which were founded on wisdom, and great disturbances arose in Hindostan.
Deposed.

Keidar, a Brahmin, from the mountains of Sewali, having collected a great army, invaded him, and having in the end, entirely defeated the King, wielded the scepter of government in his own hand. The reign of Barage is said to have been thirty-six years.

SECTION VIII. Of the Reign of Keidar the Brahmin.

Before Christ 750.

Keidar, a Brahmin, succeeds to the throne.

WHEN Keidar the Brahmin had claspt the bride of royalty in his arms[*], being a man of learning and genius, he became a great King; but carrying the trappings of Kei Caous and Kei Chusero[†] on his shoulders, he was constrained, by way of tribute, to send them annual gifts. This prince laid the foundation of the castle of Killinger, upon a high rock, about thirty crores south from Allahabad, and lived to see it compleatly finished.
Defeated and dethroned by Shinkol.

In the latter end of his reign, one Shinkol, a native of Kinnoge, having strengthened himself, took possession of Bang[‡] and Behar, where he had been governor; and leading a great army against Keidar, after many battles had been fought with various success, the fortune of Shinkol at length prevailed. The reign of Keidar was nineteen years.

SECTION IX. Of the Reign of Shinkol and of his Son and Successor Rhoat.

Before Christ 731.

Shinkol mount the throne.

WHEN Shinkol had ascended the throne, he exerted himself in the military art, and affected great magnificence. The city of Lucknouti, which is famous by the name of Goura, he rebuilt and beautified, with many noble structures: That city is said to have been the capital of Bang for the space of two thousand years, and was not destroyed till after the conquest of Timur, when Tanda became the seat of government in those parts.

His great army.

Shinkol kept up a force of four thousand elephants of war, a hundred thousand horse, and four hundred thousand foot.
Refuses to pay tribute to Persia.

When, therefore, Afrasiab[*], King of Iran, demanded his tribute, Shinkol, confiding in his own strength, refused to make any acknowledgment, but turned away the Persian ambassador with disgrace. Afrasiab being enraged at this treatment, one of his generals, whose name was Peiran, was commanded to march against Shinkol with fifty thousand chosen troops. When intelligence of this invasion came to Shinkol, he exalted the spear of defiance, and raising a great army, marched forth to meet him.

The two armies came in sight of each other near the hills of Koge, which are in the country of Koracut, on the frontiers of Bengala. The battle soon begun, and it lasted two days and two nights, without victory declaring on either side. The Turks[†], doing justice to their former fame, had by this time laid fifty thousand of the Hindoos upon the field; yet, on account of the number of the enemy, the harvest seemed not to decrease before them: In the mean time, eighteen thousand of the smaller army being slain, a weakness appeared distinctly on the face of their affairs.
Defeats the Persians.

However, urged as they were, they made a third attempt, and finding themselves overcome, they sought as they retreated to the mountains; there they took possession of a strong post, from which it was impossible to drive them: From this post, they continued with small parties, to harrass the neighbouring country, and in the mean time, dispatched letters to Afrasiab, giving him an account of their situation.

Afrasiab was at that time in the city of Gingdis, which is situated between Chitta and Chin, and about a month's journey beyond the city of Balich. When he received intelligence of the situation of Peiran, he hastened to his relief with a hundred thousand horse, and came just in time to save him from destruction; for Shinkol had so closely invested him with a numerous army, that in a few days more he must have perished with famine, or submitted himself to the mercy of an enraged enemy. Afrasiab without delay assaulted Shinkol; the terrified Hindoos, unable to stand the combat, were dispersed like straw before the storm, leaving their wealth and equipage behind.
But is overcome by Afrasiab, and Hindostan ravaged.

When Peiran was relieved from his distress, Afrasiab pursued the enemy, and put thousands of them to the sword. Shinkol himself hastened to Bang, and came to the city of Lucknouti, but being closely pursued by Afrasiab, he tarried there only one day, and then fled to the mountains of Turhat. The Turks ravaged the whole kingdom with fire and sword.

Afrasiab having received intelligence of Shinkol, he directed his march towards him. Shinkol immediately sent some of the wise men of his court to beg peace and forgiveness for his errors, soliciting that he might have the honour to kiss the foot of the lord of nations.
Submits and is earned to Persia.

Afrasiab yielded to his intreaties, and Shinkol, with a sword and a coffin, was brought into his presence. It was agreed between the kings that Shinkol should accompany Afrasiab to Turan, and that his son should have the empire restored to him upon condition of paying an annual tribute. Thus Shinkol continued to attend Afrasiab, who returned to his own dominions, till in one of the battles with Rustum[*] he was slain by that hero's sword.

Before Christ 667.

Rhoat a good prince.

Shinkol is said to have reigned sixty-four years. His son Rhoat, who succeeded him in the throne, was a wise, religious and affable prince. The revenues of his empire, which extended from Kirmi to Malava, he divided into three parts; one of which he expended in charities,
Tributary to Persia.

another he sent to Afrasiab for his tribute, in which there was a large surplus for the use of his father; and the other third was appropriated to the necessary expences of his government. His standing army upon this account was small, which induced the king of Malava, who was rich and powerful, to withdraw his neck from the yoke of obedience, and to seize upon the castle of Gualier, at the time that Raja Rhoat was busy in building the strong hold of Rhotas, which still goes by his name. When intelligence was brought to the King of the loss of Gualier, he assembled an army and led them against the Raja of Malava, but was forced to retreat.
The family of Shinkol become extinct.

After Rhoat and his race had reigned eighty-one years, they went the way of their fathers, and having left no children to assume the ensigns of royalty, there arose great disturbances in the city of Kinnoge. A nobleman whose name was Merage, from the Rajaput tribe of Cutchwa, assumed at last the dignities of the empire. This prince we are told was a native of Marwar.

SECTION X. Of the Reign of Merage.

Merage succeeds to the throne, before Christ 58
•

.AFTER Merage had firmly established himself upon the throne, he led an army towards Narval[*], and punished the disobedient Zemindars of that country.
Encourages trade.

Having built a port on the shores of the Salt Sea, he there constructed ships of wonderful invention to trade into foreign lands, and having settled the country in peace, returned to his capital,
Dies.

where he died, after a reign of forty years. He was cotemporary with Gustasp, Emperor of Turkistan[†], to whom he paid tribute.

SECTION XI. Of the Reign of Kederage.

Before Christ 546.

Kederage.

KEDERAGE was nephew, by a sister, to the former King, and nominated by him for his successor.
Conquers Punjaab.

Rustum Dista the second being slain, and the ruler of Punjaab being a weak man, Kederage led an army that way, conquered it without much difficulty, and remained some time in Bhera, which is an ancient city. He built the fort of Jimbu, situated about forty crores from Lahore, on a mountain: then leaving one of his kinsmen, whose name was Wirick, to govern the country, he returned to his capital.
But loses it again.

But some time after two tribes of mountaineers, the Gickers and Joppies, collecting all the troops of Cabul and Kandahar, advanced against Kederage, and recovered all those territories, from which time these people have kept possession of the mountains, and are now called Asgans. Kederage reigned forty three years.

SECTION XII. Of the Reign of Jeichund.

Before Christ 503.

Jeichund.

JEICHUND was commander in chief of the armies of the former King, and having the power in his hands, he mounted the throne at the death of his sovereign.
A dissolute prince.

In this reign a dreadful famine and pestilence devoured the land. The King neglecting the public calamity in the city of Biana, spent his time in riot and festivity. Many towns and villages upon this occasion became desolate, and the whole kingdom of Hindostan put on the aspect of ruin and distress.
Dies.

Jeichund, at the expiration of sixty years, withdrew into the regions of eternity. He was cotemporary with Bemin and Daraab, and sent them an annual tribute.
Delu usurps the throne.

He left one son of tender years, so that the mother of the child took the reins of administration into her hands; but being too weak to guide the chariot of empire, Delu, the brother of Jeichund, seized that opportunity of usurping the government.

SECTION XIII. Of the Reigns of Delu and the two Foors.

Before Christ 443.

A brave and generous prince.

DELU was a prince uncommonly brave and generous, with a disposition benevolent towards men, and entirely devoted to his creator. He founded the city of Delhi in the fortieth year of his reign;
Foor or Porus rebels.

but a Raja of his own family, whose name was Foor[*], and who ruled the country of Cumaoon under him, rebelled, and having first secured that country, drew a great army together, and invaded the Emperor in Kinnoge.
Defeats and deposes Delu.

Thus a bloody war was commenced, in which the Emperor was taken prisoner and sent to be confined in the fort of Rhotas. Foor led his army towards Bang, and conquered the country as far as the ocean, and became a great and powerful prince:
His son neglects to pay the tribute to Persia, and is overthrown and slain by Alexander.

Before Christ 330.

but his son Foor confiding in his strength, neglected to pay the customary tribute to the King of Iran, which drew the victorious army of the great Secunder[*] upon his head. Foor, notwithstanding, would not submit; but with an army numerous as the locusts, met Secunder at Sirhind, about eighty crores from Delhi, where a terrible battle was fought, in which he bravely lost his life with many thousands of his subjects.

When the great Secunder came to Hindostan, there was a Raja of the Decan, whose name was Bider, and founder of the castle of that name, who upon hearing of the victory of Secunder and the death of Foor, sent his son with great wealth to the conqueror to obtain peace, which being granted, and a mutiny arising in his army, Secunder returned to Iran.

Sinsarchund.

After the death of Foor, and the return of Secunder, Sinsarchund assumed the imperial dignity, and in a short time regulated the empire, which was then in great confusion,
Pays the Persian tribute.

but he neglected not to send his regular tribute to Kodirs and Nirsi, who at that time held the Sultanit of Iran.

After he and his family of the same name had reigned seventy years,
Jonah.

a Raja whose name was Jonah, invaded the empire, and gained the ascendancy. Some say that Jonah was the nephew of Foor, but this is not well attested.

〈…〉

However, when his fortune raised him to the throne, he became an excellent prince, taking great pains in peopling and cultivating the waste parts of his dominions, and founding a lasting name of justice and benevolence. Aridshere[*] at this time was Emperor of Iran, and advanced with an army to the borders of Hindostan,
Submits to Persia.

when Jonah, in fear of his arms, hastened to make his submission, carrying with him a great number of warlike elephants, with a vast quantity of gold and jewels, which he presented to the Emperor and bought peace. He then returned to Kinnoge, and ruled in tranquillity for many years. He and his posterity reigned ninety years without doing any thing remarkable to the accession of Callian Chund to the imperial throne.

SECTION XIV. Of Callian Chund.

Before Christ 170.

Callian Chund a bad prince.

CALLIAN CHUND was a prince of an evil disposition, oppressive and tyrannical to his subjects, whose blood he shed without mercy. His cruelty occasioned many people of distinction to desert the country and fly to other kingdoms for protection, by which the lustre of the court and the beauty of the country were greatly diminished.
Deposed.

At length faction began openly to raise her head, and all the dependant Rajas to appear in arms, so that being deserted by his own troops, he fled and died in obscurity.

From this period, we find nothing certain in the history of Hindostan to the time of Bickermagit, the Raja of Malava, who made a considerable figure in the world. We shall therefore make a short digression from the history of the Kings of Kinnoge, to give some account of him.

Bickermagit

This Bickermagit was of the tribe of Tuar, and great things are recorded in the histories of the Hindoos, concerning the policy, justice and wisdom of his government.
travels to foreign countries.

It is said that this prince in his youth, putting on the habit of a Fakeer, travelled over the world for many years in acquiring the arts, learning and policy of foreign nations.
His great actions and good qualities.

It was not however till the age of fifty that he became famous for his exploits in the field, to which they say he was impelled by divine command; which notion seemed indeed to be justified by his uncommon success, which soon paved his way to the throne. In a few months he entirely subdued the kingdoms of Narval and Malava, spreading the carpet of justice, and throwing the shadow of his protection over the heads of his subjects. The poets of those days praise his justice, by telling us that the magnet without his leave durst not exert its power upon iron, nor amber upon the chaff of the field; and such was his temperance and contempt of external grandeur, that he slept upon a mat, and reduced the furniture of his apartment to an earthen pot filled with water from the spring.

In his reign the city of Ugeïn was built, as also the fort of Daar, where he took up his residence.
Sets up an idol,

He is said to have set up the idol Makaal[*] in Ugeïn, and to have collected Brahmins, Fakeers, and Jogies, to attend that worship for the vulgar,
but worships the true God.

while he himself worshipped only the infinite and invisible God. The time of his death before the writing of this history (in the year of the Higerah one thousand and fifteen) according to the account of the Hindoo writers, is fifteen hundred and sixty three years. He is said to have been cotemporary with Shawpoor[†] King of Iran.

Slain.

Bickermagit[‡] was slain in his old age, in a battle with the princes of the Decan, who had lifted up their standards against him upon the banks of the river Nirbidda. The Hindoo historians have stretched the praise of this hero so far beyond the bounds of reason and probability, that the love of truth obliges us to be silent on this head.
An interregnum.

After the death of Bickermagit the kingdom fell into anarchy for some time, till Raja Boge drew the reins of government into his hands.

A. D.
•…

Raj
〈…〉

a good prince.Raja Boge also was of the tribe of Tuar, and in policy, justice, and government, followed the example of Bickermagit. In the discipline of his troops he was extremely active and vigilant, often going the rounds in disguise to see that they were watchful on their posts. He had a peculiar passion for architecture, which he gratified in building, restoring, and ornamenting many cities in his dominions. Hindia, Bijanagur, and Gircoon, were built in his reign. He was also much addicted to women, whom he collected into his Haram from all parts. Twice every year he made a grand festival, to which thousands of musicians and singers crowded for his entertainment. This festival continued for the space of forty days, in which nothing went on but dancing, singing and debauchery. The company, on the breaking up of the assembly, were presented each with a dress and other presents according to their rank. In this luxurious manner he reigned fifty years.

To return to the history of Kinnoge. After the expulsion of Callian Chund, the kingdom of Kinnoge remained in anarchy to the days of Basdeo,
Basdeo reduces Bahar and Bengal.

who having mounted the throne, recovered Bahar and Bengal, which had revolted, and began to restore the power and authority of his kingdom.
The King of Persia comes in disguise to Hindostan.

A. D.
•…

.Byram Gore, King of Iran, at that time, came in disguise to Hindostan, in the character of a merchant, to inform himself of the power, government and manners of that country. When he was entering the city of Kinnoge, it is related, that a wild elephant attacked him, who in the season of lust had rushed from the woods, killing and destroying all who came in his way. Byram Gore pierced the elephant's forehead with an arrow, by which he acquired great fame and popularity. This circumstance having reached the ears of the King, he was desirous of seeing the merchant, and ordered him to be brought into his presence.
Is discovered.

When one of the nobles who had gone to the court of Iran some years before with the tribute, discovered him to Basdeo, who being perfectly assured of the truth, descended from his throne and embraced him.

Treated with magnificence.

Byram Gore being constrained to assume his proper character, he was treated with the utmost magnificence and respect while he remained at the court of Kinnoge, where he married the daughter of Basdeo, and returned in a short time to Iran. Basdeo and the princes his posterity, are said to have ruled the empire for eighty years.
Ramdeo.

The country being torn to pieces by a civil war, which arose between the descendants of Basdeo, Ramdeo, who had been general of the forces, excluded the royal line from the throne, and by consent of the nobility and troops, took the supreme authority into his own hands.

SECTION XV. Of the Reign of Ramdeo Rhator.

A. D. 436.

RAMDEO was of the tribe of Rhator, a prince bold, wise, and generous. The first thing he did on his accession, was to exterminate by degrees the chiefs and Rajas who assumed independency, and raised factions in the empire. Then he advanced with his army towards Marvar, and recovered that country from the tribe of Cutchwa, whom he dispossessed, and peopled it with that of Rhator, from which time they have possessed it[*]. The tribe of Cutchwa was sent to the precincts of Rhotas which they still inhabit.
His great actions.

Ramdeo Rhator, after these transactions, returned and marched towards Lucknouti, which he took and gave to his nephew. Here great wealth fell into his hands, and after an expedition of three years he returned to Kinnoge, where he remained two years, and then marched his army towards Malava, which he conquered, and putting it in the hands of his Vizier, ordered many cities and towns to be built in that province. Having repaired the fort of Narvar, he appointed one of his kinsmen governor, and demanded the daughter of the Raja of Bijanagur in marriage, who, fearing the power of Ramdeo, complied. He remained in the city of Gundwara two years, where he slew many of the rebellious Zemindars, then returning to Kinnoge spent seven years in festivity and pleasure.

Ramdeo afterwards went unto the mountains of Sawalic, and reduced all the Rajas of those parts; particularly the Raja of Comaoon, whose ancestors, according to the fabulous history of the Hindoos, had reigned there ten thousand years. This Raja had drawn together a powerful army, with which he engaged Ramdeo in several great battles; so that for some time the war was doubtful. At length the fortune of Ramdeo prevailed, and the Raja of Comaoon was forced to abandon his wealth, and take refuge in the inaccessible mountains[*]. His wives and daughters fell into the hands of Ramdeo, who having softened him to compassion, he restored to the Raja his country, and turned his face towards Nagracut, plundering the country, till he reached Scutdimmindi. There he halted out of respect to the temple of Bowani[†], which was built near the sort of Nagracut, sending a person to call the Raja before him. The Raja afraid for his life, delayed for some time till he had received proper assurances of personal safety, by the mediation of a Brahmin; and then he waited on the King, and exhibited the customs of obedience. Ramdeo went to pay his adoration to the idol, to whom he made rich offerings, then retiring, demanded the daughter of the Raja in marriage for his son, and marched to the fort of Jummu. The Raja of Jummu being strong in troops and well supplied with money and provisions, confiding in the strength of his fort and the inaccessibleness of the roads leading towards it, despised the summons of the King, and refused to bend to his commands, preparing himself for war. But in the first encounter in the field, his irregular troops, though singly brave, were discomfited before the united powers of the King, who driving him within his walls, immediately invested the place, and storming it in a few days, imprisoned what part of the garrison escaped the sword, and in the fort found great wealth.

The Raja having previously fled into the mountains, saw no hope but in peace, and therefore sollicited the mercy of the King. Ramdeo reinstated him, taking one of his daughters for his second son. Directing his march from thence to the banks of the river Nerbet, which falls from the mountains of Cashmire into the districts of Punjaab, he traversed the country of Hindostan to the salt sea of Bengal, where the great mountains of Sewalic press upon the ocean. He accomplished this march in five months, having reduced near five hundred disobedient Rajas and Zemindars. He plundered them of their wealth, and then turned his victorious standards towards his capital of Kinnoge, which he entered in pomp and triumph.

He soon after prepared a magnificent festival, and divided the spoil among his soldiers, the share of each being forty pieces of gold. Besides a third part of the spoil was thrown among the people. From this time forward he reposed upon the throne of ease and magnificence, nor ever afterwards mounted the horse of war to hunt for further conquests.
Dies.

After he had reigned fifty four years, he followed his ancestors to the unknown world, from whence none return. But the great actions of his life rendered his fame immortal; for among the Kings of Hindostan, we are told by historians, that few have rivalled the greatness of Ramdeo. He was cotemporary with Firose Sassa, father of Keikubad, to whom he paid tribute.

SECTION XVI. Of the Reign of Partab Chund.

A. D. 500.

UPON the death of Ramdeo, enmity broke out among his children, so that nothing but war, slaughter and death raged in the plains of Hindostan. In a short time, the great treasures which he had amassed, were expended, and desolation began to appear in the streets.
Partab Chund.

The general of Ramdeo, whose name was Partab Chund, taking advantage of these family factions, gained confidence and popularity among the troops. He accordingly marched against the capital, and reduced it in a few days. His first care was to extirpate the royal family, that his power might be firmly established; then drawing many of the Rajas, by fair, but false promises into his power, he cut off the most formidable, by which means, the rest became obedient to his commands.
Neglects to pay the tribute to the Persians.

This prince, by an uninterrupted course of success, began at length to devour the wind of pride, and neglected, for some years, to send the annual tribute to Iran, returning the ambassadors of Noshirwaan with empty hands and dishonour from his court.
Is forced to pay it.

This usage provoked the resentment of the King of Iran, and he sent an army against Partab Chund, which having conquered and ravaged the countries of Cabul and Punjaab, threw him into great confusion; he therefore was forced to pay up his arrears, to advance the tribute of the ensuing year, and to make promises of future obedience.

The empire declines.

After the death of Partab Chund, several of the neighbouring Rajas gaining power, formed independent governments, and left but a small part of the country in the hands of the heirs of the empire, insomuch that they lost the title of Rajas or Kings, and had that of Rana substituted in its place. Yet they possessed the mountains of Combilmere, and the adjacent countries of Chitor and Mindusur, till they were conquered by the successors of Timur.

SECTION XVII. Of Annindeo, Maldeo, and the Dissolution of the Empire.

Annindeo.

ANNINDEO was of the sect of Bise, who, upon the death of Partab Chund, seized upon the country of Malava,
Reduces the Manhattas, &c

A. D. 576.

and with rapidity of conquest, brought Narvalla, the country of the Marhattas, and the whole territory of Berar, into the circle of his obedience. To secure these conquests, he built the forts of Mahor, Rumgiri and Mundo.
Dies.

He was cotemporary with Chusero[*] Purvese, and died after a reign of sixteen years.
Maldeo.

About this time, a person whose name was Maldeo, of obscure original, from the country of Duaab, raised himself to great power, and collecting a numerous army, took the city of Delhi from the descendants of Partab Chund; then directing his march to Kinnoge, soon reduced that capital to his obedience, which at that time, we are told, was so populous, that there were in the city thirty thousand shops in which arreca[†] was sold, and sixty thousand sets of musicians and singers, who paid a tax to the government, from which we may judge of the amazing extent of this city.
Empire of the Hindoos dissolved.

Maldeo, at the end of forty-two years, died, and as he had no issue, every petty Raja rendered himself independent From that time forward, no imperial Raja ruled Hindostan; for when Sultan Mahmood Giznavi invaded that country, who was the first of the Islamite conquerors, he found it divided into small states. Kinnoge was governed by one Raja Korrah; Merat by Hirdit; Mahvin by Calchunder; Lahor by Jeipal, the son of Hitpal; and Callinger by Begera. Malava, Ajmere, Guzarat and Gualier had each their distinct Rajas, who were perfectly independent of one another; for this reason we shall quit the history of the Rajas, and begin with that of the conquest of the Islamites[*] in Hindostan.

Notes

*
Mahabarit signifies, the great war. Our author has in this section given a specimen of the legends contained in that book.
↵

†
Ashlogues or Stanzas.
↵

*
Jog-Rajasou, somewhat similar to the secular games among the Romans.
↵

†
Though our author begins his accounts of Hindostan with the stood, yet like the annals of other nations, there is little to be depended upon in the history of that country, for some ages after that supposed period. This must rather be ascribed to the ignorance of the Mahommedans in the Shanscrita language, than to a real want of ancient monuments among the Hindoos themselves. In the first centuries of the Higerah, truth begins to beam forth with lustre in his accounts of India, and that with more precision and minuteness than any history we have of any European nation, in so early a period.
↵

*
Media.
↵

†
The European Turks are called Rumians, by the eastern nations, from their possessing the empire of the Romans in the lesser Asia.
↵

‡
Habysh, according to the Mahommedans, was the progenitor of the Abyssinians.
↵

‖
The Indus.
↵

*
That is to say, Krishen, and such of his race as bore his name, reigned four hundred years over Hindostan. It is to be observed that our author does not, properly speaking, begin his history till the empire of Ghizni was founded by Subuetagl; his professed design being to record the transactions of the Mahommedans in Hindostan. What therefore the translator has distinguished under the title of the first part of this history is no more than a dissertation prefixed to the original, in which the domestic accounts of the Hindoos, concerning their ancient Kings, are briefly recapitulated.
↵

*
Marage, signifies the great king.
↵

†
Persia.
↵

‖
Ceylon.
↵

*
Feredoon and Minuchere seem to have been names common to all the Kings of Persia in those ages.
↵

†
Media.
↵

*
King of Persia.
↵

*
King of Turan or Great Tartary. He was one of the greatest conquerors of the East.
↵

†
The countries lying near the five heads of the Indus.
↵

‡
Rustum Dista was King of Seistan, and for his great exploits he was reckoned the Hercules of the East.
↵

*
A metaphorical expression for the empire.
↵

†
Kei-Caous and Kei-Chusero were Kings of Persia.
↵

‡
The province of Bengal.
↵

*
Afrasiab was a common title of the Kings of Persia of the Tartar race.
↵

†
The word Turk signifies no more than a soldier in the Persian language, so that all their troops went by that name; Turks in this place must be understood of those whom we call Tartars.
↵

*
Rustum seems to be a name common to all the Kings of
〈◊〉
.

↵

*
Guzerat.
↵

†
Hystaspes, the father of Darius Hystaspes, King of Persia. It is remarkable, that the chronology of the Hindoos agrees almost exactly with Sir Isaac Newton. Newton fixes the commencement of the reign of Darius in the 521st year before Christ; so that if we suppose that Hystaspes made a figure in Turkestan twenty five years before the accession of his son to the throne of Persia, which is no ways improbable, the chronology of Hindostan agrees perfectly with that which Newton has established.
↵

*
Foor was father to the famous Porus who sought against Alexander.
↵

*
Alexander the Great.
↵

*
Aridshere is the same with Arsaces, king of Parthia, who founded the Parthian or second Persian empire, about two hundred and fifty-six years before the christian aera.
↵

*
Great time.
↵

†
Shawpoor signifies, the King of the city, a title of the Kings of Persia, for some time after the dissolution of the first empire. It is the same name with Sapor, so famous in the Roman history.
↵

‡
The aera of Bickermagit is that which is most commonly used by the Gentoos.
↵

*
These are the Mahrattas, who at present make such a figure in India.
↵

*
The mountains of Comaoon lye about two hundred miles North from Delhi.
↵

†
Bowani is one of the names of the Goddess Pirkirti, concerning whom see the dissertation prefixed to this history.
↵

*
King of Persia.
↵

†
A kind of nut, which the Hindoos use as the Europeans do tobacco.
↵

*
The Mahommedans.
↵

PART II. The History of the Empire of Ghizni.

SECTION I. Of the first Appearance of the Star of Islamism[*] in Hindostan, together with a summary Account of those Mahommedans, by whom the Empire of Ghizni was formed.

First invasion of Hindostan by the Mahommedans.

TO minds enlightened like the sun, let it not remain a secret, That the first person of the faith who placed his foot within the boundaries of Hindostan, was Mohlib, the son of Abiul Sukur. The particulars of his history are these: In the twenty-eighth year of the Higerah, Abdulla, the son of Amir, governor of Bussorah, by the command of Osman, led an army towards Pharis, against the sovereign of that kingdom, who had revolted upon the death of Omar. Abdulla reduced his enemy to obedience, and returned victorious to Bussorah. In the thirtieth of the Higerah, Osman turned Olid Okbah, on account of his continuing to drink wine, from the government of Kusa, which he conferred upon Seid ben ul Ass. That commander marched the same year towards Tibiristan, accompanied by the two sons of Ali, Hassen and Hassein, and conquered the country of Jirju, whose capital is Ashtrabad, where he raised a contribution of forty thousand dinars. Abdulla ben Amir, ruler of Bussorah, on the part of Osman, in the thirty-first of the Higerah, marched to the conquest of Chorrasan, by the way of Kirman, and having reduced that country, Seistan, Keistan, Neshapoor, Sirchush, Herat, Badyeish, Ghore, Girghistan, Murve, Talickan and Balich, he entered into a treaty with a King of the northern regions whose name was Joos; having appointed Keis ben Hanim to the government of Chorrasan, Hanif ben Keis to the superintendency of Murve, Talickan and Neshapoor, and Chalid ben Abdulla to that of Herat, Ghore and Gerghistan, he himself being bent on a pilgrimage to Caba, marched back by the way of Hujage.

In the thirty-third year, Abdul Reiman, by order of Osman, having marched with an army against Balich, he and all his troops became martyrs to the faith, except a few, who escaped the sword and fled by the way of Gilan. Sharon, who was an Omrah of Agim, seeing that Abdulla ben Amir had gone a pilgrimage to Mecca, and that the plains of Chorrasan were clear of Persians and Mussulmen, raised in the same year an army of forty thousand men from Jibbis, Herat, Badyeish, Ghore, Keistan, and the adjacent countries, and fell upon the Mussulmen. But Abdulla Hazim, who was at Neshapoor with Hanif, with four thousand horse, attacked and defeated him; for which service he was afterwards rewarded with the government of Chorrasan.

In the forty-fourth year of the Higerah, Mavia ben Abessifian advanced Zeiad ben Abiera to the government of Bussorah, Chorrasan and Seistan; and in that year, Abdul Reiman ben Summera, according to the orders of Zeiad, conquered the country of Cabul, and bound them over to obedience.

Mohlib

About the same time, Mohlib ben abul Sukur, who was a great Omrah of Arab, by the way of Murve, invaded Cabul and Zabul;
enters Hindostan.

then entering Hindostan, made war upon the idolators, ravaging the country of Limgan and its dependencies, and with twelve thousand captives returned to Chorrasan. A few of the inhabitants of Hind were converted at that time to the belief of the unity of God, and the embassy of his holy prophet.

In the fifty-third of the Higerah, Zuad, governor of Bussorah, died in consequence of a wound in his finger, and Mavia gave the government of Kufa to Abdulla his son. Abdulla led his troops against the country of Maver ul neer, which he conquered, and returned to Kufa; after which he got the government of Bussorah, and appointed Aslim ben Zerait ul Gulabi to the government of Chorrasan: But in the year fifty-six, Mavia gave that appointment to Seid ben Osman Affan; and again, in the year fifty-nine, that government was changed into the hands of Abdul Reiman ben Zeiad.

In the sixty-second of the Higerah, Zeid ben Mavia appointed Zillim ben Ziad to rule over Chorrasan and Seistan. Among the chiefs who attended him, was Mohlib ben Abiull Sukur: This Zillim, when he had seated himself in the government, gave his brother Izid the government of Seistan, who hearing that the King of Cabul had imprisoned Abu Abida his brother, who had been collecting the tribute, he raised an army and marched towards him, but after an obstinate battle he was defeated, and lost the greatest part of his army.

Intelligence of this defeat coming to Zillim, he sent Tilla ben Abudulla to Cabul, who ransomed Abu-Abida for five thousand dirms. He then set aside his brother, and gave the government of Seistan to Tilla, who sent the troops of Ghore and Badyeish to Cabul, and by that means reduced that country to obedience, and conferred the government upon Chaled ben Abdulla. This Chaled ben Abdulla being ordered some time thereafter to return back and give an account of his administration, fearing the oppression of new rulers, with his family, wealth and friends, fled to the mountains of Soliman, which extend between Moultan and Peshawir, and there took up his abode. He married his daughter to one of the chiefs of the Afghans, who was a Mussulman: From this marriage sprung many children, two of whom became famous, Load and Soor; from whom the two great tribes of that name derive their origin.
Origin of the Afgans.

In the history of Muttelu ul Anwar, which is wrote by an author of good authority, it is related, that the Afghans are of the race of the Cibthi[*], who were ruled by Pharaoon[†], and being expelled about the time of Moses, took up their residence in those mountains.

But to return to our history. We are told, that this small colony under Caled, began to employ themselves in the cultivation of their grounds, and in breeding of cattle. When, therefore, Mahumud Casim, by the way of Sind, came to Moultan, he remained some time among them, and was hospitably entertained.

In the one hundred and forty-third of the Higerah, when they began to multiply exceedingly, they issued from their hills, and possessed themselves of Kirman, Peshawir and Shinwaran:
Raja of Lahore designs to humble them, but is worsted.

In the mean time, the Raja of Lahore, who was in alliance with the Raja of Ajmere, entered into a design to humble them, and sent one of his Omrahs against them; but the Omrah was worsted and lost many of his men, upon which the Raja sent his nephew with an additional force of two thousand horse and five thousand foot.

The Mussulmen of Cabul, Chillige and Chore, hearing of these hostilities against their brethren, sent four thousand horse to the assistance of the Afgans, so that in the space of five months, above seventy different battles and skirmishes were fought with various success:
Is forced to retreat.

When winter came on, the troops of Hindostan unable to bear the inclemency of the weather, were forced to retreat, but returned again in the spring. The two armies met between Kirman and Peshawir, where a battle was fought, in which the right wing of each army was victorious.
Sues for a peace.

The Raja of Lahore finding at last that he could not reduce them, was obliged to conclude a peace.

A war broke out at that time, between the Raja of Lahore and the tribe of Gicker, who entered into an alliance with the Afgans or Patans, which obliged the Raja to accommodate matters, and give up several districts to the Patans. The tribe of Chillige entered in the mean time into treaty with them, in which the Patans guarantied the boundaries of Hindostan against any foreign invasion by the way of Iran. To be able to fulfil the terms of this treaty, they built the fort of Cheiber in the passes of the mountains, which obliged the troops of Samania to invade Hind, by the way of Sind and Battia.

•

buctagi •ommander of •he troops of Ghizni.When the government of Ghizni[*] fell to Abistagi, his general, whose name was Subuctagi, made some incursions into Limgan and Moultan, carrying off plunder and slaves; and the Patans not being able to cope with him in the field, sent an embassy to Jeipal[†] Raja of Lahore, for assistance. When Jeipal understood that his troops could not subsist in the winter season in those cold regions, he called Sheck Amid, who was chief of the Afgans, conferred the title of general upon him; and made over some countries of Moultan and Limgan to enable him to carry on the war.

Succeeds to the government.

Abistagi dying about this time, Mahmud Subuctagi succeeded him: And Shech Amid finding it unadviseable to carry on the war, sent an ambassador to him to propose terms of accommodation, giving him to understand, that as they were brethren of the same faith, he was in hopes he would henceforth consider the Afgans as his friends; upon which conditions, he might pass with his army unmolested towards Hindostan.
Defeats Jeipal.

Subuctagi gladly embraced this proposal, and marching against Jeipal, defeated him, and gave Shul Ameid the government of Moultan.
The afgans reduced by Mamood.

But Sultan Mahmood, the son of Subuctagi, in the absence, and contrary to the policy of his father, made war upon the Afgans, and cut off many of their chiefs, bending the rest to the yoke of his commands.

SECTION II. The Reign of Nasir ul-dien Subuctagi, the Founder of the Empire of Ghizni.

A. D. 975. Higer. 365.

Subuctagi.

THOUGH the valiant Subuctagi never crossed the river of Nilaab, nor attained to the government of Punjaab, yet authors have conferred upon him the honour of being the first Mahommedan King of Lahore.
His family and rise under Abistagi.

Subuctagi was originally a Turkish slave, and having fallen into the hands of Abistagi, was, from a low degree, in the reign of Samania[*], raised to the most considerable dignities of the kingdom; being appointed to the government of Chorrassan, where he acquired great renown. When Abdul Mallick, the son of Samania, died, the Omrahs of Bochara sent an embassy to Abistagi, to consult with him about a successor. He told them that Munsur, the son of Abdul Mallick, was as yet but a child, and no ways capable of sustaining the weight of government: He therefore advised them to elect his uncle, but before the return of the ambassadors, the Omrahs had advanced Munsur to the throne; who hearing of the advice given by Abistagi, commanded that general back to Bochara;
Abistagi revolts from the empire of Bochara.

but Abistagi fearing the young King's resentment, refused to comply: He wisely considered that peaceable measures would only be to him the means of ruin, and he forthwith stood behind his disobedience, with thirty thousand men.

In the three hundred and fifty-first of the Higerah, he directed his march towards Ghizni, and having subdued that country by the edge of the sword, he exalted his standard of royalty[*]. In the mean time, Munsur, hearing that Abistagi had left Chorrassan almost totally destitute of troops, ordered Abul Hassen to march with an army that way, but he was interrupted in his rout by Abistagi, who gave him two signal defeats, and obliged him to fly into Bochara.
Secures to himself Ghizni and Chorassan.

Abistagi immediately obtained the peaceable sovereignty of the kingdoms of Ghizni and Chorrassan. During the fifteen years of the reign of Abistagi, he had employed Subuctagi, who had raised himself by his valour, to make depredations upon the Rajas of Hind, whom he plundered of much wealth.

Is succeeded by his son,

When Abistagi, in the year three hundred and sixty-five, departed into the regions of eternity, his son Abu Isaac invaded Bochara; in which expedition, Subuctagi enjoyed the chief command. Munsur, King of Bochara, being worsted in some engagements, a peace was concluded; in which it was stipulated, that Abu Isaac should continue to enjoy the regency of Ghizni, under the direction of Subuctagi.

who dies.

Abu Isaac being very young and addicted to pleasure, he readily entrusted Subuctagi with the whole administration of affairs. The voluptuous King travelled soon the road of mortality, and the Omrahs
A. D. 977. Higer. 367.

of Ghizni, who admired the wisdom and bravery of Subuctagi, unanimously elected him their King, in the year three hundred and sixty-seven; the reign of Abu Isaac continuing only for two years.
Subuctagi succeeds him. A good prince.

When Subuctagi ascended the throne, he married the daughter of Abistagi, and turning his mind wholly upon the art of government, he soon established justice in his dominions, and held the hearts of his subjects in his hand. There was at this time, a governor in the fort of Bust, of the name of Tigha, who was expelled by another chief called Bab Toor. Tigha, who was an independent Zemindar, on the borders of Ghizni, upon losing his fort and country, came and laid his complaint before the King, promising him tribute and obedience, if Subuctagi should restore him to his dignity.

Aids Tigha,

The King gave a favourable answer, and sent an army against Bab Toor, drove that chief from his new conquests, and put Tigha in quiet possession of his country;
who is ungrateful.

but Tigha no sooner found himself possessed of his inheritance, than he neglected all his promises to the King, and never once thought of sending his tribute. Subuctagi perceived this ingratitude, but he dissembled his resentment. Making soon after the circuit of his dominions, when he came near the territories of Tigha, he invited him to the chace. Finding himself alone with Tigha, the King took that opportunity to upbraid him with his ingratitude: Tigha, who was a daring and impetuous man, put his hand on his sword, on which the King also drew, but, in the combat, was wounded in the hand.

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defeated.Immediately a crowd of attendants poured in upon them, when a short but fierce conflict insued, wherein Tigha and his adherents were soon put to slight, and so closely pursued by the troops of Subuctagi, that they entered the fort at his heels; Tigha leaped over the wall and fled towards Kirman.

A. D. 977. Higer. 367.

It was here that Subuctagi met with Abul Fatti, who, in the art of writing, and in the knowledge of the sciences, had no equal: He had been formerly secretary to Bab Toor, and on his defeat had retired to enjoy his studies. Subuctagi hearing of him, called him into his presence, and having obtained proofs of his great abilities, made him his secretary, and dignified him with honourable titles. In that station Abul Fatti remained till the accession of Sultan Mamood, when he retired in disgust to Turkistan.

Subuctagi invades Hindostan.

Amir Subuctagi having conquered Bust, turned towards Kusdar, and taking the chief of that place prisoner, added his territory to his own dominions, giving the government of it to Actass. He soon after resolved upon a war with the idolators of Hindostan, and towards the close of the year three hundred and sixty-seven, which was the first of his reign, he undertook that expedition; and having ravaged part of the countries of Cabul and Punjaab, he founded some mosques, and returned to Ghizni with great treasures.

Jeipal, the son of Hitpal the Brahmin, ruled at this time, the country extending from Sirhind to Limghaan, and from Cashmire to Moultan; and kept his court at Lahore.
Advances against Jeipal.

Jeipal finding he could have no rest from the incursions of the Mussulmen, raised a great army with intent to invade them in their own country, which Subuctagi hearing, put his army in motion, and marched out to meet him. The Kings drew near one another at Limghaan, on the boundaries of their respective dominions: They skirmished for a few days, and Sultan Mamood, though then a boy, gave such signal proofs of his courage, that he drew tears of joy from the eyes of his father.

A miraculous storm,

Historians, whose credulity exceed their wisdom, have told us, that on this occasion, a certain person informed the King, that in
A. D. 977. Higer. 367.

the camp of Jeipal there was a spring, into which, if a small quantity of a certain drug, called Casurat, should be thrown, the sky would immediately be overcast, and a dreadful storm of hail and wind arise. Subuctagi having accordingly ordered this to be done, the effects became visible, for immediately the sky loured, and thunder, lightning, wind and hail began, turning the day into darkness, and spreading horror and desolation around; insomuch that a great part of the cavalry were killed, and some thousands of both armies perished; but the troops of Ghizni being more hardy than those of Hindostan, suffered not so much upon this occasion.
which induces Jeipal to sue for peace.

Jeipal in the morning found his army in such weakness and dejection, by the effects of this storm, which was rather natural than the work of magic, that fearing Subuctagi would take advantage of his condition, he sent Heralds to treat of a peace: He offered to the King of Ghizni a certain tribute, and a considerable present in elephants and gold.

Subuctagi was not displeased with these terms, but his son, Sultan Mamood, who was an ambitious young man, fearing this would put an end to his expedition, prevailed with his father to reject the proposal. Jeipal, upon this, told him that the customs of the Rajaputs were of such a nature, that if he persisted in distressing them, it must make him, in the end, pay very dear for his victories. Upon such occasions, and when reduced to extremity, said Jeipal, they murder their wives and children, set fire to their houses, set loose their hair, and, rushing in despair among the enemy, drown themselves in the crimson torrent of revenge. Subuctagi hearing of this custom, he was afraid to reduce them to despair, and consented to let them retreat upon their paying a million of Dirms, and presenting him with fifty elephants. Jeipal not being able to discharge the whole of this sum in camp, he desired that some persons of trust,
A. D. 977. Higer. 367.

on the part of Subuctagi, should accompany him to Lahore to receive the ballance; for whose safety, Subuctagi took hostages.

His perfidy.

Jeipal having arrived at Lahore, and finding Subuctagi had returned home, imprisoned his messengers, and refused to pay the money. It was then customary among the Rajas, in affairs of moment, to assemble the double council, which consisted of an equal number of the most respectable Brahmins, who sat on the right side of the throne; and of the noblest Kittries, who sat on the left. When they saw that Jeipal proceeded to such an impolitic measure, they intreated the King, saying, that the consequence of this step would bring ruin and distress upon the country; the troops said they have not yet forgot the terror of their enemy's arms; and Jeipal may rest assured, that a conqueror will never brook such an indignity: It was, therefore, the opinion of the double council, to comply strictly with the terms of the peace, that the people might enjoy the blessings of tranquillity; but the King was obstinate, and would not hearken to their advice.

Intelligence of what was done, soon reached the ears of Subuctagi; like a foaming torrent he hastened towards Hindostan with a numerous army, to take revenge upon Jeipal for his treacherous behaviour;
Renews the war,

Jeipal also collected his forces, and marched forth to meet him; for the neighbouring Rajas, considering themselves interested in his success, supplied him with troops and money. The Rajas of Delhi, Ajmere, Callinger and Kinnoge, were now bound in his alliance, and Jeipal found himself at the head of an army of a hundred thousand horse, and two hundred thousand foot; with which he marched with full assurance of victory.

When the moving armies approached each other, Subuctagi ascended a hill, to view the forces of Jeipal, which he beheld like a
A. D. 978. Higer. 368.

shoreless sea, and in number, like the ants or the locusts; but he looked upon himself as a wolf among a flock of goats: Calling therefore together his chiefs, he encouraged them to glory, and honoured them distinctly with his commands. His troops, though few in number, he divided into squadrons of five hundred each, which he ordered one after another, to the attack in a circle, so that a continual round of fresh troops harrassed the Indian army.

and is defeated.

The Hindoos being worse mounted than the cavalry of Subuctagi, could effect nothing against them; so that wearied out with this manner of fighting, confusion became visible amongst them. Subuctagi perceiving their disorder, sounded a general charge, so that they fell like corn before the hands of the reaper; and were pursued with great slaughter to the banks of the river Nilaab; where many, who had escaped the edge of the sword, perished by their fear in the waters.

Subuctagi acquired in this action much glory and wealth; for besides the rich plunder of the Hindoo camp, he raised great contributions in the countries of Limghaan and Peshawir, and annexed them to his own dominions, joined them to his titles, and stamped their names, as was customary, upon his coins. One of his Omrahs, with three thousand horse, was appointed to the government of Peshawir; and the Afghans who resided among the mountains, having promised allegiance, he entertained some thousands of them in his army, and returned victorious to Ghizni.

Subuctagi solicited for aid by the King of Bochara.

Amir Noo Samani, King of Bochara, being at this time hard pressed by Faeck, sent Abu Niser Pharsi to Subuctagi to beg his assistance. Subuctagi was moved by gratitude to the family of Bochara, and hastened with his army towards Maverulnere, while Amir Noo advanced to the country of Sirchush to meet him. Subuctagi,
A. D. 978. Higer. 368.

upon account of his age, sent a messenger to Amir Noo, to excuse his lighting from his horse; but when he advanced and recognized the features of his royal father, in the face of the young prince, he could not suppress the emotions of his heart. He leaped from his horse and run to kiss his stirrup, which the young King perceiving, prevented him by dismounting and receiving him in his embrace. At this happy interview the flower of joy bloomed in every face, and such a knot of friendship was bound as can hardly be paralleled in any age.

As the season was now too far advanced for action, it was agreed that Subuctagi should return, during the winter, to Ghizni, and prepare his forces to act in conjunction with those of Amir Noo in the spring. But when Amir Ali Sumjure, prince of Chorassan, at whose court Faek was then in treaty, heard of the alliance formed between Amir Noo and Subuctagi, he began to fear the consequence of his engagement with Faeck. He asked his council where he should take protection, in case fortune, which was seldom to be depended upon, should desert his standards in war. They replied, that the situation of affairs required he should endeavour to gain the alliance of Fuchier ul Dowla, prince of Jirja. Jaffier zul Karmin was accordingly appointed ambassador to the court of Jirja, with presents of every thing that was valuable and curious: and in a short time a treaty of friendship and alliance was settled between the two powers.

The confederates join their armies.

Subuctagi in the mean time put his troops in motion, and marched towards Balich, where Amir Noo joined him with his forces from Bochara. The rebel Faeck and Abu ali Sumjure hearing of this junction, with consent of Dara the general of Fuchir ul Dowla Willami, marched out of Herat in great pomp and magnificence. Subuctagi pitched his camp in an extensive plain, where he waited for the enemy. They soon appeared in his front, he drew out his army in order of battle, and took post in the center, with his son Sultan Mamood and Amir Noo.

A. D. 978. Higer. 368.

In the first charge the troops of the enemy came forward with great violence and bravery, and pressed so hard upon the flanks of Subuctagi, that both wings began to give ground, and the whole army was upon the point of being defeated. But Dara ben Kabus, the general of Fuchir ul Dowla, charging the centre where Subuctagi in person led on his troops with great bravery, as soon as he had got near threw his shield upon his back, which was a signal of friendship, and riding up to the King, begged he would accept of his services. He then returned with the few who had accompanied him, and immediately brought over his troops to the side of Subuctagi, facing round on his deserted friends, who were astonished at this unexpected treachery.
Defeat the rebels.

Subuctagi took immediate advantage of their confusion, charged them home, and soon put their whole army to flight, pursuing them with great slaughter, and taking many prisoners.

Thus the unfortunate man who had exalted the spear of enmity against his sovereign, lost his honour and his wealth, a tenth of which might have maintained him and his family in splendor and happiness for life.

Faeck and Abu Ali took in their flight the way of Neshapoor, with the scattered remains of their army. Amir Noo and Subuctagi entered forthwith the city of Herat, where they remained a few days to refresh their troops and divide the spoil. Subuctagi after this signal victory received the title of Nasir ul Dein, or the Supporter of the Faith, and his son Mamood was dignified with that of Seif al Dowla, or the Sword of Fortune, by Amir Noo, whom he still acknowledged as Emperor, though his power had been greatly diminished at this period.

A. D. 978. Higer. 368.

Amir Noo, after these transactions, directed his march to Bochara, and Subuctagi, and his son Sultan Mamood turned their faces towards Neshapoor. Faeck and Abu Ali fled into Jirja, and took protection with Fucher ul Dowla. The country being thus cleared of the enemy, Subuctagi returned to Ghizni, while his son Sultan Mamood remained at Neshapoor with a small force.
Mamood, the son of Subuctagi, defeated.

Faeck and Abu Ali seizing upon this opportunity, collected all their forces, marched towards Mamood, and before he could receive any assistance from Amir Noo, or his father, he was compelled to an engagement, in which he was defeated and lost all his baggage.

Subuctagi comes to the aid of his son.

Subuctagi hearing of the situation of his son, hastened towards Neshapoor, and in the districts of Toos, meeting with Abul Ali and Faeck, engaged them without delay. In the heat of the action a great dust was seen to rise in the rear of Abul Ali, which proved to be Sultan Mamood; and Faeck and Abul Ali finding they would soon be attacked on both sides, made a resolute charge against Subuctagi, which was so well received that they were obliged to give ground.
The rebels are again totally overthrown.

Sultan Mamood arriving at that instant attacked them like an angry lion, and they unable to support the contest, turned their face to flight, and took refuge in the fort of Killat.

A. D. 997. Higer. 387.

Subuctagi dies.

Subuctagi after this victory, according to his heart's desire, reposed upon the musnud of empire, till in the year 387, which was the 56th of his age, death overtook him, in the town of Turmuz near Balich.

Subuctagi reigned twenty years. Fourteen Kings of his race held after him Lahore and the countries adjacent, within the circle of their command. The Vizier of Subuctagi was Abul Abas Fazil ben Amud Ispherai, who was a great minister in the management of both civil and military affairs. The author of the Jam ul Hickaiat relates,
A. D. 997. Higer. 387.

His character.

that Subuctagi was at first a private horseman in the service of Abistagi, and being of a vigorous and active disposition used to hunt every day in the forest. It happened one time as he employed himself in this amusement, that he saw a deer grazing with her young fawn, upon which, spurring his horse, he seized the fawn, and tying his legs laid him across his saddle and turned his face towards his home. When he had rode a little way, he looked behind and beheld the mother of the fawn following him and exhibiting every mark of extream affliction. The soul of Subuctagi melted within him into pity, he untied the feet of the fawn and generously restored him to his liberty. The happy mother turned her face to the wilderness, but often looked back upon Subuctagi, and the tears dropt fast from her eyes.

Subuctagi is said to have seen that night a figure or apparition in his dream, who said to him, That generosity and compassion which you have this day shown to a distressed animal has been approved of in the presence of God: therefore, in the records of Providence, the kingdom of Ghizni is marked as a reward against thy name. But let not greatness destroy your virtue, but thus continue your benevolence to men.

It is said in the Masir ul Maluck, that Sultan Mamood his son, having built a pleasure house in an elegant garden near the city of Ghizni, he invited his father when it was finished to a magnificent entertainment which he had prepared for him. The son, in the joy of his heart, desired the opinion of Subuctagi concerning the house and garden, which were esteemed admirable in taste and structure. The old man, to the great disappointment of Mamood, told him, that he looked upon the whole as a bauble, which any of his s•bjects might have raised by the means of wealth. But that it was the business of a prince to erect the more durable structure of good same which might
A. D. 997. Higer. 387.

stand for ever, to be imitated but never to be equalled by posterity. The great poet Nizami makes upon this saying the following reflection. Of all the magnificent palaces which we are told Sultan Mamood built, we now find not one stone upon another; but the edifice of his fame, as he was told by his father, still triumphs over time, and seems established on a lasting foundation.

SECTION III. The Reign of Amir Ismaiel ben Nasir ul dien Subuctagi.

A. D. 997. Higer. 387.

Ismaiel succeeds his father Subuctagi.

SUBUCTAGI dying suddenly, and his eldest son, Sultan Mamood, being at Neshapoor, which was a considerable distance from the place of the King's decease, Amir Ismaiel prevailed with his father, in his last moments, to appoint him to succeed till the return of his brother. The reason assigned for this demand, was to prevent other usurpations, which were then feared in the government. Ismaiel therefore, immediately upon the demise of his father, was crowned with great solemnity at Balich. To gain popularity, Ismaiel opened the treasury and distributed the greatest part of his father's wealth in presents to the nobility, and in expensive shews and entertainments to the people. He also augmented the pay of the troops, and rewarded small services with the hand of prodigality.

This policy being overacted had not the desired effect. The nobility perceiving that all this generality proceeded from the fear of his brother, ungenerously increased their demands, while the troops puffed up with pride by his indulgences, begun to be mutinous, disorderly and debauched.

A. D. 997. Higer. 387.

Mamood's behaviour, upon his brother's accession.

When intelligence was brought to Mamood of the death of his father, and the accession of his younger brother, he wrote to Ismaiel by the hand of Abul Hassen. In this letter he said thus, That since the death of his royal father, he held none upon earth so dear as his beloved brother Amir Ismaiel, whom he would oblige to the full extent of his power. But that the art of government required years, experience, wisdom and knowledge, in the affairs of state, which Ismaiel could not possibly pretend to possess, though Subuctagi had appointed him to succeed to the throne in the absence of Mamood. He therefore advised Ismael seriously to consider the matter, to distinguish propriety from impropriety, and to give up his title to government without further dispute, which would restore him to the love and generosity of Mamood; for that it was his original intention to confer upon Ismaiel the governments of Balich and Chorassan.

War between the brothers.

Amir Ismaiel shut his ears against all the proposals of his brother, and prepared for his own security, turning the edge of the sword of enmity against him. Sultan Mamood saw no remedy but in war, and attaching his uncle Bujerâc, and his brother Nisir to his interest, advanced with his standards towards Ghizni, while Amir Ismaiel hastened also from Balich to oppose him. When the two armies approached towards one another, Sultan Mamood took great pains to avoid coming to extremities, and in vain tried to reconcile matters in an amicable manner. He was therefore forced to form his troops in order of battle, while Amir Ismaiel also extended the lines of war, which he supported by a chain of elephants. Both armies unsheathing their steel, commenced such a slaughter that the swords wept blood. Sultan Mamood at length charged the center of the enemy with such fury that they trembled as with an earthquake, and turned their faces to slight, taking refuge in the citadel of Ghizni. Thither the conqueror pursued them, and immediately invested the
A. D. 997. Higer. 387.

Ismaiel defeated and taken.

place. Such a prodigious number of the runaways had crowded into Ghizni, that for want of provisions Amir Ismaiel was reduced to the necessity of treating about a surrender. Having therefore received promises of safety, he submitted himself, and delivered up the keys of the garrison and the treasury to Sultan Mamood.

Mamood having appointed a new ministry, and regulated the government of the country, proceeded with his army towards Balich. It is said, that a few days after the submission of Amir Ismaiel, he was asked by his brother, What he intended to have done with him had his better fortune prevailed? To which Ismaiel replied, That he intended to have imprisoned him for life in some castle, and to indulge him with every pleasure but his liberty.
Is imprisoned and dies.

Upon which Sultan Mamood made no reflections at that time, but soon after confined him in the fort of Georghan, in the manner that he himself had intimated, where he remained till his death, which happened not long after his being deposed.

SECTION IV. The History of the Reign of Amin ul Muluc, Emin ul Dowla, Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, from his Accession to the Year 403.

A. D. 997. Higer. 387.

Accession of Mamood. His character.

WE are told by historians, that Sultan Mamood was a King who conferred happiness upon the world, and reflected glory upon the faith of Mahomed: that the day of his accession illuminated the earth with the bright torch of justice, and cherished it with the beams of beneficence. Others inform us, that in his disposition,
A. D. 997. Higer. 387.

the sordid vice of avarice found place, which however could not darken the other bright qualities of his mind. A certain poet says, that his wealth was like a pearl in the shell; but as poets hunt after wit rather than truth, therefore we must judge of Mamood by his actions, from which it appears that he was indeed a prince of great oeconomy, but that he never withheld his generosity upon a just and proper occasion. We have the testimony of the Fatti Bilad, wrote by Abu Nisir Muscati, and of the famous Abul Fazil, that no King had ever more learned men at his court, kept a finer army, or displayed more magnificence than Sultan Mamood. All these things could not be done without expence; so that the stigma of avarice must have been owing to two particular circumstances of his life, which ought by no means to have stamped his general character with that sordid vice.

The two circumstances in a few words were these. Having a great propensity to poetry, in which he made some tolerable progress himself, he promised Sheck Phirdoci a golden mher[*] for every verse of an heroic poem which he was desirous to patronize. Under the protection of this promise, that divine poet wrote the unparalleled poem called the Shaw Namma, which consisted of sixty thousand couplets. When he presented it to the King, he repented of his promise, telling the poet, that he thought sixty thousand rupees might satisfy him for a work which he seemed to have performed with so much ease and expedition. Phirdoci justly offended at this indignity, could never be brought to accept of any reward, though Sultan Mamood would after reflection have gladly paid him the sum originally stipulated; the poet, however, took ample revenge in a satire of seven hundred couplets which he wrote upon that occasion.

A. D. 997. Higer. 387.

His person.

Sultan Mamood, who it is reported was defective in external appearance, said one day, observing himself in a glass, "The sight of a King should brighten the eyes of the beholders, but nature has been so capricious to me that my aspect seems the picture of misfortune." The Vizier replied, It is not one of ten thousand who are blessed with a sight of your majesty's countenance, but your virtues are diffused over all. But to proceed with our history.

We have already observed that the father of Sultan Mamood was Subuctagi. His mother was a princess of the house of Zabulstan, for which reason she is known by the name of Zabuli. He was born in the year 357 of the Higerah, and as the astrologers say, with many happy omens expressed in the heroscope of his fate. Subuctagi being asleep at the time of his birth, dreamed that he beheld a green tree springing forth from his chimney, which threw its shadow over the face of the earth, and screened from the storms of heaven the whole animal creation.
His justice.

This indeed was verified by the justice of Mamood; for if we can believe the poet, in his reign the wolf and the sheep drank together at the same brook.
A golden mine.

In the first month of his reign a vein of gold, resembling a tree of three cubits in circumference, was found in Seistan, which yielded pure gold till the reign of Sultan Musaood, when it was lost in consequence of an earthquake.

Mamood's complaint to Munsur, King of Bochara, is ill received.

When Sultan Mamood had settled his dispute with his brother, he hastened to Balich, from whence he sent an ambassador to Amir Munsur, Emperor of Bochara, complaining of the indignity which he met with in the appointment of Buctusin to the regency of Chorrassan: it was returned to him for answer, that he was already in possession of the territories of Balich, Turmuz, and Herat, which held of the empire; and that there was a necessity to divide the favours of Bochara among her friends. Buctusin, it was also insinuated, had been a faithful and good servant.

A. D. 998. Higer. 389.

But Sultan Mamood, not discouraged by this answer, sent Abul Hassen Jemmavi with rich presents to the court of Bochara, and a letter in the following terms. "That he hoped the pure spring of friendship which had flowed in the time of his father should not now be polluted with the ashes of indignity, nor he himself reduced to the necessity of divesting himself of that obedience which he had hitherto paid to the imperial family of Samania."

When Abul Hassen delivered his embassy, his capacity and elocution appeared so great to the Emperor, that desirous to gain him over to his interest by any means, he bribed him at last with the honours of the Vizarit[*], but never returned an answer to Mamood. Sultan Mamood having received information of this transaction, through necessity turned his face towards Neshapoor; and Buctusin advised of his intention abandoned the city, and sent the Emperor intelligence of his situation.
War between Mamood and Munsur.

Amir Munsur, upon this, exalted the imperial standard, and in the rashness of inexperienced youth, hastened towards Chorrassan, and halted not till he arrived at Sirchus. Sultan Mamood, though he well knew that Amir Munsur was in no condition to oppose him, yet gratitude to the imperial family of Samania wrought so much upon his mind, that ashamed of measuring spears with his Lord, he evacuated the country of Neshapoor, and marched to Murghab.
The eyes of Munsur put out by his own officers.

Buctusin in the mean time treacherously entered into a confederacy with Faeck, and forming a conspiracy in the camp of Amir Munsur, seized upon the person of that prince, and cruelly put out his eyes. Abdul, the younger brother of Munsur, who was but a boy, was advanced by the traitors to the throne. Being however afraid of the resentment of Sultan Mamood, the conspirators hastened to Murve, whither they were pursued by the Sultan with great expedition. Finding themselves, upon their march, hard
A. D. 999. Higer. 390.

pressed in the rear by Mamood, they halted and gave him battle.
They are overthrown by Mamood.

But the sin of ingratitude had darkened the face of their fortune, so that the gales of victory blew upon the standards of Sultan Mamood. Faeck carried off the young king, and fled to Bochara, and Buctusin was not heard of for some time, but at length he found his way to Faeck, and begun to collect his scattered troops. Faeck in the mean time fell sick, and soon went into the regions of death. Elich Chan seizing upon the opportunity offered him by that event, marched with an army from Kashgar to Bochara, and rooted Abdul Mallick and his adherents out of the empire and the soil of life.
The royal family of Bochara extirpated.

Thus the prosperity of the house of Samania, which had continued for the space of one hundred and twenty-seven years to illuminate the firmament of empire, set for ever in darkness.

Sultan Mamood at this juncture, employed himself in settling the government of the countries of Balich and Chorrassan, which he regulated in such a manner, as to exalt the voice of his fame so high, that it reached the ears of the Calipha of Bagdat, Al Kadir Billa Abbassi. The Calipha sent him a rich Chelat[*], such as he had never before bestowed on any King, and dignified Mamood with the titles of Amin ul Muluck Emin ul Dowla[†].

In the end of the month Zicada, in the year three hundred and ninety, the Sultan hastened from Balich to Herat, and from Herat to Seistan, where he defeated Chiliph ben Amid the governor of Bochara, and returned to Ghizni.
Mamood's first expedition to Hindostan.

He then turned his face to Hindostan, took many forts and countries; in which having settled his own governors, he again returned to his dominions, where he spread the carpet of justice so smoothly upon the face of the earth, that the love of him, and loyalty gained place in every heart. Having at the
A. D. 1000. Higer. 391.

same time set a treaty on foot with Elich Chan, he had the province of Mavir'ul Nere ceded to him, for which he made an ample return in presents of great value; and the strictest friendship, and greatest familiarity, for a long time subsisted between the Kings.

His second expedition to Hindostan.

Sultan Mamood having made a vow, that if ever he should be blessed with tranquillity in his own dominions, he would turn his arms against the idolators of Hindostan, marched in the year three hundred and ninety-one from Ghizni, with ten thousand of his chosen horse, and came to Peshawir, where Jeipal[‡], with twelve thousand horse and thirty thousand foot, supported by three hundred chain-elephants, opposed him on Saturday the eighth of Mohirrim, in the three hundred and ninety-second of the Higera. An obstinate battle ensued, in which, Sultan Mamood was victorious;
Jeipal defeated and taken.

Jeipal, with fifteen of his principal friends, was taken prisoner, and five thousand of his troops lay dead upon the field. Sultan Mamood in this action acquired great fame and wealth, for round the neck of Jeipal only, were found sixteen strings of jewels, each of which was valued at one hundred and eighty thousand rupees.

After this victory, the Sultan marched from Peshawir, and investing the fort of Bitinda, reduced it, and releasing his prisoners upon the payment of a large ransom and a stipulation of an annual tribute, returned to Ghizni. It was in those ages a custom of the Hindoos, that whatever Raja was twice worsted by the Mussulmen, should be, by that disgrace, rendered unfit for further command.
The death of Jeipal.

Jeipal in compliance to this custom, having raised his son to the government, ordered a funeral pile to be prepared, upon which he sacrificed himself to his Gods.

Mamood's third expedition to India.

In the Mohirrim of the year three hundred and ninety-three, Mamood again marched into Seistan, and brought Chiliph, who
A. D. 1002. Higer. 393.

had misbehaved in his government, prisoner to Ghizni. Finding that the tribute from Hindostan had not been paid in the year three hundred ninety-five, he directed his march towards the city of Battea; and leaving the boundaries of Moultan, arrived at Tahera, which was fortified with an exceeding high wall, and a deep broad ditch. Tahera was at that time governed by a Raja, called Bachera, who had, in the pride of power and wealth, greatly molested the Mahommedan governors, whom the Sultan had established in Hindostan. Bachera had also refused to pay his proportion of the tribute to Annindpal, the son of Jeipal, of whom he held his authority.

When Sultan Mamood entered the territories of this Raja, he drew out his troops to receive him, and taking possession of strong posts, continued to engage the Mahommedans for the space of three days; in which time, they suffered so much, that they were on the point of abandoning the attack: But on the fourth day, Sultan Mamood spoke at the head of his troops, and encouraged them to glory. He concluded with telling them, that this day he had devoted himself to conquest or to death. Bachera, on his part, invoked the Gods at the temple, and prepared with his former resolution to repel the enemy. The Mussulmen advanced with great impetuosity, but were repulsed with slaughter; yet returning with fresh courage, and redoubled rage, the attack was continued till the evening, when Sultan Mamood turning his face to Caba[*], invoked the aid of the prophet in the presence of his army.— "Advance, advance, cried then the Sultan, our prayers have sound favour with God."—Immediately a great shout arose among the host, and the Mussulmen pressing forward, as if they thirsted for death, obliged the enemy to give ground, and pursued them to the gates of the town.

A. D. 1004. Higer. 395.

Defeats Bachera,

Sultan Mamood having next morning invested the place, gave orders to make preparations for filling up the ditch; which in a few days was nearly compleated. Bachera finding he could not long maintain the town, determined to leave only a small garrison for its defence; and accordingly one night, marched out with the rest of his troops, and took post in a wood on the banks of the Sind. The Sultan being informed of his retreat, detached part of his army to pursue him. Bachera by this time was deserted by his fortune and by the most of his friends; he found himself surrounded by the Mussulmen, and he attempted, in vain, to force through them his way:
who kills himself.

Being just upon the point of being taken prisoner, he turned his sword against his breast, and the most of his adherents were slaughtered in attempting revenge. Sultan Mamood had in the mean time taken Tahera by assault. He found there one hundred and twenty elephants, many slaves, and rich plunder, and annexing the town and its dependencies to his own dominions, he returned victorious to Ghizni.

Mamood's fourth expedition into India.

In the year three hundred and ninety-six, he formed the design of re-conquering Moultan, which had revolted from his obedience. Shuh Amid Lodi, the regent of Moultan, had formerly paid Mamood allegiance, and after him, his grandson Abul Fatte Daood, till the expedition against Raja Bachera, when he withdrew his loyalty.

Defeats Annindpal, Raja of Lahore.

The king marched in the beginning of the spring, with a great army from Ghizni, and was met by Annindpal, the son of Jeipal, in the hills of Peshawir, whom he defeated and obliged to fly into Cashmire. Annindpal had entered into an alliance with Abul Fatte, and as there were two passes only, by which the Mahommedans could enter Moultan, Annindpal had taken upon himself to secure that by the way of Peshawir, which Sultan Mamood chanced
A. D. 1005. Higer. 396.

to take. The Sultan returning from the pursuit, entered Moultan, by the way of Betinda, which was his first intention. When Abul Fatte received intelligence of the fate of Annindpal, thinking himself too weak to keep the field, he shut himself up in his fortified places, and submissively solicited forgiveness for his faults, promised to pay a great tribute, and for the future, to obey implicitly the Sultan's commands. Mamood received him again as a subject, and prepared to return to Ghizni, when news was brought to him from Arsilla Hajib, who commanded at Herat, that Elich Chan had invaded his government with an army. The Sultan hastened to settle the affairs of Hindostan, which he put into the hands of Shockpal, an Hindoo prince, who had been with Abu Ali Sumjure in Peshawir, and had turned Mussulman by the name of Zab Sais.

Misunderstanding between Mamood and Elich Chan.

The particulars of the war of Mamood with Elich Chan are these: We have already mentioned that an uncommon friendship had subsisted between this Elich Chan, King of Kashgar, and Sultan Mamood. The Sultan himself was married to the daughter of Elich Chan, but some factious men about the two courts, by misrepresentations of the princes to one another, changed their former friendship into enmity.
who invades Chorrassan.

When Sultan Mamood therefore marched to Hindostan, and had left the fields of Chorrassan almost destitute of troops, Elich Chan took that opportunity, and resolved to appropriate that province to himself. To accomplish his design, he ordered his chief general Sipistagi, with a great force, to enter Chorrassan; and Jaffier Tighi, at the same time, was appointed to command in the territory of Balich. Arsilla Hajib, the governor of Herat, being informed of these motions, hastened to Ghizni, that he might secure the capital. In the mean time, the chiefs of Chorrassan finding themselves deserted, and being in no condition to oppose the enemy, submitted themselves to Sipistagi.

A. D. 1006. Higer. 397.

Mamood marches against him.

But Sultan Mamood having by great marches reached Ghizni, he poured onward like a torrent, with his army towards Balich. Jaffier Tighi, who had by this time possessed himself of the place, fled towards Turmuz at his approach. The Sultan then detached Arsilla Hajib with a great part of his army, to drive Sipistagi out of Chorrassan; and he also, upon the approach of the troops of Ghizni, abandoned Herat, and marched towards Mavir ul Nere.

Elich Chan seeing the bad state of his affairs, solicited the aid of the King of Chutun Kudir Chan, who marched to join him with fifty thousand horse. Strengthened by this alliance, he crossed, with the confederate armies, the river Gion,[†] which was five pharsangs from Balich, and opposed himself to the camp of Sultan Mamood. The Sultan immediately drew up his army in order of battle, giving the command of the center to his brother Amir Nisir, supported by Abu Nisir Faioon, regent of Gorgan, and by Abdulla Jaï, a chief, of reputation in arms. The right wing he committed to the care of Alta Sash, an old experienced officer, while the left was the charge of Arsilla Hajib, an Omrah of the Afghans. The front of his line he strengthened with five hundred chain-elephants, with intervals behind them, to facilitate their retreat.

Elich Chan posted himself in the center,
Comes to battle with Elich Chan,

Kudir Chan led the right, and Jaffier Tighi the left. The armies advanced to the charge. The shouts of warriors, the neighing of horses, and the clashing of arms rent the ears of the firmament; while dust obscured the face of day. The flame of war was at once blown up by a storm of rage; and the clay of the field was tempered with blood. The fountains of life were opened by the edge of the sword, and the sharp point of the deathful spear.

A. D. 1006. Higer. 397.

Elich Chan advancing with some chosen squadrons, threw disorder into the center of Sultan Mamood's army, and was busy in the affairs of death. Mamood perceived his progress, leaped from his horse, and kissing the ground, invoked the aid of the Almighty. He instantly mounted an elephant of war, encouraged his troops, and made a violent assault upon Elich Chan. The elephant seizing the standard-bearer of the enemy, folded round him his trunk, and tossed him aloft into the sky. He then pressed forward like a mountain removed from its place by an earthquake, and trod the enemy like locusts under his feet.

When the troops of Sultan Mamood saw their King forcing thus his way alone through the enemy's ranks, they rushed on with headlong impetuosity, and drove the enemy with great slaughter before them.
who is totally overthrown.

Elich Chan abandoned by fortune and his army, turned his face to flight. He crossed the river with a few of his surviving friends, never afterwards appearing in the field to dispute glory with Sultan Mamood.

The Sultan after this victory proposed to pursue the enemy, which was thought unadviseable by his generals, on account of the inclemency of the season, it being then winter, and the troops hardly capable of motion: But the king was positive in his resolution, and marched two days after the runaways.
Mamood's army in distress.

On the third night, a great storm of wind and snow overtook the army of Mamood in the desart. The king's tents were with much difficulty pitched, while the army was obliged to lie in the snow. Mamood having ordered great fires to be kindled around his tents, they became so warm, that many of the courtiers began to turn off their upper garments; when a facetious chief, whose name was Dilk, came in shivering with cold. The King observing him, said, Go out Dilk, and tell the Winter that he may burst his cheeks with blustering, for here we value not his resentment.
A. D. 1007. Higer. 398.

Facetious answer to an officer to Mamood.

Dilk went out accordingly, and returning in a short time, kissed the ground, and thus presented his address. "I have delivered the Sultan's message to Winter, but the surly season replies, that if his hands cannot tear the skirts of the King and his attendants, yet he will so execute his power to night on his army, that in the morning his Majesty shall be obliged to saddle his own horses."

Mamood defeats and takes Zab Sais.

The King smiled at this reply, but it presently rendered him thoughtful, and determined him to proceed no farther. In the morning some hundreds of men and horses were found to have perished with the cold. Mamood at the same time received advice from Hindostan, that Zab Sais had thrown off his allegiance, and returning to his former religion, expelled all the officers who had been appointed by the King, from their respective departments. The Sultan immediately determined to punish this revolt, and with great expedition, advanced towards India. He detached some part of his cavalry in front, who coming unexpectedly upon Zab Sais, defeated him, and brought him prisoner to the King. The rebel was fined in four lacks of rupees, of which the Sultan made a present to his treasurer, and kept Zab Sais a prisoner for life.

Annindpal raises disturbances.

The King having thus settled his affairs in Hindostan, returned in autumn to Ghizni, where he remained for the winter, in peace.
Mamood's fifth expedition into India.

But in the spring of the year three hundred and ninety-nine, Annindpal began to raise disturbances in Moultan, so that Mamood was obliged to undertake another expedition into those parts, with a great army, to correct the Hindoos. Annindpal hearing of the Sultan's intentions, sent ambassadors every where to request the assistance of the other Rajas of Hindostan; who considered the extirpation of the Mussulmen from Hindostan, as a meritorious and political action.

A. D. 1008. Higer. 399.

The Rajas confederate against him.

The Rajas of Ugeïn, Gualiar, Callinger, Kinnoge, Delhi and Ajmere, entered into a confederacy, and collecting their forces, advanced towards Punjaab with the greatest army that had been for some hundreds of years seen upon the plains of Hindostan. The two armies came in sight of one another in a great plain near Pishawir. They remained there encamped forty days without action: but the troops of the idolaters daily increased in number. They were joined by the Gickers and other tribes with numerous armies, and surrounded the Mussulmen, who fearing a general assault were obliged to entrench themselves.

They are overthrown.

The King having thus secured himself, ordered a thousand archers to his front, to endeavour to provoke the enemy to advance to the entrenchments. The archers accordingly were attacked by the Gickers, who notwithstanding all the Sultan could do, pursued the runaways within the trenches, where a dreadful scene of slaughter ensued on both sides, in which five thousand Mussulmen in a few minutes drank the wine of martyrdom. The enemy at length being slain as fast as they advanced, the attack became fainter and fainter, when on a sudden the elephant upon which Annindpal rode took fright at the report of a gun[*], and turned his face to flight. This circumstance struck the Hindoos with a panic, for thinking they were deserted by their sovereign they immediately followed the example. Abdulla Tai, with six thousand Arabian horse, and Arsilla Hajib, with ten thousand Turks, Afghans, and Chillages, pursued the enemy for two days and nights;
A great slaughter of the Hindoos.

so that twenty thousand Hindoos were killed in their flight, together with the great multitude which fell on the field of battle.

Thirty elephants with much rich plunder were brought to the King, who to establish the faith, marched against the Hindoos of
A. D. 1008. Higer. 399.

Nagracut, breaking down their idols and subverting their temples. There was at that time in the territory of Nagracut a famous fort called Bimé, which the Sultan invested, after having destroyed the country round with fire and sword. Bimé was built by Raja Bimé on the top of a steep mountain, and here the Hindoos, on account of its strength, had reposited the wealth consecrated to their idols in all the neighbouring kingdoms; so that in this fort there was a greater quantity of gold, silver, precious stones and pearls, than had been ever collected into the royal treasury of any prince on earth.
Mamood invests Bimé.

The Sultan invested the place with such expedition that the Hindoos had not time to throw troops into it for its defence, the greatest part of the garrison being before carried into the field. Those within consisted for the most part of priests, a race of men who having little inclination to the bloody business of war, in a few days solicited to be permitted to capitulate.
Bimé taken.

Their request being granted by Mamood, they opened the gates, and fell upon their faces before him; and with a few of his officers and attendants, he immediately entered the place.

In Bimé were found seven hundred thousand golden dinars, seven hundred maunds[*] of gold and silver plate, forty maunds of pure gold in ingots, two thousand maunds of silver bullion, and twenty maunds of various jewels set, which had been collecting from the time of Bimé. With this immense treasure the King returned to Ghizni, and in the year 400 prepared a magnificent festival, where he displayed to the people his wealth in golden thrones, and in other rich ornaments, in a great plain without the city of Ghizni, and after the feast every individual received a princely present.

In the following year the Sultan led his army towards Ghor. The governor of that country, Mahummud ben Suri, with ten thousand troops, opposed him. From morning to noon the fire of war flamed,
A. D. 1009. Higer. 400.

and justice was done to valour on both sides. The Sultan finding that the troops of Ghor defended themselves in their intrenchments with such obstinacy, commanded his army to make a feint of retreating, to allure the enemy out of their fortified camp, which accordingly succeeded.
Mamood reduces Ghor.

The Ghorans being deceived, pursued the army of Ghizni to the plain, where the Sultan facing round with his troops, attacked them with great impetuosity and slaughter. Mahummud Suri was taken prisoner and brought to the King, but in his despair he had taken poison, which he always kept under his ring, and died in a few hours. His country was annexed to the dominions of Ghizni.

Some historians affirm, that neither the sovereigns of Ghor, nor its inhabitants were Mussulmen, till after this victory, whilst others of good credit assure us, that they were converted many years before, even so early as the time of Ali.

Mamood in the same year was under the necessity of marching again into Moultan, which had revolted, but having soon reduced it, and cut off a great number of the chiefs, he brought Daood ben Nazir prisoner to Ghizni, and confined him in the fort of Gorci for life.

His sixth expedition to India.

In the year 402, the passion of war fermenting in the mind of Mamood, he resolved upon the conquest of Tannasar[*] in the kingdom of Hindostan. It had reached the ears of the King, that Tannasar was held in the same veneration by idolaters, as Mecca was by the Mussulmen; that there they had set up a whole tribe of rich idols, the principal of whom they called Jug Soom; that this Jug Soom they pretended to say existed when as yet the world existed not. When the Sultan reached the country of Punjaab, he wanted that according to the treaty that subsisted between him and Annindpal, he should not be disturbed in his march through that country. He
A. D. 1011. Higer. 402.

Sends an ambassador to Annindpal.

accordingly sent an embassy to Annindpal, advising him of his intentions, and desiring him to send guards for the protection of his towns and villages, which he would take care should not be molested by the followers of his camp.

Annindpal agreed to this proposal, and prepared an entertainment for the reception of the King, issuing out an order for all his subjects to supply the Sultan's camp with every necessary of life. He in the mean time sent his brother with two thousand horse to meet the King and deliver this embassy to those who approached the throne:

Annindpal's request to Mamood,

"That he was the subject and slave of the King; but that he begged permission to acquaint his majesty that Tannasar was the principal place of worship of the inhabitants of that country: that if it was a virtue required by the religion of Mamood to destroy the religion of others, he had already acquitted himself of that duty to his God, in the destruction of the temple of Nagracut. But if he should be pleased to alter his resolution against Tannasar, Annindpal would undertake that the amount of the revenues of that country should be annually paid to Mamood, to reimburse the expence of his expedition: that besides he, on his own part, would present him with fifty elephants and jewels to a considerable amount."

The King replied,

is refused

"That in the Mussulman religion it was an established tenet, that the more the glory of the prophet was exalted, and the more his followers exerted themselves in the subversion of idolatry, the greater would be their reward in heaven. That therefore it was his firm resolution, with the assistance of God, to root out the abominable worship of idols from the face of the country of Hindostan. Why then should he spare Tannasar?"

When this news reached the Raja of Delhi, he prepared to oppose the invaders, sending messengers all over Hindostan to acquaint the
A. D. 1011. Higer. 402.

Rajas that Sultan Mamood, without any reason or provocation, was marching with an innumerable army to destroy Tannasar, which was under his immediate protection: that if a mound was not expeditiously raised against this roaring torrent, the country of Hindostan would be soon overwhelmed in ruin, and the tree of prosperity rooted up: that therefore it was adviseable for them to join their forces at Tannasar, to oppose with united strength the impending danger.

Tannasar taken.

But Sultan Mamood reached Tannasar before they could take any measures for its defence, plundered the city and broke down the idols, sending Jug Soom to Ghizni, where he was soon stripped of his ornaments. He then ordered his head to be struck off, and his body to be thrown on the highway. According to the account of Hadge Mahumud of Kandahar, there was a ruby found in one of the temples which weighed four hundred and fifty miskal[*].

Mamood's designs against Annindpal

Mamood, after these transactions at Tannasar, proceeded to Delhi, which he also took, and wanted much to annex it to his dominions. But his councillors told him that it was impossible to keep the Rajaship of Delhi, till he had entirely subjected Moultan under the Mussulman government, and exterminated the power and family of Annindpal. The King approved of this council, and he immediately determined to proceed no farther against that country till he had accomplished the reduction of Moultan and Annindpal.
averted by the policy of that prince.

But that prince behaved with so much policy and hospitality that he changed the purpose of the King, who returned to Ghizni. He brought to Ghizni forty thousand captives and much wealth, so that that city could now be hardly distinguished in riches from Hindostan itself.

SECTION V. The History of the Reign of Sultan Mamood, from the Year 403 to his Death in the Year 419.

A. D. 1012. Higer. 403.

IN the 403d year of the Higerah, the general of Arsilla Hajib, governor of Herat, conquered the country of Girgistan, and brought Shar ul Nisier, ruler of that province, prisoner to Ghizni.
Mamood's embassy to the Caliph.

Sultan Mamood at this time wrote to Calipha Abassi al Kadir Billa, that the greatest part of the kingdom of Chorassan was under his jurisdiction, and that he hoped he would order his governors to give up the remainder. The Caliph, fearing his great power which might fall upon his other dominions, consented to this demand.

His seventh expedition into India.

The Sultan, in the year 404, drew his army against the fort of Nindoona, which is situated upon the mountains of Belnat, and was in the possession of the Raja of Lahore. Annindpal by this time was dead, and his son had acceded to his government. When Pitterugepal, for that was the new Raja's name, saw that he could not stand against the Sultan in the field, he drew off his army towards Cashmire, leaving a good garrison for the defence of the place. The Sultan immediately invested it, and with mining and other arts of attack, assiduously employed himself; so that in a few weeks the governor seeing his walls in ruins was under the necessity of begging to capitulate. The Sultan granted his request, took every thing of value out of the place, appointed a governor, and set out without delay for Cashmire, upon which Pitterugepal abandoned that province and fled to the hills. The Sultan plundered the country, in which he found great wealth, and having forced the inhabitants to acknowledge the prophet, returned with the spoil to his capital.

A. D. 1015. Higer. 406.

Returns to Cashmire.

Mamood, in the year 406, returned with an army to Cashmire, to punish the revolted chiefs, and to besiege some forts which he had not reduced in his former expedition. The first of those forts was Lokote, very famous for its heighth and strength, which entirely defeated the Sultan's utmost efforts; for not being able to reduce it, all the summer season, he was obliged, on the approach of winter, to abandon his enterprize, and return to Ghizni. On his way home he was led astray by his guides, and fell into an extensive morass covered with water, from which he, for several days, could not extricate his army, so that many of his troops perished upon that occasion.

Abul Abas, Sultan of Charizm, de¦mands Mamood's sister in marriage.

Abul Abas Mamoo, in the course of the same year, wrote to Sultan Mamood, to ask his sister in marriage. Mamood consented to the match, and sent her to Charizm according to his desire.
Is put to death.

In the year 407, a tribe of plunderers rising against Abul Abas Charizm Shaw, and defeating him, he fell into their hands, and was put to death. Sultan Mamood having had advice of this disaster, marched to Balich, and from thence to Charizm, and, when he arrived at Hisserbund, on the frontiers of that country, he ordered Mahummud Taï to advance before him with a detachment. When the Mussulmen were at prayers in their camp, Himar Tash, the general of the Charizmians, rushed upon this detachment from a neighbouring wood, and making a great slaughter, put them to flight. The Sultan having received intelligence of this affair, supported them with several squadrons of his best horse. The runaways deriving courage from this reinforcement, returned to the charge, routed the enemy, and took their chief prisoner, whom they carried before the King.

Which is revenged by Mamood.

Mamood advancing to the fort of Hazar Asp, perceived the troops of Charizm prepared to receive him in the field before it: But they were soon defeated, their general, Abistagi Bochari, taken prisoner, and the murderer of Abul Abas met the just vengeance due to his
A. D. 1016. Higer. 407.

crime. The Sultan spent some time in regulating the government, which he bestowed upon Amir Hajib, with the title of Charizm Shaw: He annexed also to his government the province of Orgunge. Returning to Balich, Mamood gave the government of Herat, to his son Amir Musaood, appointing Abu Sul his vizier, and the government of Gurgan he conferred upon his younger son Amir Mahummud, under the care of Abu Bicker. After the final settlement of the affairs of Charizm, the Ghiznian army were cantoned, for the winter, at Balich.

Mamood's eighth expedition into India.

In the beginning of the year 409, as soon as the sun began to awake the children of the spring, Sultan Mamood, with a hundred thousand chosen horse, and thirty thousand foot, raised in the countries of Turkistan, Maverulnere, Chorrassan, and the adjacent provinces, undertook an expedition against Kinnoge, which, from the time of Gustasp to this period, had not been visited by any foreign enemy. Kinnoge was distant from Ghizni three months march, and seven great rivers rushed across the way. When Mamood reached the confines of Cashmire, the Raja sent him presents of every thing curious and valuable in his country, and waited to have the honour of expressing his loyalty. When the Sultan, with much difficulty, had conducted his army through the mountains, he entered the plains of Hindostan, drove all opposition before him, and advanced to Kinnoge[†].

The great city of Kinnoge submits.

He there saw a city which raised its head to the firmament, and which, in strength and structure, might justly boast to have no equal. The Raja of this rich city, whose name was Korrah, and who affected great pomp and splendor, being thus unexpectedly invaded, had not had time to put himself in a posture of defence, or to collect his troops together. Terrified by the great force, and warlike appearance of the Sultan, he, in his embarrassment, resolved to
A. D. 1018. Higer. 409.

sue for peace, and accordingly went out, with his family, to the camp, where he submitted himself to the mercy of the King. Some authors relate, that he even turned Mussulman, or true believer.

Mamood advances towards Merat; which he takes.

The Sultan tarried in Kinnoge only three nights, and then turned his face towards Merat, the Raja of which place, by name Hirdit, retreated with his army, leaving only a garrison, which was obliged to capitulate in a few days. The terms were two hundred and fifty thousand rupees, and fifty elephants, to be paid by the Raja, besides the plunder of the city. The Sultan marched from thence to invest the fort of Mavin, upon the banks of the river Gihon, now called the Jumna. The Raja of Mavin coming forth to make his submission, at the head of his troops, a quarrel accidentally ensued between some soldiers, and immediately the action became general. Calchunder the Raja, and most of his troops, being driven into the river, he drew his sword against his own wife and children, and having dispatched them, turned it in despair upon himself. The fort immediately surrendered, where the conqueror found much treasure and rich spoil, among which were seventy elephants of war.

When Mamood had here refreshed his troops, he was given to understand, that, at some distance, there was a rich city, called Muttra,[*] consecrated to Kissen Basdeo, which in buildings and extent yielded to none in Hindostan.
Marches against and takes Muttra.

The Sultan directed his march towards the place, and entering it, with very little opposition from the troops of the Raja of Delhi, to whom it belonged, gave it up to plunder.
Great spoil found in Muttra.

He broke down or burnt all the idols, and amassed an immense quantity of gold and silver, of which those figures were mostly made. He intended to destroy the temples, but he found that the labour exceeded his capacity; while some say that he was
A. D. 1018. Higer. 409.

turned from his purpose, by the admirable beauty and structure of those edifices. He, it is certain, extravagantly extolled the noble beauty of the buildings and city, in a letter to the Omrahs of Ghizni, after this conquest.

It is said that the Sultan found in Muttra five great idols of pure gold, with eyes of rubies, each of which eyes were worth fifty thousand dinars. Upon another idol, he found a sapphire, weighing four hundred miskal; and the image being melted down, produced ninety-eight thousand three hundred miskal of pure gold. Besides these, there were above a hundred idols of silver, which loaded a hundred camels with bullion. The Sultan, having tarried here twenty days, in which time the city suffered greatly from fire, besides what it suffered from the hand of ravage and desolation, he marched against the other fortified places in these districts, some of which he took himself, while others fell into the hands of his chiefs.

Mungetaken.

One of those forts called Munge, held out twenty-five days, being full of Rajaputs; but when they found the place no longer tenable, some rushed through the breaches among the enemy and met that death which they no longer endeavoured to avoid. Some threw themselves headlong from the walls, and were dashed to pieces, while others burnt themselves in their houses, with their wives and children; so that not one of the garrison survived this fatal catastrophe.

The Sultan having secured what was valuable, invested the fort of Chundpal. But Chundpal, for that also was the Raja's name, had sent off all his treasure to the mountains, and at the approach of the King, evacuated the place. There however still remained much spoil and provisions which the Sultan divided among his troops.

A. D. 1018. Higer. 409.

Mamood marches against Jundroy.

Mamood immediately march'd against a proud and imperious Raja, whose name was Jundroy. This Raja, after some skirmishes, finding himself unable to cope with the King, sent off his treasure, and other valuable effects, and fled also to the mountains. Jundroy had an elephant of a most uncommon size, such as had never before been seen in Hindostan; nor was he more remarkable for his enormous bulk, than for his docility and courage. The Sultan having heard much of this elephant, sent to the Raja, offering him advantageous terms of peace, and a great sum of money for this animal. But the obstinacy of Jundroy would never listen to any terms with the Mussulmen, so that Mamood, with regret, was obliged to desist. The elephant however happened one night to break loose from his keepers, and went into the Sultan's camp, where he permitted himself to be mounted and brought before the King, who received him with great joy, and named him, The gift of God.

Returns to Ghizni.

The Sultan, loaded with spoil, and encumbered with captives, returned to Ghizni; where he enumerated the articles of his plunder. It consisted of twenty million of dirms, fifty-three thousand captives, three hundred and fifty elephants, besides jewels, pearls, and precious effects, which could not be properly estimated. Nor was the private spoil of the army less than that which came into the public treasury.

Builds the Celestial Bride.

The Sultan upon his return to Ghizni, ordered a magnificent mosque to be built of marble and granate, of such beauty and structure, as struck every beholder with astonishment and pleasure. This mosque he afterwards adorned with such beautiful carpets, chandeliers, and other ornaments of silver and gold, that it became known by the name of the Celestial bride. In the neighbourhood of this mosque he founded an university, which he furnished with a vast collection of curious books, in various languages, and with natural and
A. D. 1018. Higer. 409.

artificial curiosities. He appropriated a sufficient fund for the maintenance of the students, and learned men who were appointed to instruct the youth in the sciences.

Mag
•…

of the Ghiznians.When the nobility of Ghizni saw that the taste of their King began to run upon architecture, they also endeavoured to outvie each other, in the magnificence of their private palaces, as well as in public buildings, which they raised for the embellishment of the city. Thus in a short space of time the capital was ornamented, with mosques, porches, fountains, reservoirs, aqueducts and cisterns, in a degree superior to any city at that time in the east. Some authors affirm, that among the curiosities which the Sultan possessed, there was a bird, of the size of a cuckoo, which was possessed of this particular instinct or quality, that whenever poison was brought, however secretly, into the apartment in which he hung, he was affected with the smell in such a manner, as to fly distractedly about his cage, while the tears streamed involuntarily from his eyes. This bird, with other curiosities, was sent as a present to the Caliph of Bagdat, Al Kadir Billa Abassi. We, however, believe, that this story rose from the policy of Mamood, and the credulity of mankind, rather than that it had actually any foundation in truth. Other authors mention a stone which he brought from Hindostan, as a great curiosity. This stone being dipped in water, and applied to a wound, proved a powerful and efficacious remedy.

Mamood write to the Caliph.

The Sultan, in the year 410, ordered a writing of victories[*] to be made out, which he sent to the Caliph, who ordered it to be read to the people of Bagdat, making a great festival upon the occasion, to express his joy for the propagation of the faith, which now begun to be spread over almost the whole face of the earth.

A. D. 1021. Higer. 412.

In the year 412 Mamood was presented with a petition from his subjects, setting forth, that some tribes of the wild Arabs had, for many years, shut up the roads to Mecca, so that, for fear of them, and on account of the weakness of the Caliph, who neglected to expel them, they had not been able to pay their devotions at the shrine of the prophet.
Sends a convoy with the pilgrims to Mecca.

The Sultan immediately appointed Abu Mahummud, his chief justice, with a considerable force, to protect the caffila.[†] But lest the enemy should be too strong for him, he sent thirty thousand dirms, to procure a safe journey to the pilgrims. Accordingly many thousands of all degrees prepared to go to Mecca.

When they had wound up their way, as far as the desart of Achtid, they beheld a great camp of Arabs, pitched in their way. The banditti drew up in order to receive them. Abu Mahummud being desirous of treating with the Arabs, sent a message to their chief, offering him five thousand dirms. The chief, instead of accepting the proposal, resented it so much, that, without delay, he advanced with intention to rob the Caffila.
Who defeat the wild Arabs.

Abu Mahummud, in the mean time, drew out his troops to receive the robbers, when fortunately, in the very beginning of the action, a Turkish slave, in the Caffila, who was master of the art of archery, lodged an arrow in the brain of Himad ben Ali, the chief of the Arabs. The banditti immediately upon the fall of their chief, turned their face to flight; and the Caffila, without further disturbance, proceeded to Mecca; and having paid their devotions, returned by the same way, and arrived safe at Ghizni.

Mamood's
•…

th expedition into In¦•….The Sultan received, this year, advices from Hindostan, that the neighbouring Raja's had, in his absence, fallen upon Korrah, the Raja of Kinnoge, for having entered into an alliance, and for putting himself under the protection of the Sultan. Mamood immediately
A. D. 1021. Higer. 412.

marched to the aid of his vassal; but before he could arrive, Raja Nunda of Callinger, had drawn his army upon Kinnoge, and had slain Raja Kurrah with a great many of his principal warriors. The Sultan arriving at the river Jumna, encamped on the bank opposite to the enemy.

Defeats the Hindoos.

Seven officers in his army, without orders, swam across the river, and entering the enemy's camp in the morning by surprize, struck such a pannick in their troops, that they all betook themselves to flight. The King, notwithstanding their success, was greatly enraged, but passing with the remainder of his army, he immediately commenced the pursuit.

Comes up with Raja Nunda,

When Nunda came to the frontiers of his own dominions, he halted with his army, and prepared to receive the Sultan with thirty six thousand horse, forty five thousand foot, and six hundred and fifty Elephants. The Sultan, after having reconnoitred the strength of the enemy and their situation, from a rising ground, prostrated himself before God, and pray'd that the standard of Islamism might be exalted with glory and triumph.
who decamps in the night.

The day being far advanced, he determined to wait for the morning, which in the event, disappointed his hopes and ambition, for Nunda decamp'd in the night with the utmost disorder, leaving his tents, equipage and baggage behind him.

The Sultan, having next morning reconnoitred the woods and hollow grounds around, ordered his army to march into the enemy's camp, and to lengthen their hands upon the spoil, which proved to be very considerable, besides five hundred and eighty Elephants which were sound in the neighbouring wood. He then laid waste, with fire and sword, the country, and returned to Ghizni without prosecuting the war any further.

A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.

Mamood's expedition to Kiberat,

He had not remained there many days, before he heard that the inhabitants of Kiberat and Nardein, countries upon the boundaries of Hindostan, would not acknowledge the Mussulman faith, but continued the worship of Lions[†]. Mamood resolved to compel them, and accordingly marched towards their country, taking with him a great number of masons, carpenters, smiths, and labourers, that he might there build a fort, to overawe them after his departure.

which he reduces.

The Lord of the country of Kiberat, finding he could not pretend to oppose the Sultan, submitted himself, acknowledging the faith of the Prophet. Hajib Ali was sent with a division of the army, to reduce the country of Nardein, which he soon accomplished, pillaging the country, and carrying away many of the people captives.

A curious inscription.

There was a temple in Nardein which Hajib destroyed, and brought from thence a stone, upon which there was a curious inscription, which bore that it was forty thousand years old.

Mamood's tenth expedition to India.

The Sultan ordered a fort to be built in that place, and left it under the care of Ali Ben Kudur. He himself, in the mean time, return'd by the way of Lahore, and in his march invested the strong hold of Locoat, in the province of Cashmire.
Lahore reduced.

He besieged the place for a whole month, but finding it impregnable, he decamped, and proceeding to Lahore, entered that city without much opposition, giving it up to be sack'd by his troops. Here wealth, and precious effects, beyond the power of estimation, fell into their hands.

A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.

Patturugepal, the Raja, unable to contend with so powerful an adversary, fled to Ajmere for protection; and the Sultan immediately appointed one of his Omrahs to the government of Lahore, and sent other commanders to various districts in the territories of Hindostan. Mamood himself returned in the spring to Ghizni.

Mamood's eleventh expedition to India.

The martial disposition of Mamood could not rest long in peace. He marched again by the way of Lahore, in the 414th year of the Higerah, against Nunda the Raja of Callinger, with a great army. Passing by the fort of Gualier, he ordered it to be besieged; but the Raja of that province prevailed upon him to remove from before that place in a few days, by the means of rich presents and thirty five Elephants: The Sultan immediately directed his march to Callinger, invested that city,
Nunda submits.

and Nunda offered him three hundred Elephants and other presents for peace.

The Sultan consented to the terms proposed; and the Raja, to try the bravery of the Sultan's troops, intoxicated the Elephants with certain drugs, and let them loose without riders into the camp; Mamood seeing the animals advancing, perceived the trick, by the wildness of their motions, and immediately ordered a party of his best horse to seize, kill, and drive them from the camp: Some of the Turks, emulous to display their bravery in the presence of their King, and of both armies, mounted the greatest part of the Elephants, and drove the rest into an adjacent wood, where they were soon reduced to obedience.

The enemy, upon seeing the resolution of the Ghiznians, were much intimidated,
His panegyrick upon Mamood.

and Nunda taking advantage of one of the foibles of Mamood, sent to him a panegyrick, in the Indian tongue. The King was much pleased with this elegant piece of flattery; for the poetry was much admired by the learned men of Hind, Arab, and
A. D. 1024. Higer. 415.

Agim, who were at his court. To make return for this compliment, the Sultan conferred the government of fifteen forts upon Nunda, with many other curious presents; but the peace was principally ratify'd by means of many valuable presents in jewels and gold, on the part of Nunda. Mamood immediately return'd to Ghizni.

Mamood musters his forces.

The Sultan, in the year 415, mustered all his forces. He found them, exclusive of his garrisons, and those upon duty in various parts of his dominions, to consist of fifty five thousand chosen horse, one thousand three hundred Elephants, and one hundred thousand infantry. With this force, excepting a part of the infantry, which he left at Ghizni, he marched to Balich to expel Ali Tiggi from the government of Maverulnere for oppressing the people, who complained of his tyranny to the King. When the chiefs of Maverulnere heard that the King had cross'd the Jagetay, they came with presents to meet him; Eusuph Kudir Chan, King of Turkistan, paid him, at the same time, the compliment of a visit, and was received with joy and friendship. The Sultan prepared a great feast upon the occasion; and after having concluded a treaty, the Monarchs took leave of each other, making an exchange of princely presents.

Ali Tiggi, seizing this opportunity, betook himself to flight. But the Sultan sending a party of horse after him, he was after a long search, discovered and brought to the King, who confined him for life in one of the sorts of Hindostan; while he himself returned to Ghizni.

Mamood's twelfth expedition into India.

Mamood understood in the same year, that there was a famous temple called Sumnat, in the province of Guzerat, near the Bunder[*] of Deo, very rich and greatly frequented by devotees from all parts of Hindostan. These infidels believe that souls, after death, went before Sumnat, who transferred them into other bodies or animals,
A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.

according to their merits in their former state. The Sultan was also informed that the priests of this God gave out, that the sins of the people of Delhi and Kinnoge had incensed him so much, that he abandoned them to the vengeance of the Mussulmen, otherwise that in the twinkling of an eye, he could have blasted the whole army of Mamood.

The Sultan, no ways intimidated by this report, was determined to put the power of the God to a tryal, by personally treating him ill. He therefore marched from Ghizni with a numerous army, in the month Shaban.

Description of the temple of Sumnat.

The temple of Sumnat, which also gave name to a great city, was situated upon the shore of the Ocean, and is at this time to be seen in the districts of Deo Bunder, under the dominion of the Europeans.[†] Some historians affirm, that Sumnat was brought from Mecca, where it stood before the time of the Prophet. But the Brahmins deny this tale, and say that it stood in Deo-Bunder since the time of Krishen, who was concealed in that place about four thousand years ago.

Mamood arrives at Moultan.

The Sultan, about the middle of Ramzan, reached the city of Moultan, and as there was a great desart before him, he gave orders that all his troops should provide themselves with several days water and provisions, as also with provender for their horses, he besides loaded twenty thousand Camels with necessaries for the army. When he had passed that terrible desart, he arrived at the city of Ajmere, and finding that the Raja and inhabitants had abandoned the place, and that he could not prevail with them to come and submit themselves,
Sacks Ajmere.

he ordered the city to be sack'd, and the adjacent
A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.

country to be laid waste with fire and sword. But as the reduction of the citadel would take up too much time, he left it and proceeded upon his expedition, and reduced some small forts in the way by assault.

Arrives at Narwalla,

Having then arrived at Narwalla, a city of Guzerat, which was evacuated at his approach, another desart presented itself to the King beyond that place.
and at Sumnat,

Mamood, however, taking the same precautions as before, without any remarkable occurrence reached Sumnat, which was a lofty castle, upon a narrow Peninsula, washed on three sides by the sea.

Upon the battlements of the place there appeared an innumerable multitude of people in arms. They immediately made a signal for a Herald to approach, and told him, that their Mabood or Idol Sumnat, had drawn the Mussulmen thither, that he might blast them in a moment and avenge the destruction of the Gods of Hindostan. The Sultan only smiled at this vain threat, and commanded, that as soon as the streams of light should pour from the spring of day, his army should prepare for an assault.

which he assault.

In the morning the valiant troops of the sublime Mamood, advanced to the foot of the walls and began the attack. The battlements were in a short time cleared, by the experience and valour of the archers, and the dastardly Hindoos, astonished and dispirited, crouded into the temple, and prostrating themselves in tears before the Idol, prayed for assistance.

Scales the walls.

The Mussulmen seized the opportunity which the devotion of their enemies offered them, applied their scaling ladders, and mounting the wall, began to exclaim Alla Akber[†]. The Hindoos now
A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.

reduced to despair, found they must fight for themselves or die, they collected their force together, and made so violent an attack upon the assailants, that, from the time that the King of day dispelled the darkness till the moon, fair bride of night, illuminated the court of heaven with paler rays, the flames of war were not quenched with blood.
But is repulsed.

The Mussulmen wearied out with fatigue, were at length obliged to abandon all their advantages, and retire to rest.

Repulsed a second time.

Next morning the work of death was renewed, but as fast as they mounted the wall, so fast were they pushed headlong down by the spears of the defendants, who weeping had taken leave of their God, and now seemed wishing for death. And thus the labours of this day proved more unsuccessful than the first.

The army of the Hindo
•

s appears,An army of idolaters, upon the third day, presented themselves in order of battle in sight of the Sultan's camp. Mamood immediately advanced, with an intention to raise the siege of Sumnat, and therefore ordered a party to amuse the besieged, while he himself prepared to engage the enemy in the field. He marched in order of battle towards the idolaters, who advanced with equal resolution.
whom he engages.

The fire of adverse rage immediately illuminated the gleaming field, and Death stalked with such execution and power around, that Time, trembling for his empire, wept. Byramdeo and Dabiselima in the middle of the action joined the enemy with their troops, and inspired them with such fresh courage, that faintness became visible in the Sultan's army.

Mamood perceiving a languor spreading over his lines, leapt from his horse, and prostrating himself before God, implored his assistance. Then mounting with a noble assurance, he took Abul
A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.

Hassen Chirkani, one of his generals, by the hand, and inspired him with hope and glory. He himself advanced upon the enemy, encouraging his troops with such determined resolution, that ashamed to abandon their King, with whom they had so often trod the path of renown, they with one accord, gave a shout of victory and rushed forward, as for a prize.
and overthrows.

They bore the enemy before them upon the points of their spears, laying five thousand of them dead at their feet.

Sumnat surrenders.

When the garrison of Sumnat beheld this defeat, they were struck with confusion and fear. They withdrew their hands from the fight, and issuing out at a gate towards the sea, to the number of four thousand, embarked in boats, intending to proceed to the island of Sirindiep[†]. But they did not escape the eyes of the Sultan. He seized upon boats which were left in a neighbouring creek, and manning them with rowers and some of his best troops, pursued the enemy, taking and sinking some of their boats, while others escaped.

Mamood enters Sumnat.

The Emperor having placed guards round the walls, and at the gates, entered Sumnat with his son and a few of his Omrahs and principal attendants. When they advanced to the temple, they saw a great and antique structure built of stone, within a spacious court. They immediately entered it, beheld a great square hall, having it's lofty roof supported by fifty six pillars, curiously turned and set with precious stones. In the center of the hall stood Sumnat, an Idol of stone, five yards in heighth, two of which were sunk in the ground.

Destroys the Idol of Sumnat.

The Sultan was enraged when he saw this Idol, and raising his mace, struck off the nose from his face. He then ordered that two
A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.

pieces of this image should be broke off, to be sent to Ghizni, there to be thrown at the threshold of the public Mosque, and in the court of his palace. Two more fragments he reserved to be sent to Mecca and Medina.

When the Sultan was thus employed in breaking up Sumnat, a croud of Brahmins petitioned his attendants, and offered some crores[*] in gold, if the King should be pleased to proceed no further. The Omrahs endeavoured to persuade Mamood to accept of the money; for they said that breaking up the idol would not remove idolatry from the walls of Sumnat, that therefore it could serve no purpose to destroy the image, but that such a sum of money, given in charity among believers, would be a very meritorious action. The Sultan acknowleged, that what they said was, in some measure, true; but should he consent to that bargain, he might justly be called a seller of idols; and that he looked upon a breaker of them as a more honourable title. He therefore ordered them to proceed.

Finds an immense treasure.

The next blow having broke up the belly of Sumnat, which had been made hollow, they discovered that it was full of diamonds, rubies, and pearls, of a much greater value than the amount of what the Brahmins had offered.

Account of Sumnat.

It is said, by some writers, that the name of this idol is a compound word of Sum and Nat; Sum being the name of the Raja who erected it, and Nat the true name of the God; which in the language of the Brahmins, signifies Creator. In the time of eclipses we are told that there used to be forty or fifty thousand worshippers at this temple; and that the different Rajas of Hindostan had bestowed, in all, two thousand villages, with their territories, for the maintenance of its priests; besides the
A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.

innumerable presents received from all parts of the empire. It was a custom among those idolaters, to wash Sumnat every morning and evening, with fresh water from the Ganges, though that river is above five hundred crores distant.

Among the spoils of this temple, was a chain of gold weighing forty maunds, which hung from the top of the building by a ring. It supported a great bell which warned the people to the worship of the God. Besides two thousand Brahmins, who officiated as priests, there belonged to the temple five hundred dancing girls, three hundred musicians, and three hundred barbers to shave the devotees before they were admitted to the presence of Sumnat. The dancing girls were either remarkable for their beauty, or their quality, the Rajas thinking it an honour to have their daughters admitted.

Sultan Mamood found in this temple, a greater quantity of jewels and gold, than, it is thought, any royal treasury ever contained before. In the history of Eben Assur, it is related, that there was no light in the temple, but one pendant lamp, which being reflected from the jewels, spread a strong and refulgent light over the whole place. Besides the great idol above-mentioned, there were in the temple some thousands of small images, in gold and silver, of various shapes and dimensions.

The emperor marches against Byram Deo.

The emperor having secured the wealth of Sumnat, prepared to chastise Raja Byram Deo, from whom the harbour of Deo takes its name, for having endeavoured to distress him during the siege, and having given above three thousand of the Mussulmen to drink of the wine of martyrdom. Byram Deo, after the taking of Sumnat, had fled from Narwalla the capital of Guzerat, and shut himself up in the fort of Gundia, which was forty pharsangs from Sumnat. The king, without opposition, arrived before the sort, and saw that it was surrounded
A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.

on all sides by the sea, which, in every place, appeared impassable. He sent however to sound the depth of the water, and received intelligence, that at one place it was fordable at low water; but if he should be caught by the tide, in his passage, the troops must inevitably perish.

Attacks him in his fort of Gundia,

The Sultan having ordered public prayers, and cast his fortune in the Koran, turned his horse into the sea, at the head of his troops, and reaching in safety the opposite shore, immediately made an assault upon the place. Byram Deo, looking upon life preferable to every other consideration, left his family and wealth, and, in the habit of a slave, stealing out of the fort, run and concealed himself in a corner.
which he takes.

The troops who defended the place, seeing themselves thus shamefully deserted, were also struck with fear, and quitted their posts upon the walls. The Mussulmen mounted their scaling ladders, and commenced a dreadful havock among the unfortunate slaves, reserving the women and children for captivity. The wealth of the Raja was lodged in the treasury of the King.

Marches to Narwalla,

Mamood being thus victorious, marched to Narwalla. He found the soil of that place so fertile, the air so salubrious and pure, and the country so well cultivated and pleasant, that he proposed to take up his residence there for some years, and to make it his capital, conferring the government of Ghizni upon his son the Sultan Musaood. Some historians relate, that, in that age, there were goldmines in Guzerat; which occasioned Sultan Mamood to incline to fix his residence in that country. But to this we cannot well give any credit, as there are now no traces of those mines; but it is acknowledged, that the country was, at all times, one of the richest in Hindostan. In support of their assertion, they however give many instances of the disappearance of gold mines, such as that in Seistan, which was swallowed up by an
A. D. 1022. Higer. 413.

earthquake. There are other writers who pretend to say, that the King, having heard of gold and ruby mines, upon the island of Sirendiep, and in the country of Pegu, intended to fit out a fleet for the conquest of those parts, but that he was diverted by his council from this scheme, and also prevailed upon not to abandon his native kingdom and capital.

but is diverted from it by the Omrahs.

Mamood yielding to this latter advice, consented to return, and at the same time begged of his Omrahs, to recommend a fit person to him, for the government of the kingdom of Guzerat. After consulting among themselves, they told the King, that on account of the great distance of this country from his other dominions, and the number of troops it would require for its defence, they thought it adviseable, that some one of the natives should receive that honour. The King then enquired among the chiefs of the natives, and was informed that the family of Dabissalima was the noblest in those parts, and that then a man of parts and distinction of that tribe, was in his camp, in the habit of a Brahmin. That they knew no person fitter to be exalted to royalty than him: though he had been obliged to chuse that way of life, to conceal himself from the cruelty of a younger brother, who had usurped his inheritance.

Makes Dabissalima King of Guzerat.

But some authors, suspecting the probability of this story, have informed us, that Dabissalima was Raja of a neighbouring country, famous as well for his policy and wisdom, as for his great knowlege in the sciences. To him the King sent a friendly message, inviting him to his presence, to receive his allegiance for the government of Guzerat, which he intended to bestow upon him. But as we have many authentic proofs of the truth of our first relation, it must be acknowleged that the King, upon having settled an annual tribute, bestowed the kingdom of Guzerat upon Dabissalima the poor Brahmin, and not upon the Raja of the same name, who lived at that period.

A. D. 1026. Higer. 417.

We find, that when the King had bestowed the regency upon the Brahmin, that he petitioned him to leave some forces for his protection, for that Raja Dabissalima, as soon as Mamood should evacuate the country, would undoubtedly invade him before his power was thoroughly established, the consequences of which might be easily foreseen. But that if the King would grant him his protection, he would annually give double the revenues of Cabulistan and Zabulistan.

Marches against and defeats a neighbouring Raja.

These considerations prevailed with the Sultan to form a design to reduce this Raja before he left the country. He accordingly sent a part of his army into the dominions of the Raja, which, in a short time, defeated him, and brought him prisoner to Mamood. He immediately delivered over the unfortunate Raja into the hands of his kinsman Dabissalima the viceroy to take away his life.

Dabissalima addressed himself to the King after this manner; that in his religion, the murder of a King was unlawful; but that it was customary, when one King got possession of the person of another who was his enemy, to make a dark pit under his throne, where he should remain imprisoned for life, or till the death of his conqueror.
Dabissalima's clemency.

That for his own part, he esteemed such usage a cruelty of which he could not be guilty; but that on the other hand, if the Raja should be confined by him in another prison, his adherents would, upon the King's departure, attempt to release him. He therefore earnestly begged that the King might carry him to Ghizni.

Mamood returns to Ghizni.

The Sultan complied with this last request, and after two years and six months absence, turned homewards his victorious standards. But having received intelligence, that Byram Deo, and the Raja of Ajmere, with others, had collected a great army to oppose him in the desart, he turned by the way of Sind and Moultan. He there also met with desarts in his march, wherein his army greatly suffered
A. D. 1026. Higer. 417.

by want of water, and his cavalry by want of grass; but in the year 417 he with much difficulty and toil, reached Ghizni. During his march through Sind, he was led astray three days and nights, by one of his Hindoo guides, in a desart of dry sand, so that madness and thirst began intolerably to rage through his perishing troops.

Perfidy of one of the Priests of Sumnat.

The Sultan suspecting his guide, commanded him to be put to the torture, when he confessed that he was one of the priests of Sumnat, who to revenge the injuries done to his God, had thus endeavoured to bring about the ruin of the Ghiznian army. The King then commanded him to be put to death; and it being towards evening, he fell prostrate before God, imploring a speedy deliverance. A meteor was immediately seen in the east, to which he directed his march, and before morning, found himself upon the banks of a lake.

Dabissalima deman as the imprisoned Raja.

Dabissalima the devout, having established himself upon the throne of Guzerat, continued to send his revenues punctually to the King, and some years after desired the imprisoned Raja might be returned to him. But the Raja had, by this time, gained upon the mind of the King, which made him unwilling to part with him. He however was over-persuaded, by his counsellors, who were envious of the favour which the unfortunate Raja had acquired; and he was accordingly put into the hands of the person who brought the revenue to Ghizni.

His
•…

uel•y,When they reached the dominions of Guzerat, Dabissalima the devout gave orders to dig a hole under his own throne, in which he intended to confine the unhappy Raja, according to the barbarous custom of the Hindoos. To stretch his triumph still further, he advanced to some distance from his capitol, to meet the Raja, that the unfortunate man might run before his horse, with a bason on his head, and an ewer in his hand.

A. D. 1026. Higer. 417.

and punishment.

The King, it is said, having over-heated himself upon this occasion, lay down, much disordered, in a shade, drew a red handkerchief over his face, and ordered his attendants to withdraw. A Vulture, which was hovering over that place, mistaking the red handkerchief for prey, soused down upon the King, and fixing her talons about his eyes, rendered him totally blind; and therefore incapable to reign according to the laws of the country.

When the accident which befel the King became public, the whole camp and city were filled with confusion and uproar. The imprisoned Raja, arriving at that very instant, was received with universal acclamations, and immediately elected King. He put the bason upon the head of Dabissalima, and placed the ewer in his hand, and drove him before him into the dungeon, which he himself had prepared, where he spent the remainder of his life.

This barbarous action, however, shewed that his successor was unworthy of what providence had, so miraculously, bestowed upon him. This story is a striking instance of the just punishment of pride, and that he who digs a pit for another, will fall into it himself.

Story of an iron idol.

The author of the Jam ul Hikaiat has related, that, when Sultan Mamood was in Guzerat, he saw a small black idol, under a circular arch, which, to all appearance, was suspended in the air, without support. The King, amazed at this phaenomenon, consulted the philosophers of his court concerning it. They told him, that they believed the image to be iron, and the stones of the arch magnets. The King observed, that be thought the equilibrium of weight and attraction could not be so exactly found. He however, by way of experiment, ordered a stone to be struck out of the arch; which was no sooner done, than the idol sell to the ground, and the stone was accordingly found to be a magnet; but philosophers of latter days
A. D. 1026. Higer. 417.

are of the King's opinion, and that this story may be rank'd among the fabulous.

The Caliph writes to Mamood.

The Caliph of Bagdat being informed of the expedition of Sultan Mamood, wrote him a congratulatory letter, in which he stiled him, The guardian of fortune and Islamism. To his son Sultan Musaood, he gave the title of, The light of posterity, and the beauty of nations; and to his second son Mur Eusoph, the appellation of, The strength of the arm of fortune, and establisher of the state. He, at the same time, assured Mamood, that, whoever he should appoint to the succession, he himself would confirm and support.

Mamood attacks the Jits,

Mamood marched this year an army against the Jits, who had insulted him in his way from Sumnat. This people inhabited the country, on the borders of Moultan, near the banks of the river that runs by the mountains of Jude. When he arrived at Moultan, finding that the country of the Jits was defended by great rivers, he ordered fifteen hundred boats to be built, each of which he armed with six iron spikes projecting from their prows and sides, to prevent their being boarded by the enemy, who were very expert in that kind of war. When he had launched this fleet, he ordered twenty archers into each boat, and five others, with fire-balls, to burn the craft of the Jits, and naphta to set the whole river on fire. This force he commanded to extirpate the Jits, and remained with the remainder of his army at Moultan.

who are overthrown.

The Jits having intelligence of this armament, sent their wives and children, and most valuable effects, into an island, and launching, according to some, four thousand, or, according to others, eight thousand boats, manned and armed, prepared to receive the Ghiznians. They met, and a terrible conflict ensued; but the projected pikes from the Sultan's boats, did such execution, when they ran against
A. D. 1027. Higer. 418.

the craft of the Jits, that many of them were overset. The archers, at the same time, plied their bows to such good purpose, that many of the enemy plunged over board to avoid their galling arrows. Some of the Jitsiad boats being, in the mean time, set on fire, communicated their flames to others; some were sunk, some boarded by the Turks, and others endeavoured to make their escape. In this scene of confusion and terror, very few of the Jits could shun their hard fate. All those therefore, who escaped death, met with the more severe misfortune of captivity.

The Sultan, after this victory, returned in triumph to Ghizni, and in the 418th year of the Higerah, ordered Amir Toos, one of his generals, to the government of Badwird, that he might chastise the Turkuman of Siljoki, who had crossed the river Amavia, and invaded that province.
Amir Toos defeated by the Turkumans.

But Amir Toos being defeated in a very bloody action, wrote to the Sultan, that without his presence and fortune nothing could be done against the enemy.

Mamood marches against and overthrows the Turkomans. Reduces Iraak.

The Sultan immediately put his army in motion, and having come up with them gave them a total defeat, which entirely dispersed them and cleared the country. Hearing, at this time, that one of his generals had conquered Iraak[*], he marched that way, and seized all the treasure that had been amassed by the race of Boia, who had possessed that country, and lived in the city of Rai.
Returns to Ghizni.

Having there inforced some laws respecting the religion of the inhabitants, who had adopted false tenets, he settled the government of Rai and Ispahan upon his son, Sultan Musaood, and returned himself to Ghizni.

Falls sick.

The Sultan was soon after afflicted with the stone, which disorder daily increased. He went in this condition to Balich to settle some
A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.

state affairs, and in the beginning of the spring he turned his face again to Ghizni;
Dies.

where, upon friday the 23d of Ribbi ul Sani, in the 419th of the Higera, and the sixty third year of his age, this great conqueror, amidst the tears of his people, gave up his body to death, and his soul to immortality.

Sultan Mamood reigned thirty-five years, and he was buried by torch light, with great pomp and solemnity, in the palace of triumph at Ghizni.
His person.

He was a man of a middle stature, not very handsome in his person, but without any deformity or blemish.

Instances of his avarice.

Two days before his death, he commanded, that all the sacks of gold and caskets of precious stones, which were in the treasury, should be placed before him; when he beheld them as with regret, he wept, ordering them to be carried back to the treasury, without exhibiting his generosity at that time to any body, for which he has been accused of avarice. He ordered, the following day, a review of his Army, his Elephants, Camels, Horses and Chariots, with which, having feasted his eyes for some time, from his traveling throne, he again burst into tears, and retired in grief to his palace.

It's said, that Sultan Mamood, upon hearing that a citizen of Neshapoor was possessed of immense wealth, commanded him to be called into his presence. The King began to reproach him for being an idolater and an apostate from the faith. The citizen replied, "O King, I am no idolater nor apostate, but it is true that I am possessed of much wealth; take it therefore, but do me not a double injustice, by robbing me of my money and my good name." The King, for this insolence, as he termed it; ordered him to be punished and confiscated his whole estate.

A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.

But Mamood was, in other instances, famous for justice. A person one day, thrusting himself into the presence, called loudly for justice. The King ordered him to explain his complaint, which he thus did: That, unfortunately having a handsome wife, the King's nephew had conceived a passion for her, and came to his house every night with armed attendants, beating him and turning him into the street till he had gratified his adulterous passion. That he had frequently complained to those who ought to have done him justice, but that the rank of the adulterer had shut their ears against him.

Of his justice.

The King, upon hearing this, was so much enraged that tears of resentment and compassion started from his eyes; he reprimanded the poor man for not making sooner his complaint to him. The man replied, that he often attempted it, but could not gain admittance. He was then commanded by the King, to return to his house, and to give him notice the first time that his nephew was guilty of the like violence; charging those who were present, upon pain of death, to let nothing of this complaint transpire, ordering him to be admitted at any hour. Accordingly the man returned to his house, and upon the third night following, the King's nephew, as usual, came, and having whipped the husband severely, turned him into the street. The poor man hastened to the King; but the captain of the guards would not give him admittance, saying, that his Majesty was in the Haram. The man immediately began to make a violent outery, so that the porter fearing that the court might be disturbed, and that the noise might reach the King, he was under the necessity to conduct him to the Eunuchs of the bedchamber, who immediately acquainted the Sultan with the affair.

The King immediately rose, and drawing on a garment followed the man to his house. He found his nephew and the man's wife
A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.

sleeping together in one bed, with a candle standing on the carpet near them. The Sultan, extinguishing the candle, drew his dagger and severed his nephew's head from his body: Then commanding the man to light the candle, he called out for some water, and having taken a deep draught, he told him he might now go and sleep with safety, if he could trust his own wife.

The poor man fell down at the Sultan's feet, in gratitude to his justice and condescension, but begged he might tell him why he put out the candle, and afterwards called out so vehemently for water. The King replied, that he put out the candle that pity might not arrest his hand in the execution of justice, on a youth whom he tenderly loved; and that he had made a vow to God, when he first heard his complaint, that he would neither eat nor drink till he had brought the criminal to justice, in so much, that he was upon the point of dying of thirst.

The learned men who flourished under Mamood.

The learned men who lived at the court of Sultan Mamood were principally these; Ozaeri Rasi, a native of Rai, whose poetical performances as a panegyrist, are esteemed very good, for one of which he received a present of 4000 Dirms from the Sultan.—Assidi Toosi, a native of Chorrassan, a poet of great same, whom the Sultan often entreated to undertake the Shaw Namma, but he excused himself on account of his age. He was the master of Phirdoci, who afterwards undertook that work; but Phirdoci falling sick by too much application, before it was finished, he applied himself to his old master Assidi; telling him that he was now at the point of death, and that his only regret for leaving this vain world was, that his poem was unfinished. The old man weeping replied, that, tho' he had often excused himself to the King, from having any hand in that performance, yet for the affection he bore to Phirdoci, he would undertake to finish his poem. The dying poet replied, that he was
A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.

well assured no other man of the age had the genius to attempt it; but at the same time he was afraid, years and infirmities had damped the native fire of Assidi.

The old man warmed with friendship and emulation, collecting the force of his mind, made the attempt, and brought into the chains of rhime in a few days, that part of the poem, between the Arabian conquest of Agim to the end, which consists of four thousand couplets. He immediately brought it to Phirdoci, who was so rejoiced that he recovered from his disorder. The Shaw Namma is esteemed among the first of poetical productions, and Phirdoci the author, consequently among the first of poets.

Minuchere was an Omrah of Balich, and famous for his poetry and wit. But Hakim Ali Unsuri is esteemed to hold the first rank, as to genius, in that age; for besides being one of the best poets, he was a great philosopher, versed in all the known sciences, and all the learned languages of those times. Four hundred poets and learned men, besides all the students of the university of Ghizni, acknowledged him for their master. He was therefore appointed by the King, to superintend literature, and it was ordered, that no performance should be brought before the Sultan, without being previously honoured with the approbation of Ali Unsuri.

Among the works of Unsuri there is an heroic poem, upon the actions of Sultan Mamood. The King having one night, in his cups, cut off the long tresses of his beloved[*], he was much afflicted in the morning for what he had done. He sat, he rose, he walked by turns, and there was a terror round him, which kept the people at distance.
A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.

Ali Unsuri accosted him with some extempore lines[†], which so pleased the King that he ordered his mouth to be filled three times with jewels. Calling then for wine, he sat down with the poet and washed down his grief, seasoning society with wit.

Asjuddi was one of the scholars of Unsuri: He was a native of Hirvi, a poet blessed with the light of true genius, but his works are very scarce and the greatest part of them lost. Firochi was also a pupil of Unsuri. He was of the antient royal race of the Kings of Seistan, but reduced by fortune so low, that he was obliged to hire himself to a farmer for the yearly wages of a hundred Dirms. When he married, he found this small sum would not answer his expences, so he became desirous of having his wages increased. The farmer told him he certainly deserved a great deal more, but that his capacity could not extend the allowance further. Firochi, in this state of dependence, waited on the Sultan's nephew Abul Muziffir with a poem, for which he was honoured with a handsome reward, with a horse and a dress. He was introduced to the King by Muziffir, who settled a pension upon him which enabled him to ride with a retinue of twenty well mounted slaves.

SECTION V. The History of the Reign of Jellal ul Dowla, Jemmal ul Muluck SULTAN MAHUMMUD, ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.

A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.

Mahummud the son of Mamood succeeds to the throne of Ghizni.

WHEN the hand of Sultan Mamood was shortened from worldly labour, his son Mahummud was in the province of Gourgan, and Amir Musaood in Ispahan. Amir Ali ben Arsilla, the father in law of Sultan Mamood, called Amir Mahummud to Ghizni, and according to the will of his father placed the crown upon his head. Sultan Mahummud, upon his accession, bestowed the dignity of captain general upon his uncle Eusoph the son of Subuctagi, and the honour of Vizier upon Abu Seil Ahummud; then opening the treasury he gladdened his friends and the public with liberal donations; but the hearts of the soldiery and people run chiefly in favour of his brother Musaood.

The slaves revolt,

About fifty days after the Sultan's death, Abul Nigim Amir Eaz having, in confederacy with Ali Dia, gained over the slaves[*], they broke into the royal stables, and mounting the King's best horses, rode off towards Bust. Amir Muhummud informed of this, immediately dispatched Subundraï, an Hindoo Omrah of trust, with a numerous body of Hindoo cavalry in pursuit of them. He came up with the slaves in a few days; a skirmish ensued in which Subundraï with the greatest part of his troops were killed, and not a few of the slaves.
and declare for Musaood.

The surviving part of the rebels with their two chiefs, pursued their journey to Musaood, whom they met at Neshapoor.
A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.

Musaood writes to his brother.

Musaood having heard of his father's decease at Hammedan, settled Viceroys and governors of trust in Ayrack and Agim, and hastened towards Chorrassan. From thence he wrote to his brother, that he had no inclination to take those countries from him, which his father, notwithstanding of his preferable right, had been pleased to bequeath to Mahummud. He moreover added, that the regions of the Hills, Tiberistan and Ayrack, which he had mostly acquired by his own sword, were ample enough dominions for him. He only insisted so far on his birth-right, as to have his name first read in the Chutba[*], over all his dominions.

His moderation.

Amir Musaood is allowed to have been very moderate in this case, for though he and Mahummud were twins, he was the elder by some hours, and consequently had the undoubted right of succession.

War between the brothers.

But enmity had subsisted between the brothers from their youth, and Sultan Mahummud returned his brother upon this occasion, a very unfriendly answer, and began to prepare for war, in spite of all that his council could do to oppose so rash a measure. The Sultan accordingly put his army in motion, and leaving Ghizni, proceeded to meet Musaood: It is said, that at the feast, upon the conclusion of the Ramzan which Mahummud held at Tunganabad, his crown fell accidentally from his head when he sat in state. This was reckoned a very unfortunate omen, of which some disaffected Omrahs taking advantage, estranged the minds of the soldiery from their prince.
Mahummud deposed.

Accordingly upon the third night after, there was a confederacy formed by Amir Ali, Eusoph ben Subuctagi, and Amir Hassnic Mical, who sounding the trumpets to arms, put themselves at the head of the troops, surrounded the King's tents, and seizing upon his person, sent him prisoner to the fort of Chillige. They immediately marched with the army to Herat, to meet Amir Musaood, to whom they swore allegiance.

A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.

Musaood succeeds.

Sultan Musaood directed his march to Balich, where he ordered Amir Hassnic to be executed, for having deserted him before, and fled to the King of Myser[*]. There was also, it is said, a private pique, which hastened the death of Hassnic, for he was in publick heard to say, that if ever Musaood should be King, he would suffer himself to be hanged.
The conspirators punished.

Amir Ali Cheshawind had his head struck off for his ingratitude to his prince; and Eusoph ben Subuctagi, the other conspirator, and the Sultan's uncle, was imprisoned for life. The eyes of the unfortunate Mahummud were put out, and he himself confined: So that the Sultanit of Mahummud scarcely lasted five months. But, as we shall hereafter see, he was, after nine years imprisonment, blessed with one more bright ray of fortune.

SECTION VI. The Reign of Shahab ul dowla Jemmal ul Muluck Sultan MUSAOOD ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.

Sultan Musaood's great strength.

SULTAN Masood was a man of a lofty spirit, and was honoured with the appellation of Rustum the second. His arrow could pierce the strongest mail, and sink into the body of an elephant, and his iron mace was so ponderous, that no man of his time could raise it with one hand. He was withal, of an obstinate and fierce disposition, contemptuous of all authority,
His fierce d
•

sposition. and disdaining all obedience. This circumstance, in his youth, engaged him in many quarrels, and greatly disobliged his father; who, for that reason, fixed his affections upon his brother Amir Mahummud, who was of a more mild and tractable disposition.

A. D. 1028. Higer. 419.

Anecdote concerning Musaood.

Chaja Abu Niser Muscati relates, that, when the name of Amir Mahummud was inserted before that of Musaood, in the Chutba, and read in public for the first time, that he himself followed Amir Musaood to the door of the mosque, and told him, that what he had heard, gave him the utmost concern, for that his own, as well as the hearts of most of the Omrahs, burnt with affection for him. Amir Musaood replied with a smile, Give yourselves no concern about it; the world is for the longest sword.

One of the King's spies, hearing this conversation, immediately gave information of it to the Sultan. Mamood immediately calling Abu Niser, asked him what had passed between him and Amir Musaood. Abu Niser thinking that truth would be his best defence, related the particulars. Upon which the King said, that he had always a high opinion of the superior abilities of Musaood, who, he foresaw, would one day be King; but that Amir Mahummud had gained his heart, by filial duty, and implicit obedience.

Musaood releases several prisoners of state.

Sultan Musaood, upon his accession, released Ahummud ben Hassen Mumundi, who, by the orders of the Sultan Mamood, had been imprisoned in the fort of Callinger, and again made him Vizier. He called Amir Ahummud ben Mealtagi, the treasurer, to a strict account, and after having obliged him to refund a great sum, for malpractices in his office, appointed him general of all his forces in Hindostan, and ordered him to proceed to Lahore. He, at the same time, released Mujeid ul Dowla Willamï, who had also been imprisoned in one of the forts of Hindostan, and called him to his court.

Higer. 422

Invades Kutch and Mackeran,

Sultan Musaood, in the year 422, having left Balich, came to Ghizni, and sent an army to Kutch and Mackeran, and the coin of both provinces was struck in his name. The prince of those countries died about that time, and left two sons, Abul Asakir, and Isah.
A. D. 1031. Higer. 422.

—Isah, the younger brother, taking possession of the government, Abul Asakir had recourse for aid, to regain his inheritance, to Sultan Musaood, to whom the fugitive prince promised an annual tribute, and to hold his dominions, when recovered, of him.
which are reduced.

Musaood agreeing to this proposal, sent a great army with Abul Asakir, with orders to his general, if possible, to reconcile the difference between the brothers, and to divide the country equally between them; but if this could not be done, to put the whole into the possession of Abul Asakir.

When Abul Asakir arrived upon the frontiers, with this powerful army, so obstinate was his brother, and so much devoted to his own ruin, that he would not be brought to listen to any accommodation; and though he was deserted by many of his friends, who joined his brother, he determined to decide the affair with his sword. He accordingly fought with great bravery, till he obtained that death he seemed so eagerly to pursue. The provinces fell into the hands of Abul Asakir, who paid tribute and allegiance to the empire.

Mash made governor of Rai in Persia.

The Sultan, in the same year, bestowed the viceroyship of Raï, of Hammedan, and of all the regions of the hills, upon Mash, a man who, though he had raised himself from the lowest office in the camp, displayed uncommon abilities, in reducing those provinces to obedience. After the departure of Sultan Musaood, the countries which we have just mentioned, revolted in part, but Mash not only reduced them to their former dependence, but chastised Ali ul Dowla, governor of Chorassan, who had been tampering with the rebels.

Unsuccessful war with the Turkumans.

Sultan Musaood, after having settled affairs at Ghizni, intended to march to Ispahan and Raï. But when he arrived at Herat, the people of Sirchus and Badawird complained to him of the ravages of the Siljoki Turkumans. The King, moved by the injuries done to his
A. D. 1031. Higer. 422.

subjects, was incensed very much against the enemy, and therefore immediately ordered Abduse ben Abdul Azize, with a great force, to chastise them. This general, however, was received by the Turkumans, with so much bravery, that he could gain no advantages over them; and the King, for what reason is not known, returned to Ghizni.

Higer. 423.

War with Ali Tiggi.

In the year 423, Musaood dispatched Altasash Hajib from Charizm, with a great army, to oppose Ali Tiggi, who had invaded and conquered Samarcand and Bochara. Altasash marched to Maverulnere, where fifteen thousand horse were ordered to join him from Ghizni.
Bochara reduced.

After this junction was effected, he crossed the river Amavia, in the face of the enemy, and continued his rout to Bochara, which he reduced, and then proceeded to Sumarcand. Ali Tiggi marched out of the city, and took possession of a strong post, having the river on one side, and a high mountain on the other.
Ali Tiggi overthrown by Altasash,

When the fire of contention arose[*], a party of Ali Tiggi's horse, having turned the mountain, attacked the army of Altasash in the rear. A great slaughter commenced, and the Ghiznian commander was wounded, in a part of the body in which he had formerly received a wound, in taking one of the forts of Hindostan. He however concealed his blood from his army, and charged the enemy with such vigour, in his front and rear, that, after an obstinate and bloody conflict, they were at length put to flight.

who dies of his wounds.

When the battle was over, Altasash called a council of his principal officers, and shewing his wound, told them his end was approaching, and that they must now manage affairs in the best manner they could, intimating at the same time, that he thought they could do nothing better, than conclude a peace with the enemy. This motion being approved, a messenger was dispatched to them,
A. D. 1032. Higer. 424.

that very night, with proposals, which were eagerly accepted. The conditions were, that Ali Tiggi should keep possession of Samarcand, and that Bochara should remain to Musaood. The two armies, immediately after this pacification, departed, the one for Samarcand, and the other for Chorrassan. The brave Altasash died the second day after, but his death was concealed from the army, and the chiefs conducted the troops to Charizm: And when these accounts came to Sultan Musaood, he conferred the government upon Haro the son of Altasash.

Ahmed ben Hassen Mumundi dying this year, Musaood appointed Abu Niser Ahmid to succeed him as vizier.
Musaood invades Hindostan.

In the 424th of the Higera, Sultan Musaood resolved upon an expedition into Hindostan.
Sursutti invested.

Taking the rout of Cashmire, he invested the fort of Sursutti, which commanded the passes. The garrison being intimidated, sent messengers to the King, promising valuable presents, and an annual tribute if he should desist from his enterprize. The Sultan begun to listen to the proposals, when his ears were stunned with a grievous complaint from some Mussulmen captives, who were then detained in the place. He immediately broke up the conference, and began to besiege the fort, ordering the ditch to be filled up with Sugar-canes, from the adjacent plantations.
The garrison put to the sword.

This being done, he ordered scaling ladders to be applied to the walls, which, after a bloody contest, were mounted, and the garrison, without distinction of age or sex, barbarously put to the sword, excepting a few women and children, who were protected by the soldiers for slaves. The King commanded, that what part of the spoil was saved from pillage, should be given to the Mussulmen, who had been slaves in Sursutti, and who had formerly lost their effects.

A famine and pestilence.

This year was remarkable for a great drought and famine, in many parts of the world. The famine was succeeded by a calamitous
A. D. 1032. Higer. 424.

pestilence, which swept many thousands from the face of the earth; for in less than one month, forty thousand died in Ispahan, alone. Nor did it rage with less violence in Hindostan, where whole countries were entirely depopulated.

Disturbances in Tibiri
•…

an,Sultan Musaood in the mean time was obliged to march back to quell some disturbances in Tibiristan.
are quelled.

The inhabitants of Amalisar opposed him in his progress, but they were dispersed by the imperial troops, with little opposition, and Abu Callingar, Prince of Tibiristan, sent an ambassador, and subjected himself and his country to the King. He, at the same time, gave his son Bhamin, and his nephew Shirvi, as hostages, for his future good behaviour.

War with the Turkumans,

Sultan Musaood turned from thence his face towards Ghizni; and when he arrived at Neshapoor, the people of that place again complained of the incursions of the Turkumans of Siljoki, and Musaood immediately dispatched Buctadi, and Hussein ben Ali, with a great force to chastise them. When the Ghiznian army reached the village of Seindenfauk, a messenger came from the Turkumans with a letter, to the following purpose.

who demand a subsidy.

"That they were the King's servants, and not at all desirous to disturb any body but his enemies, if they should be enabled, by an annual subsidy, to live at home without plunder, or led out to war, that they might exert their skill in what they reckoned their only profession."

and are defea
•

ed by Buctadi,The answer of Buctadi was very haughty. "There is no peace, says he, between us, but the sword, unless you will give over your depredations, and submit yourselves implicitly to the laws and authority of the King." After the Turkumans had heard this message from their ambassador, they advanced and made a violent assault upon the camp of Buctadi; but as they were conducted more by rage than conduct, they were repulsed and obliged to turn their backs
A. D. 1032. Higer. 424.

upon the honours of the field. Buctadi pursuing them with great expedition, took all their baggage, and their wives and children.

But when Buctadi was returning from the pursuit,
whom, in another battle, they overthrow.

while yet many of his troops were dispersed, and intent upon the plunder, the Turkumans issued out from between two hills, and, rendered desperate by their former loss, made a dreadful slaughter among the troops of Buctadi, who could not be regularly brought up to the charge. The Ghiznians continued to fight and retreat, for two days and nights, but Hussein ben Ali could not be persuaded to quit the field, so that after the most of his men were killed, he himself fell a prisoner into the hands of the enemy. Buctadi fled, and carried advice of his own defeat, to Sultan Musaood, at Neshapoor.

The Sultan was obliged for that time to restrain his resentment,
Disturbances in Hindostan.

upon account of some disturbances in Hindostan. He marched back to Ghizni, in the year 426; and thence sent an army under Ban, an Indian chief, against Ahmud Neal Tiggi, who had rebelled in his government. But, when the two armies met, Ban was defeated with great slaughter.
The rebels defeated.

Musaood being informed of this disaster, sent Touluck, another Hindoo chief, who coming to battle with Ahmud Neal Tiggi, gave him a total overthrow. He fled in great haste towards Munsura, Tatta, and Sind.
Their great distress.

Touluck pursued him so close, that many thousands of the runaways fell into his hands; whom he treated in the most inhuman manner, cutting off their noses and ears. When Tiggi reached the banks of the Sind, he found himself, if possible, in greater distress than before; for collecting all the boats, which the pressure of the enemy would permit, he endeavoured to cross the river. But the soldiers, afraid of being abandoned, hurried into the boats with such violence, and in such numbers, that most of them were either overset or sunk. A sudden storm, and an inundation of the river, added to the confusion of the
A. D. 1034. Higer. 426.

vanquished; so that very few of them escaped. The body of their chief was soon after found by the enemy, and his head sent to Ghizni.

A new palace built at Ghizni.

A new palace being finished in the year 427, at Ghizni, a golden throne, studded with jewels, was erected in a magnificent hall, and a crown of gold, weighing seventy maunds[†], darting lustre from its precious stones, suspended by a golden chain over it, by way of canopy, under which the King sat in state, and gave public audience.
Musaood invades Hindostan.

He in the same year conferred the ensigns and drums of royalty, upon his son Amir Modood, and sent him to the government of Balich, whilst he himself marched with an army to Hindostan, to reduce the strong city of Hassi.

This city was the capital of Sewalic, and was, by the Hindoos, reckoned impregnable, for they were taught to believe, by some of their prophets, that it should never fall into the hands of the Mussulmen. But the Hindoo prophets, like those of other nations, deceived their followers;
Takes Hassi.

for the King, in the space of six days, though with a very considerable loss on his side, scaled the place and took it. Musaood found immense treasures in Hassi; and having put it into the hands of a trusty servant, he marched towards the fort of Sunput.
Sunput evacuated.

Deipal, the governor of Sunput, evacuated the place, and fled into the woods; but he had no time to carry off his treasure, which fell into the conqueror's hands. Musaood ordered all the temples to be laid in ruins, and all the idols to be broke down.

Musaood surprises Deipal.

The Sultan then went in pursuit of Deipal, who began to shew himself in the field; but he was surprised by the King, and all his army
A. D. 1035. Higer. 427.

taken prisoners; while he himself escaped in the habit of a slave. Musaood marched from thence towards Raam, another Raja of those parts, who upon receiving intelligence of the King's intentions, sent immense presents of gold and elephants, excusing himself on account of his age, from personally attending upon Musaood. The Sultan received his presents and excuse, and with-held his hand from giving him any farther molestation; then leaving a trusty Omrah in Sinput[*], he took possession of all the countries in his rear, intending to return to Ghizni. When he reached Lahore, he left there his son Mugdood, on whom he conferred the government and the drums and ensigns of state, with Eur his favourite, to be his counsellor in matters of importance.

Marches to Balich.

In the year 428 Musaood again marched to Balich, to quell the tumults raised by the Turkumans, who, upon hearing of the King's approach, evacuated that country. The inhabitants of that province addressed the Sultan and acquainted him, that Eur Tiggi, after his departure, had made divers incursions into their territories, and crossing the river, had lengthened his hands upon the lives and effects of his subjects. The King determined therefore to chastise him that winter, and in the beginning of the spring, to bring the other Turkomans of Siljoki to a better understanding. The Omrahs of his court, with one accord, advised him to march first against the Siljokis, because they had, for two years, gained an ascendancy over the inhabitants of Chorrassan, and were daily gaining strength. The Sultan, at that time, received also a letter from one of the nobles of that province, acquainting him that his enemies, who were once but Ants, were now become little Snakes, and if they were not soon destroyed, they might grow in a short time to Serpents.

A. D. 1036. Higer. 428.

The good fortune of Musaood declines.

But the star of the King's fortune had now reached the house of adversity, and he would not by any means hearken to their advice. In hopes to conquer the country before him, he laid a bridge over the Gion, and crossing his army without opposition, took possession of the whole province of Maver ul nere. But during that winter, such a quantity of snow fell, that it was with the greatest difficulty he marched back his army towards Ghizni. In the mean time, Chukker Beg Daood Siljoki marched with an army against Balich, from whence Chaja Amud wrote to the King the particulars, begging, as he had not a sufficient force to oppose the enemy, that he would take some measures to reinforce him. Musaood upon this turned his army towards Balich.

Ghizni pillaged.

Eur Tiggi taking this advantage, marched quickly to Ghizni, where he plundered the King's stables, and after having greatly dishonoured the capital, he was repulsed. When the Sultan reached the confines of Balich, Daood retreated towards Murve, upon which the King, in conjunction with his son Modood, set out in pursuit of him to Gurgan.
Peace with the Turkumans.

When the Turkumans heard of the motion of the Ghiznians towards Murve, they sent an ambassador, professing obedience and loyalty, if the King would bestow a track of country upon them, in which they might settle. Sultan Musaood consenting to this proposal, sent a messenger to their chief, whose name was Pugu, to come and settle the treaty, which accordingly he did, and the King, upon promise of their future good behaviour, alienated a large territory for their maintainance.

Their perfidy.

Musaood, after this treaty, turned with his army towards Herat; but such was the infidelity of those ravagers, that they attacked the rear of the King's army, carrying off part of his baggage, and slaying a number of his attendants. The Sultan, incensed at this behaviour, sent a detachment in pursuit of them, who took a small
A. D. 1038. Higer. 430.

party of them prisoners and brought them to his feet. He immediately ordered their heads to be cut off and sent to Pugu, who excused himself, saying, that for his part he was glad they had met with their deserts, for he had no knowledge of their proceedings.

Musaood takes the rout of Herat;

The Sultan continued his march to Herat, from Herat to Neshapoor, and from thence to Toos. At Toos he was attacked by another tribe of Turkumans, whom he defeated with great slaughter. In the mean time he received intelligence that the inhabitants of Badwird had given up their forts to the Turkumans. He marched immediately against them, retook the forts and cleared that country of the enemy. He then returned to Neshapoor, where he spent the winter, and in the spring of the year 430, he again returned to Badwird, which had been infested in his absence by Toghril Siljoki, who fled upon the Sultan's approach towards Tizin. Musaood, after this exploit, returned by the way of Sirchus, whose inhabitants had refused to pay their taxes: But upon some of their chiefs being put to death, they became more tractable; and upon their submission the King continued his march to Dindaka.

His army surrounded by the Turkumans;

The Turkumans collecting their forces at Dindaka, surrounded the King's army, securing the passes upon every side: The Sultan, to bring them to an engagement, drew out his army in order of battle, which the enemy by no means declined, advancing upon all quarters with barbarous shouts and great impetuosity.
Is deserted by a great part of his army.

This uncommon method of charging discouraged the Sultan's troops; and whether thro' fear or perfidy, several of his generals in the beginning of the action, rode off with their whole squadrons and joined the enemy. The King, enraged at this treachery, and seeing his affairs in a desperate situation, addressed himself in a few words to his friends about him.
Musaood encourages his troops.

He told them that their own safety, their long acquired honour, the glory of their King, and the security of their native country,
A. D. 1038. Higer. 430.

now depended upon one noble effort to revenge themselves upon their enemies, and those still greater enemies, who had so basely deserted their cause.

His valour.

Musaood then turning his horse to where he beheld the torrent of gleaming arms rolling on, plunged singly to oppose the stream, bearing down all before him, and exhibiting such acts of gigantic force and valour, as never King had before displayed. A few of his friends, rouzed by his words and actions, and that innate honour which inspires the brave, seconded their Lord so well, that whithersoever he turned his fatal sword, the enemy were mowed down or retreated before him.
His army deserts him.

But now, when victory seemed to blow on his standard, misfortune was active behind it; for when he looked round he beheld his whole army devouring the paths of flight.

He opens a passage for himself thro' the enemy,

The King, seeing himself thus shamefully deserted, and that no hope from his single arm remained, turned his steed and trampling down the enemy, opened to himself a clear passage with his own sword. When he reached the river near Murve, he met with a few of the fugitives, who now began to collect themselves from all quarters. He took from thence the way of Ghor, and proceeded to Ghizni.
punishes the deserters.

There he seized upon the generals who had so ingloriously deserted him. He ordered Ali Daia, Buctadi and Sab Sinai, to be conveyed to Hindostan, and confined in a certain fort for life.

He retreats to Hindostan,

The Sultan finding himself, at this period, unable to withstand the enemy, resolved to withdraw to Hindostan, till he could collect his forces and make another effort to retrieve his affairs. He left his son Modood and his Vizier Chaja Mahummud, with four thousand horse, to defend Balich, and ordered his other son Amir Mugdood,
A D. 1041. Higer. 433.

who had come from Lahore with two thousand horse to secure Moultan. In the mean time Erid Ear, another of his sons, was sent with a detachment to awe the mountain Afghans, near Ghizni, who were in arms. He then collected all his wealth from the different strong holds to Ghizni, and laying it upon camels bent his way to Lahore, sending for his brother Mahummud the blind from his confinement.

A tumult in the camp.

When Musaood arrived upon the banks of the Gelum, the water of which, on account of its purity, is called the water of Paradise, the slaves, who were very numerous in his camp, entered into a confederacy with the camel keepers, and began to divide the treasure among them. The troops observing this, they were determined to partake of the spoil, so that in a moment nothing was to be seen but drawn swords, ravage, and confusion. Every one plundered his neighbour; some gained much wealth, while others more weak or unfortunate, were robbed of all upon which they had laid their hands, and stripped of their own besides.
Mahummud proclaimed King.

The army, for this tumult, fearing the resentment of the King, and not chusing to refund the plunder, hastened in a mob to Mahummud the blind, who had been before King, and, exalting him upon their shoulders, proclaimed him Emperor.

Musaood was, during this time, collecting what friends he could to suppress the mutiny; but no sooner was it known that his brother was proclaimed King, than the Sultan found himself intirely deserted.
Musaood deposed,

The mob pressing round him, he was obliged to give himself up into their hands, and he was carried before the new Sultan. Mahummud told him he had no design to take his life, and desired he might pitch upon some sort, whither he might retire with his family into confinement. Sultan Musaood, in this extremity, chose the fort of Kurri, but was even in distress for money to pay his few
A D. 1041. Higer. 433.

menial attendants. This obliged him to send a person to his brother to request him for some. Sultan Mahummud accordingly ordered the pitiful sum of five hundred dirms to be sent him; upon which Musaood, when it was brought him, exclaimed after the following manner. "O wonderful cast of Providence! O cruel reverse of fate! Yesterday was I not a mighty prince; three thousand camels bending under my treasure? To-day I am forced to beg, and to receive but the mere mockery of my wants." With that he borrowed a thousand dirms from his servants, and bestowed it in a present upon his brother's messenger, who had brought the five hundred dirms, which he desired he might again carry back to his master.

Sultan Mahummud, upon his accession, advanced his son Ahmid to the government, reserving for himself only the name, though Ahmid was, by many, supposed to have a tincture of madness in his disposition.
and assassinated.

The first thing he did was, without consulting his father, in conjunction with Soliman ben Eusoph, and the son of Ali Cheshawind, to go to the castle of Kurri and assassinate Sultan Musaood, in the year 433. But some affirm, that he buried him alive in a well.

His character.

The reign of Musaood was nine years and nine months. He was a prince of uncommon strength and bravery; affable, of easy access, and generous to prodigality;
Munificent to the learned.

particularly to learned men, of whose company he was excessively fond, which drew many from all parts to his court.

Among the first of the learned in the court of Musaood, we must reckon Abu Keihan Charismi, a great philosopher and astrologer, who wrote one of the best treatises upon astronomy, called Canoon Musaoodi, for which he was presented with an elephant made of silver, the size of which we are not told. Casi Abu
A D. 1041. Higer. 433.

Mahummud Nasahi was also a man of much reputation in this age. He wrote a book called Musaoodi, in support of the doctrine of Abu Hanifa, which he presented to the King.
Charitable.

The author of the Rosit ul Sulja tells us, that so extensive was the King's charity, that some days in the month of Ramzan, he bestowed often a lack of dirms upon the poor.
Magnificent.

In the beginning of his reign he built many noble mosques, and endowed many colleges and schools, which he erected in different cities of his dominions.

SECTION VII. The Reign of Abul Fatte, Chutub ul Muluck Shahab ul Dowla AMIR MODOOD ben Musaood ben Mamood Ghiznavi.

Mahummud grieves for the death of Musaood.

WHEN the news of the murder of Musaood came to Mahummud the blind, he wept bitterly, and severely reproached the assassins. He, at the same time, wrote to Modood, who was then at Balich, that such and such people had killed his father; calling God to witness, that his hands were clear of the wicked deed. To this Modood replied, sarcastically: May God lengthen the days of so good and so merciful a King, and grant that his mad son Ahmid, may gain glory in the practice of regicide, till his reward be obtained from our hands.

Modood ascends the throne of Ghizni.

Modood was for marching immediately, to revenge the death of his father; but he was persuaded by his council, to go first to Ghizni; where the citizens, upon his approach, thronged out to meet him, and expressed their joy in acclamations and congratulations upon his accession.

A D. 1041. Higer. 433.

Marches to revenge the death of his father.

In the year 433, he marched from Ghizni; while Mahummud the blind, appointing his younger son Nami, governor of Pishawir and Moultan, marched in person to the banks of the Sind to receive Modood, who was moving that way, and the two armies meeting in the forest of Diner, between the uncle and nephew, the flames of contention began to arise.
Totally defeats Mahummud.

The gales of victory at length, began to fan the standards of Modood, while Sultan Mahummud, with his sons, and Tiggi Ali Cheshawind, and Soliman ben Eusoph were taken prisoners. They were all put to death, except Abdul Rahim, the son of Mahummud, whom Modood pardoned for this reason; that during the time that Musaood was prisoner, Abdul Rahim went with his brother Abdul Reiman to see him. When, upon this occasion, the latter insultingly threw off Musaood's royal cap, Abdul Rahim took it up and put it upon the King's head with much respect, chastising his brother for his mean and barbarous behaviour.

Modood having thus revenged his father's murder, built a town on the spot upon which he had obtained the victory, and called it Fatte Abad. He carried the remains of his father and family, to be interred at Ghizni; whither he returned, and appointed Abu Niser Ahmed his Vizier. But he soon after discharged that Omrah from that high office, and conferred the dignity upon Chuja Tahir. He sent, at the same time, Nisir Ahmed with a force to Moultan, against Nami, the son of Mahummud, whom he slew, reducing the country under the obedience of Modood. The Sultan had now nothing to fear but from his own brother, who was in possession of Lahore and its dependencies. This brother, upon the murder of his father, marched from Moultan, and by the council of Eas, possessed himself of all the country lying between the Sind, Hassi and Tannasar.

A D. 1041. Higer. 433.

Modood sends an army against his brother,

Sultan Modood finding that his brother refused to pay him allegiance, ordered an army against him. Mugdood being apprised of this expedition, marched from Hassi, where he then resided, with his whole force, to oppose the Sultan's troops. He came up with them before they reached Lahore, with an army so numerous, that the forces of Modood were upon the point of flying at their appearance, several of the chiefs deserting their colours, and enlisting themselves under the banners of Mugdood. But fortune here, or treachery, befriended Modood.
who is found dead in his bed.

In the morning of the ide of sacrifice, Mugdood was found dead in his bed, without any previous complaint, or apparent cause of his decease. But what seemed to discover the hand of traitors, was, that next day, his counsellor and friend Eas was found dead in the same manner. Mugdood's army marched under the banners of Modood, so that the southern countries submitted in peace.

Nor was Modood less fortunate towards the north. The province of Maverulnere, which had for some time asserted its independance, submitted. But the Siljokies, notwithstanding the King had taken one of the daughters of their chief in marriage, began to make incursions anew, into his territories.

Invasion from Delhi.

In the year 435, the Raja of Delhi, in alliance with others, raising an army, took Hassi, Tannassar, and their dependencies, from the governors, to whom Modood had entrusted them. The Hindoos from thence marched towards the sort of Nagracot, which they besieged for four months, and the garrison being distressed for provisions, and no succours coming from Lahore, were under the necessity of capitulating. The Hindoos, according to the antient form, erected new idols, and recommenced the rites of idolatry.

A pretended vision.

We are told, that the Raja of Delhi, observing a weakness in the empire of Ghizni, pretended to have seen a vision, in which
A. D. 1043. Higer. 435.

the great idol of Nagracot told him, that having now revenged himself upon Ghizni, he would meet him at Nagracot in his former temple. This story being propagated by the Brahmins, who probably were in the secret, it gained faith among the superstitious, by which means the Raja was joined by zealots from all parts, and soon saw himself at the head of a very numerous army. With this army, as we have already mentioned, he besieged Nagracot, and when the place surrendered,
A holy trick.

he took care to have an idol, of the same shape and size with the former, which he had caused to be made at Delhi, introduced, in the night, into a garden in the center of the place. This image being discovered in the morning, there was a prodigious rejoicing among his deluded votaries, who exclaimed, that their God was returned from Ghizni. The Raja, and the Brahmins, taking advantage of the credulity of the populace, with great pomp and festivity, carried him into the temple, where he received the worship and congratulations of his people.

This story raised so much the same of the idol, that thousands came daily to worship from all parts of Hindostan, as also to consult him as an oracle, upon all important occasions. The manner of consultation was this; the persons who came to inquire into futurity, slept on the floor of the temple before him, after drinking a dose of something which the Brahmins prescribed, to create dreams, from which they predicted their fortune, in the morning, according to their own fancy.

The siege of Lahore.

The success of the Raja of Delhi gave such confidence to the Rajas of Punjaab, and other places, that though before like foxes they durst hardly creep from their holes, for fear of the Musselman arms, yet now they put on the aspect of lions, and openly set their masters at defiance. Three of those Rajas, with ten thousand horse, and an innumerable army of foot, advanced to Lahore, and invested it.
A. D. 1043. Higer. 435.

The Mussulmen, in defence of their laws, families, and effects, exerted all imaginable valour upon this occasion, during the space of seven months, defending the town, street by street; for the walls being bad, were soon laid in ruins.
Is raised.

Finding, however, that in the end, they must be rooted out by this defensive war, unless they had speedy succours, they bound themselves by oath, to devote their lives to victory or martyrdom, and making a sally out of the city, presented themselves in order of battle, before the enemy's camp. The Hindoos, either struck with their unexpected appearance, or intimidated by their resolution, betook themselves instantly to flight, and were pursued with great slaughter.

In the year preceding this event, the King sent Artagi Hajib, with an army, to Tiberistan, against the Turkumans. When he reached that place, he heard that the son of Daood had advanced to Arkin;
The Turkumans defeated.

but when the two armies drew up in order against one another, the chief of the Turkumans, who was a young man, without either experience or courage, shewed such pufillanimity in arranging his troops, that the enemy had begun the charge before they were properly formed, which occasioned an immediate confusion, so that they abandoned the field, and were pursued with great slaughter. Artagi having returned from the pursuit, marched directly to Balich, which the Turkumans had taken, and recovered that city out of their hands.

Not long after, the Turkumans advanced again with a powerful force, and invested the same place. As it was not very defensible, and Artagi was too weak to engage the enemy in the field, he wrote to Modood for succours. The succours not arriving, and the general finding his difficulties daily increasing, and his force diminishing, determined to evacuate the place, which he accordingly did, and fled to Ghizni, with a few of his attendants. But the popular outery was so great against the unfortunate Artagi, that the Sultan was obliged,
A. D. 1044 Higer. 436.

Artagi Hajib put to death.

in some measure, to silence the clamour by the death of his servant. About this time another tribe of the Turkumans of Ghizizi made an incursion into the Ghiznian territories, by the way of Bust, against whom Modood sent an army, which gave them a signal defeat.

The Turkumans repeatedly defeated.

In the year 436, Chaja Tahir the vizier was deposed, and Chaja Abul Fatte Abdul Rysaac, was exalted to that dignity; and, in the same year, Tughril Hajib was sent, with a force, towards Bust, from whence he proceeded to Seistan, and brought his own brother, and Ringi Abu Munsur, who had rebelled against the King, prisoners to Ghizni. The Turkumans of Siljoki, in the year following, collected all their forces, and directed their march towards Ghizni, plundering the palace of Bust. Tughril was ordered against them, with the troops of Ghizni, and he defeated them with great slaughter, and pursued them out of the country. After this victory Tughril marched immediately against the Turkumans of Candahar, whom they called red-caps, and, defeating them also, took many prisoners, whom he brought to Ghizni.

Tughril revolts.

In the 438th year, Tughril was again ordered to Bust, with a numerous army; but when he came to Tiggiabad, he began to discover the traitor. News of his revolt having reached Modood, he sent some persons to endeavour to reclaim him to his duty, with promises of pardon, and a removal of all the disgusts which he might have entertained. To this Tughril replied, that the reason of this step was to secure himself: That he had an information of a plot formed against his life, by those sycophants, whose only business was to stand by the throne, and to amuse the too easy ears of the King, with lies and flattery: That being once forced to disobedience, he had, for a subject, gone too far to retreat. The King's emissaries however, though they had no effect upon Tughril, found that the most part of the chiefs were still loyal to the King, and brought over others, who
A. D. 1046. Higer. 438.

had changed, rather out of a desire of innovation, than disaffection to their sovereign. Upon this they returned, and having told to the King in what manner things were concerted with the other chiefs, he immediately ordered Ali ben Ribbi, with two thousand horse, to favour the insurrection,
Deserted by his army.

so that Tughril, finding himself deserted by the army, upon the appearance of Ali ben Ribbi, betook himself to flight, with a few of his adherents.

Madood Willidingi

Hajib bab Tiggi was in the same year sent to Ghor, to the assistance of Willidingi, who joining him with his force, they both marched against Abu Ali, chief of Ghor, and having driven him into a fort, he was there besieged and taken prisoner. This place was reckoned so strong, that for seven hundred years before, the reduction of it had not been attempted by any body.
basely put to death.

When Hajib bab Tiggi found himself master of the fort, he treacherously laid hands upon Willidingi, whose right he came to support, and carried him in chains with Abu Ali, to Ghizni, where the perfidious King settled their dispute, by cutting off both their heads.

Hajib bab Tiggi was sent, soon after, against Byram Neal, general of the Turkumans. He met the enemy in the districts of Bust, and engaged them, gaining, at length, the long disputed field. He was again, in the year 439, sent against Amir Kisdar, who refused to pay his tribute, whom he sabdued, and obliged to comply with the King's commands, and returned with his army to Ghizni, the year following.

Modood confers the drums, &c. on two of his sons.

Sultan Modood, the following year, in one day, conferred the chelat, drums and colours, upon his two eldest sons, Abul Casim Mamood, whom he sent to Lahore, and upon Munsur, whom he sent to Peshawir. At the same time Abu Ali, chief magistrate of Ghizni, was sent to command in Hindostan. Abu Ali first marched to Peshawir,
A. D. 1047. Higer. 439.

and took the fort of Mahitila, from Ahin, who had rebelled against the King's authority, then sent a letter of invitation to Higgi Rai, a general of the Hindoos, who had done much service in the time of Sultan Mamood, but, upon account of some political matters, had fled from the court, and had taken up his abode in the mountains of Cashmire. The invitation being complied with, the King desired his attendance at Ghizni.

While Abu Ali was settling the countries about the Sind, some malicious chiefs in his camp, forwarded many complaints against him, to the King. He was called to Ghizni, and imprisoned, under the care of one Mirik ben Hassen.
Abu Ali put to death.

This man, out of former enmity, and with a design to extort money from him, put him to the torture, and soon after to death itself. Fearing, however, that the King might some day enquire for the prisoner, and order him to be produced, he himself being then a great favourite, endeavoured to divert Modood's mind to some important affairs, till he should be able to frame some excuse for the death of Abu Ali. He at length prevailed upon the Sultan to form an expedition against Chorrassan, by the way of Cabul. When they reached Lowgur, they besieged the fort of Sancoot, where there was a considerable treasure lodged.
Modood falls sick;

But there the King was seized with a disorder in his liver, which daily gaining ground, he was obliged to proceed to Ghizni in a litter; while his vizier, Abul Rysac, with the army, marched back into Seistan, to oppose the Siljokies, who had invaded that country.

When the King arrived at Ghizni, he ordered Mirik to bring his prisoner Abu Ali before him. Mirik, by plausible excuses, delayed the time for a week, before the expiration of which,
Dies.

Sultan Modood took his leave of the world, in the year four hundred and forty one, having reigned nine years.

SECTION VIII. The Reign of Abu Jaffier MUSAOOD ben Modood.

A. D. 1049. Higer. 441.

Musaood, an infant, placed upon the throne.

WHEN Modood had taken his journey to the other world, Ali ben Ribbi had formed a design to usurp the throne; but concealing his intentions, he raised Musaood, the son of Modood, who was then a child of four years, to the Musnud. Bab Tiggi Hajib, not being made a partner in his measures, was highly offended, and drew off with half the army, who were in his interest.
He is deposed.

The kingdom was thus split into two factions, and came to action; in which Ali ben Ribbi being worsted, the faction of Bab Tiggi took Abul Hassen Ali, one of the sons of Musaood, who had escaped the resentment of Ali ben Ribbi, and proclaimed him King, deposing Abu Jaffier Musaood, after a reign of six days.

SECTION IX. The Reign of Sultan ABUL HASSEN ALI ben Musaood.

Abul Hassen Ali ascends the throne.

UPON friday, the first of Shaban, in the year four hundred and forty one, Sultan Abul Hassen Ali ascended the throne of Ghizni, and took the wife of Modood in marriage. In the mean time Ali ben Ribbi, in association with Mirik, broke open the treasury, and taking out a vast quantity of gold and jewels, fled, with a company of the slaves, and some of the Omrahs, whom they had brought over to their interest, to Peshawir. At Peshawir they were joined by the natives, raised a great army, and reduced Moultan and Sind to their obedience, making a great slaughter of the Asghans or Patans, who had taken advantage of the public disturbances, to plunder the country.

A. D. 1051. Higer. 443.

Defeated and deposed by Abdul Reshid.

In the year four hundred and forty three, Sultan Abul Hassen Ali, called his brothers, Murda Shaw, and Ezid Ear, from the fort of Naáláma, where they had been imprisoned, and treated them with affection and respect. But, at this time, Abdul Reshid, the son of Sultan Mamood, began to form a faction in his own favour. To crush Reshid, the King opened his treasury, and entertained a great army; notwithstanding which, his power began daily visibly to decline. Abdul Reshid advanced in the mean time, with his army, to Ghizni, and, gaining a compleat victory, ascended the throne.

SECTION X. The Reign of Zein ul Muluck, Sultan ABDUL RESHID.

Abdul Reshid mounts the throne.

ABDUL RESHID, as we have already mentioned, was the son of Sultan Mamood, and was, by the order of Modood, imprisoned in a castle near Bust. When Abdul Rysac, about the time of the death of Modood, marched with an army, to settle the country of Seistan; he, upon hearing of the King's death, in confederacy with Chaja Abul Fazil, Resid ben Altasash, and Noshtagi Hajib, in the year 443, released Abdul Reshid from his confinement, and, asserting his cause with vigour, raised him, as we have seen, to the throne. His predecessor Abul Hassen Ali, was seized by some of the Zemindars, in the country into which he had fled, brought prisoner before Reshid, and confined in the fort of Didi.

Brings over Ali Ben Ribbi.

The Sultan, by various means, prevailed upon Ali ben Ribbi, who had usurped the provinces of Hindostan, to submit to his allegiance, and return to Ghizni. He appointed Noshtagi Hajib to the command of those provinces, created him an Omrah, and sent him
A. D. 1052. Higer. 444.

with a fine army to Lahore. Hajib, upon his way, turning to Nagracot, laid siege to that place, and on the sixth day, scaling the walls, took it by assault.

Tughril, whom we have already mentioned, was, notwithstanding his treachery to his former master, now again intrusted with the government of Seistan, which he soon brought under proper regulations.
Tughril rebels.

Being stirred up by the spirit of treachery and ambition, he conceived hopes of assuming royalty; and raising a great army, marched towards Ghizni;
Besieges Ghizni.

where Abdul Reshid being almost destitute of troops, was forced to shut himself up; but the place being very extensive, it was impossible for him to defend it long, which he however did to the last extremity.
The Sultan taken and
〈◊〉

.Ghizni was taken at length, and the Sultan with nine of the blood royal were inhumanly put to death by the usurper, who now ascended the throne. But Tughril did not long enjoy the fruits of his villany; having wrote to Noshtagi Hajib, endeavouring to bring him over by fair means to acknowledge him, that chief answered him with the contempt he deserved.

Hajib, at the same time, wrote private letters to the daughter of Musaood, whom the tyrant had compelled to marry him, as also to all the Omrahs who he knew had retained their loyalty for the imperial family, spiriting them up to conspire against the usurper's life.
The Usurper assassinated.

They were so far excited to resentment, that a conspiracy was forthwith formed amongst them, and put in execution on new year's day, when Tughril was stepping up to the throne to give public audience. Thus the usurper, at the end of forty days, arrived at his tragical end.

After this important transaction, Noshtagi Hajib arrived at Ghizni with his army, and calling a council of state, enquired whether
A. D. 1052. Higer. 444.

any yet remained of the race of Subuctagi. He was informed that there were still imprisoned in a certain fort, Firoch Zaad, Ibrahim and Suja. These he ordered to be called, and it being agreed that fortune should decide it by lot who should reign;
Feroch Zaad made King.

she favoured Firoch Zaad, who was accordingly placed upon the throne, and received the allegiance of the court: The reign of Abdul Reshid comprehended only one year.

Anecdote of Tughril.

A certain author tells us, that Tughril, being one day asked by one of his intimate friends,—what induced him to think of aspiring to the empire, replied, that when Abdul Reshid dispatched him to take the government of Seistan, he found that his hand trembled, from which circumstance he concluded, that he was destitute of that resolution and fortitude which are necessary accomplishments of a King.

SECTION XI. The Reign of Jemmal ul Dowla FEROCH ZAAD, ben Sultan Musaood Ghiznavi.

Noshtagi Hajib manages the affairs of state.

WHEN Sultan Feroch Zaad placed the crown of fortune upon his head, he gave the reins of administration into the hands of Noshtagi Hajib, who had called him from obscurity. Daood, chief of the Siljoki Turkumans, hearing of the commotions in the empire, seized upon that favourable opportunity to invade Ghizni. He advanced with a numerous army, while Noshtagi, collecting all his forces, went forth to meet him. When the armies engaged, the fire of gleaming steel was extinguished in torrents of blood; for, from the rising to the setting of the sun, the warriors on both sides laboured in the field of death; and though thousands
A. D. 1052. Higer. 444.

fell at their feet, they seemed insensible of their own mortality.
Overthrows the Turkumans.

Victory at length declared for Noshtagi, while his enemies betook themselves to flight, leaving all their camp equipage and baggage on the field, to the conquerors, who immediately returned victorious to Ghizni.

This victory served to establish Feroch Zaad without fear upon the throne. He now exalted the standard of triumph, and inclined it towards Chorrassan, where, on the part of the Siljoki, he was met by Callisarick, one of their principal Omrahs, with a numerous army.
Feroch Zaad overthrows the Turkumans.

When the engagement commenced, such a flame of rage and contention appeared, as the tongue of the travellers of the plain of eloquence cannot sufficiently express; then also the gales of victory fanned the royal standards of Ghizni, and Callisarick and several other persons of note were taken prisoners.

Defeated by Alib Arsilla.

Intelligence of this defeat coming to Daood Siljoki, he collected all his forces, which he submitted to the command of his son Alib Arsilia, a youth of great expectations. Arsilla advanced to oppose the King, and having engaged him with great resolution, recovered the honour of the Turkumans, and took many of the Omrahs of Ghizni prisoners in the pursuit. But he did not think proper at that time, to make further use of his fortune, and he therefore returned with his victorious army.

Prisoners released.

When Sultan Feroch Zaad arrived at Ghizni, he called Callisarick and all the prisoners of the Turkumans into his presence, bestowed upon each of them the honour of a dress, and gave them their liberty. The Turkumans returning home, represented in so strong a light, the humanity of the King, that Daood, ashamed to be outdone in a virtuous action, ordered the prisoners of Ghizni to be also released.

A. D. 1058. Higer. 450.

Sultan Feroch Zaad, who, according to the best authorities, was the son of Musaood, though some say that Abdul Reshid was his father, having extended his reign to six years,
Feroch Zaad dies.

in the year four hundred and fifty turned his face to the regions of futurity. The year before his death, his slaves having been instigated to a conspiracy against his life, made an attempt to assassinate him in the bath. Feroch Zaad having wrested a sword out of the hand of one of them, killed many, and defended himself against the rest, till his guards hearing the noise, came in to his assistance; upon which, all the slaves were put to instant death. His first vizier was Hassen ben Mora, and in the latter part of his reign, Abu Beker Saley.

SECTION XII. The Reign of Zahir ul Dowla SULTAN IBRAHIM, ben Musaood Ghiznavi.

Ibrahim, a religious and good prince.

WHEN Feroch Zaad became the inhabitant of another world, Sultan Ibrahim ascended the throne of empire: A King remarkable for morality and devotion, having in the flower of his youth, amidst a paradise of pleasure, conquered all the sensual appetites, and added two months more to the feast of Ramzan, which he kept with the strictest severity. He, at the same time, gave proper attention to government, and the due administration of justice, and opened the hand of charity to the poor. This prince excelled in the art of fine writing, and in the libraries of Mecca and Medina, there are two copies of the Koran wrote by his own hand, which were sent as presents to the Caliph.—
Peace with the Turkumans.

In the first year of his reign, he concluded a treaty of peace with the Turkumans, ceding to them
A. D. 1058. Higer. 450.

all the countries they had seized, upon condition that they would not lengthen the hand of violence any further upon his dominions. He married, at the same time, his son Musaood, to the daughter of their King, Malleck Shaw, which opened the door of friendship and intercourse between the two nations.

We are told, that before this peace was concluded, Malleck Shaw had collected a great army, with an intention to invade Ghizni, which greatly intimidated Ibrahim, as he was not then in a condition to oppose him.
Policy of Ibrahim.

But knowing that policy is sometimes a good substitute for strength, he wrote letters to the principal Omrahs of Malleck Shaw's army, which he dispatched by a messenger who had received his instructions how to proceed. The purport of those letters was to importune the Omrahs, to whom they were directed, to hasten the King's march to Ghizni, lest their scheme should be prematurely discovered; and that they might depend upon his fulfilling his engagements to their satisfaction.

King of the Turkomans deceived.

The messenger accordingly took an opportunity one day, when Malleck Shaw was hunting, upon the road to Ghizni, to come running towards him; but upon discovering the King, he stole slowly away, which creating suspicion, he was pursued by some horsemen, and brought before the King. He was immediately searched, and the pacquet was found upon him; though he had previously suffered himself to be severely bastinadoed, without confessing any thing. The King having read these letters, the power of the supposed conspirators was such, that there was great danger in accusing them; but it raised such a diffidence in his mind, that he, from that time, was desirous of peace, and gave over all thoughts of his expedition.

When the mind of Ibrahim was quieted from any apprehensions from that quarter, he sent an army towards Hindostan, and conquered
A. D. 1079. Higer. 472.

many places in that country, which before had not been visited by the Mussulman arms.
Ibrahim's expedition to Hindostan.

In the year 472, he marched himself towards that country, and extended his conquests to the fort of Ajodin, called now Palanshukurgunge. This place being taken, he turned to another fort called Rupal, which was built upon the summit of a steep hill; a river enclosed it on three sides, and a small peninsula joined it to the other hills, which were entirely covered with an impervious wood, and much infested by venemous serpents. This, however, did not discourage the Sultan from his attempt. He ordered some thousand hatchet men to clear the wood, which they effected in spite of all opposition; and the rock being soft, the miners forced their way in a short time under the walls, which were brought down in ruins.
Takes Rupal.

The place was immediately taken, and the garrison made prisoners.

He marched from thence to another town in the neighbourhood, the inhabitants of which came originally from Chorrassan, and were banished thither, with their families, by Afransiab[†], for frequent rebellions. Here they formed themselves into a small independant state, being encircled by impassible mountains; and had preserved their ancient customs and rites, without intermarrying with any other people. The Sultan having, with infinite labour, cleared a road for his army over the mountains, advanced towards the town, which was well fortified. He was overtaken by the rainy season, and his army was greatly distressed; during three months he was obliged to remain idle before it. But when the rains began to abate, and the country to dry up, he summoned the town to surrender, and acknowledge the faith.

Ibrahim's proposals being rejected he commenced the siege, which continued some weeks, with great slaughter on both sides. The
A. D. 1079. Higer. 472.

town at length was taken by assault, and the Mussulmen found much wealth within it, and one hundred thousand unfortunate persons, whom they carried bound to Ghizni. Some time after, the King accidentally saw one of those unhappy men carrying a heavy stone with great difficulty and labour, to a palace which was then building. This awakened his pity; he commanded him to throw it down, and gave him his liberty.

This stone happened to lie upon the public road, and proved troublesome to passengers; but as the King's rigid adherence to his commands was universally known, none would attempt to remove it. A courtier one day, having stumbled with his horse over this stone, took occasion to mention it to the King; insinuating, that he thought, if his Majesty pleased, that it were advisable to have it removed. To which the King replied; "I have commanded it to be thrown there, and there it must remain; as a memorial of the misfortunes of war, and my own pity: For it is better for a King to be obstinate, even in his inadvertencies, than to break his royal word." The stone was accordingly permitted to remain, where it is shewn as a curiosity to this day.

Sultan Ibrahim had thirty six sons and forty daughters. The latter he gave in marriage to learned and religious men. In the year 492, he left this mortal state, after having reigned in tranquility and happiness forty two years. In his time flourished Abul Farrhe, who was a native of Seistan, according to some, but as others affirm, of Ghizni. He is esteemed a master in poetry; and the famous Ansuri was one of his disciples.

SECTION XIII. The Reign of Alla ul Dowla MUSAOOD, ben Ibrahim ben Musaood Ghiznavi.

A. D. 1098. Higer. 492.

Musaood a good Prince.

SULTAN Musaood, the son of Ibrahim, was endowed with a benevolent and generous disposition. Nor was he less famous for his justice and sound policy. He revised the ancient laws and regulations of the state, and abrogating such as were thought unreasonable, substituted others in their place, founded upon better principles. He took the daughter of Sultan Sinjer Siljoki, whose name was Mehid Irac, in marriage, which cemented the peace between them.

Hajib Tigha Tiggi's expedition.

In the reign of Musaood, Hajib Tigha Tiggi was honoured with the command of a great expedition, which he formed against Hindostan. Crossing the Ganges he carried his conquests further than any Mussulman, except Sultan Mamood; and having plundered many rich cities and temples of their wealth, returned in triumph to Lahore.

Sultan Masaood dies.

After Sultan Musaood had reigned sixteen years, without domestic troubles, or foreign wars, he entered his eternal abode in the latter end of the year five hundred and eight. We are told, that after his death, his son Shere Zaad placed his foot upon the imperial throne. He enjoyed it only one year, being assassinated by the hand of his own brother Arsilla Shaw, who assumed the diadem.

SECTION XIV. The Reign of Sultan ul Dowla ARSILLA SHAW ben Musaood.

A. D. 1115. Higer. 509.

Arsilla confines his brother.

WHEN Arsilla Shaw became King of Ghizni, he seized upon all his brothers, excepting one who escaped, and confined them.
Byram escapes to Chorrassan.

Byram Shaw, who was so fortunate as to get out of the Sultan's hands, fled for protection to Sultan Sinjer, who then, on the part of his brother Mahummud, ruled the province of Chorrasan.
An invasion in his favour.

Sultan Sinjer, having demanded the releasement of the other brothers, which was not complied with, made the cause of Byram Shaw a pretence for invading the kingdom of Ghizni; and he accordingly advanced the standard of hostility towards that city.

Arsilla Shaw hearing of the intended invasion, wrote letters of complaint to Sinjer's elder brother, Sultan Mahummud, that he might command him back; and he indeed pretended to be inclinable to make peace between them. But Sultan Sinjer was found to continue his march, which convinced Arsilla haw that he could have no dependance upon any thing but his sword.
Arsilla deceived by his mother.

But his mother, Mehid Irac, being offended with him for the murder of his brother Musaood, and his inhuman treatment of her other children, with well dissembled affection, prevailed upon him to send her to negotiate a peace, with a great sum of money, sufficient to reimburse Sultan Sinjer, for the expence of his expedition. When she arrived in the camp, she, according to her design, excited Byram Shaw, and Sultan Sinjer, to prosecute the war with all expedition.

Sultan Sinjer engages Arsilla,

Sinjer immediately marched, with thirty thousand horse, and fifty thousand foot, from Bust, where he then lay, and, without opposition, advanced within one pharsang of Ghizni, where he
A. D. 1115. Higer. 509.

beheld the army of Arsilla Shaw drawn out in order of battle, to receive him. He therefore instantly ordered the line to be formed, dividing his horse into squadrons, and placing battalions of spear-men in the intervals, with elephants in the rear, to be ready to advance upon occasion. Encouraging then his troops, he advanced slowly toward the enemy, who stood firm to receive the charge. The shock was so violent upon both sides, that order and command yielded to rage and confusion.
who is overthrown.

The gleam of arms that illuminated the field, was soon quenched in blood, and darkened by clouds of dust, that took away all distinction.
Flies to Hindostan.

At length, by the uncommon bravery of Abul Fazil, governor of Seistan, the troops of Ghizni were put to flight, and Arsilla Shaw, unable to renew the combat, fled in disorder towards Hindostan.

Sultan Sinjer entered Ghizni in triumph, where he remained forty days, giving the kingdom to Byram Shaw, and then returning to his own country.
Returning with an army.

When Arsilla Shaw had heard of the departure of Sultan Sinjer, he collected all his troops in the provinces of Hindostan, and returned to recover his capital. Byram Shaw, unable to oppose him, shut himself up in the fort of Bamia, till he should be succoured by Sultan Sinjer.
he is again overthrown by Sinjer.

Sinjer again took the field, and drove Arsilla Shaw a second time back to Hindostan.
Arsilla taken and slain.

But he was so closely pursued, that his army was dispersed, while a few of his Omrahs, who remained, laid hands upon him, and brought him to Byram Shaw, to procure their own pardon. Arsilla suffered a violent death in the 27th year of his age, after he had reigned three years. In this reign historians report, that, among other prodigies, there fell a storm of fire upon the city of Ghizni, which consumed a great part of its buildings.

SECTION XV. The Reign of Moaz ul dowla BYRAM SHAW, ben Musaood.

A. D.
〈…〉

Byram,
〈…〉

a good Prince.THIS Prince was blest with a noble and generous disposition.
An encourager of learning.

He had an uncommon thirst after knowlege; he was a great promoter of literature, and a liberal patron of learned men. Many men of letters resorted to his court, particularly Shech Nizami, and Seid Hassen, both poets and philosophers of great fame. Many books were, in this reign, translated from various languages, into the Persian tongue; among the most famous of which, was an Hindoo book, called the Killila Dumna, a fabulous story, pregnant with sound morality, policy, and entertainment.

A digression.

This book was sent formerly by the King of Hindostan, accompanied by a Chess table, to Noshirwan, sirnamed The Just, King of Iran. Buzurg Chimere his vizier, sirnamed The Wise, was so well versed in all the known languages, that in a few days he translated the Killila Dumna into Phelevi or antient Persic, to the astonishment of the ambassador, who imagined the Sanscrita language was entirely unknown in those parts. But he could form no conception of the chess-board, as that game was, at that time, unknown in Persia. He therefore had recourse to the ambassador, who was esteemed the best player in Hindostan, to have this matter explained to him, who having accordingly discovered to him the principles, Buzurg Chimere sat down with him to play. The first game he obliged the ambassador to draw; the second he chaced his King solitary; and the third he gave him check-mate. The ambassador was so mad to be soiled at his own weapons, that he would play no more. Buzurg Chimere then invented the game of back-gammon, returning a set of those
A. D. 1118. Higer. 512.

tables, by the ambassador, who having related his adventure with Buzurg Chimere, and given an account of the genius and government of Noshirwan, his master gave up all thoughts of an invasion, which he had been meditating against that King.

The present of the chess-board was intended as an experiment upon the genius of the minister, and to indicate that in the great game of state, attention and capacity were better friends than fortune. While the book, in its whole tenor, strongly inculcated that wise maxim, that true wisdom and policy is always an over-match for strength. The back-gammon table, which was returned, signified, that attention and capacity alone cannot always insure success, but that we must play the game of life according to the casts of fortune.

Byram settles the affairs of Hindostan.

But to return to our history. Byram Shaw, in the days of his prosperity, went twice into Hindostan, chastising his refractory subjects and Zemindars. The first time he went to reduce Mahummud Balin, who had possession of the government of Lahore, on the part of Arsilla Shaw, whom he defeated, and took, the 27th of Ramsan, in the year 512, but having pardoned him, upon swearing allegiance, he was again reinstated in his government, and the King returned to Ghizni.
Balin builds Nagore,

In the mean time, Mahummud Balin built the fort of Nagore, in the country of Sewalic, whither he conveyed all his wealth, family, and effects; then raising an army, composed chiefly of Arabs, Persians, Afghans, and Chilligies, he committed great devastations upon the Hindoo Rajas,
and aspires to the empire.

which success so puffed him up, that he aspired at length to the empire.

Byram marches against him.

Byram Shaw being apprized of the intentions of Balin, collected his army, and a second time marched towards Hindostan. Mahummud Balin, with his ten sons, who had each the command of a province, advanced to meet the king, as far as Moultan, with a powerful
A. D. 1150. Higer. 545.

army. A dreadful battle ensued; but the curse of ingratitude was poured, in a storm, upon the head of the perfidious rebel, who, in his flight, with his ten sons and attendants, fell headlong into a deep quagmire, where they were totally overwhelmed, and every one of them perished.

Obtains a compleat victory.

The King, after this compleat victory, settled the country, and, appointing Sallar Hussein to the chief command of these provinces, returned himself to Ghizni. He soon after publicly executed Cuttub ul dien Mahummud of Ghor, who was son-in-law to Mahummud Balin. This, in its consequences, proved the ruin of his empire. Seif ul dien Souri, Prince of Ghor[*], brother to the deceased, raised a great army to revenge his death.
Ghizni invaded by the Prince of Ghor.

He marched directly to Ghizni, which Byram Shaw, unable to oppose him, evacuated and fled to a place called Kirma, upon the borders of Hindostan. This Kirma had been built by the Afghans to guard a pass in the mountains.

The city taken.

Seif úl dien Souri, without further opposition, entered the capital, where he established himself, by consent of the people, sending Alla ul dien his brother to rule the kingdom of Ghor.
A conspiracy against Seiff ul dien.

Notwithstanding all he could do to render himself popular at Ghizni, the people began to dislike his government, and secretly wished the re-establishment of their former King. Some of the Omrahs, who were of the same principles, laying hold of this favorable disposition, informed Byram Shaw of their ripeness for an insurrection, if he could by any means savour it.

Byram marches against him.

It was now winter, and most of the troops of Ghor had returned, upon leave, to their families, when Byram Shaw, unexpectedly, appeared before Ghizni, with a great army. Seif ul dien being then in no condition to engage him with his own troops, and having little
A. D. 1151. Higer. 546.

dependance upon those of Ghizni, was preparing to retreat to Ghor,
Self ul dien betrayed,

when the Ghiznians intreated him to engage Byram Shaw, and that they would exert themselves to the utmost in his service. This was only a trick for an opportunity to put their design in execution. As Seif ul dien was advancing to engage Byram Shaw, he was surrounded by the troops of Ghizni, and taken prisoner, while Byram Shaw in person put the forces of Ghor to flight.

disgraced, tortured, and put to death.

The unfortunate captive was inhumanly ordered to have his forehead made black, and then to be put astride a sorry bullock, with his face turned towards the tail. He, in that manner, was led round the whole city, insulted and hooted by the mob. He was then put to the torture, and his head sent to Sultan Sinjer, while his vizier Seid Mujud ul dien, was impaled alive.

His brother Alla marches to revenge his death.

When this news was carried to the ears of his brother, Alla ul dien, he burnt with his rage, and resolving upon revenge, with all his united powers, invaded Ghizni. Byram Shaw hearing of his coming, prepared himself to receive him. He wrote him a letter, and endeavoured to intimidate him, with the superiority of his troops, advising him not to plunge the whole family of Ghor into the same abyss of misfortune. Alla ul dien replied, "that his threats were as impotent as his arms. That it was no new thing for Kings to make war upon their neighbours; but that barbarity like his, was unknown to the brave, and what he had never heard to have been exercised upon Princes. That he might be assured that God had forsaken Byram, and ordained Alla to be the instrument of that just vengeance which was denounced against him."

All hopes of accommodation being past, Byram Shaw advanced with a numerous army, to give Alla battle. The offer was gladly accepted by his adversary, and the bloody conflict commenced with
A. D. 1152. Higer. 547.

great fury on both sides.
The battle.

At first the troops of Ghizni, by their superior numbers, bore down those of Ghor; till Alla ul dien seeing his affairs almost desperate, called out to two gigantic brothers, whose name was Chirmil, the greater and the lesser, whom he saw in the front, like two rocks bearing against the torrent. He forced on his elephant towards Byram Shaw, these two heroes clearing all before him. Byram observing him, stood off; but his son Dowlat Shaw accepting the challenge, advanced to oppose Alla.
Prince Dowlat slain.

The elder of the heroic Chirmils intervening, ripped up the belly of Dowlat's elephant, and was himself killed by his fall. Alla ul dien, in the mean time, nailed the brave prince, with his spear, to the ground.
Byram overthrown.

The other Chirmil, in the mean time, attacked the elephant of Byram Shaw, and after many wounds, brought the enormous animal to the ground; but while he was rising from under the elephant's side, being much bruised by the fall, Byram Shaw escaped with his life, and instantly mounting a horse, joined the flight of his army which was now repulsed on all sides. The troops of Ghor emulating the bravery of their leader, had made such a violent attack as to be no longer resistible.

Byram Shaw fled, with the scattered remains of his army, towards Hindostan;
Dies.

but he was overwhelmed with his misfortunes, and sunk under the hand of death, in the year five hundred and forty seven, after a reign of thirty-five years.

SECTION XVI. The Reign of Zehiri ul dowla CHUSERO SHAW ben Byram Shaw Ghiznavi.

A. D. 1153. Higer. 547.

Chusero Shaw,

CHUSERO Shaw, upon the death of his father, continued his march to Lahore, leaving the Kingdom of Ghizni to his enemies, and was there saluted King, by the unanimous voice of his people.

Ghizni taken and destroyed,

In the mean time the conqueror entered Ghizni, with little opposition, and that noble city was given up to flame, slaughter, rapine, and devastation. The massacre continued, for the 〈◊〉 of seven days, in which time pity seemed to have fled the earth, and the fiery spirits of demons to actuate the bodies of men. For which inhuman cruelty the barbarous. Alla was justly denominated Ailum Soz•, or the incendiary of the world.
Alla's unheard of cruelty.

But, insatiable of revenge, he carried a number of the most venerable priests, learned men, and citizens, in chaint to Ghor, to adorn his triumph. There,—we shudder to relate it! he ordered their throats to be cut, tempering earth with their blood, with which he plaistered the walls of his city.

Chusero
〈◊〉

to recover Ghizni.After the return of Alla ul dien to Ghor, Chusero Shaw, hoping to recover his lost kingdom of Ghizni, and depending upon the assistance of Sultan Sinjer[*], collected all his forces, and marched from Lahore. But when he had arrived upon the borders of Ghizni, he received intelligence, that Sultan Sinjer had been defeated and taken prisoner by the Turks of •hiza, who were then marching
A. D. 1159. Higer. 555.

down with a great army to Ghizni, to appropriate that kingdom to themselves.
He retreats.

This obliged him to retreat again to Lahore, being in no condition to oppose them.

The Turks, in the mean time, drove out the troops of Ghor, and kept possession of the kingdom for two years. But they were expelled in their turn by the Ghorians, who did not long enjoy it for that time, being vanquished by Abad Assumud, general to Chusero Malleck, the son of Chusero Shaw, who for a short space recovered and held that kingdom.

Chusero dies.

Chusero Shaw died at Lahore, in the year five hundred and fifty-five, after he had reigned seven years.

SECTION XVII. The Reign of CHUSERO MALLECK, ben Chusero Shaw.

Chusero Malleck a good Prince.

WHEN Chusero Shaw departed from this house of grief, towards the mansions of joy and immortality his son Chusero ascended the throne, which he adorned with benevolence and justice, extending his dominions to all the provinces formerly possessed by Ibrahim and Byram Shaw.

Invaded by the Ghorians.

But Shahab ul dien Mahummud, brother to the Prince of Ghor, invaded the kingdom of Ghizni, which he conquered, and not satisfied with that, marched an army into Hindostan, over-running Pishawir, Afghanistan, Moultan and Sind.
And besieges Lahore.

He advanced at length to Lahore, and in the year 576, invested Chusero Malleck in his capital,
A. D. 1184. Higer. 580.

but not being able to take the place,
A treaty.

there was a kind of treaty concluded between them. Shahab ul dien evacuated the country, carrying Chusero Shaw, the son of Chusero Malleck, a child of four years of age, hostage for the performance of the treaty.

Lahore again besieged.

But the terms not being kept properly by Chusero, Shahab ul dien, in the year 580, returned to Lahore, and besieged it to no purpose. He however subjected the open country to fire and sword. Shahab ul dien built the fort of Salcot, where he left a strong garrison, and then returned to Ghizni.
Chusero besieges Salcot.

In his absence, Chusero Malleck, in alliance with the Gickers, besieged the fort of Salcot, but their enterprize proving unsuccessful, they were obliged to desist.

Lahore taken by treachery.

Some time after these transactions, Shahab ul dien collected all his forces, and the third time, resolved to reduce the city of Lahore, which he effected by treachery, in the following manner. While he was preparing for the expedition, he gave out, that it was intended against the Turkumans, writing, at the same time, to Chusero Malleck, that he was desirous of accommodating all their differences, by a treaty of peace. To convince him of the sincerity of his intentions, he now returned his son Chusero Shaw, with a splendid retinue; who had orders to make short marches, while Chusero Malleck, impatient to see him, advanced a part of the way to meet him. In the mean time, Shahab ul dien, with twenty thousand horse, with incredible expedition, marched by another way round the mountains, and cut off Chusero Malleck from Lahore, having surrounded his small camp in the night. Chusero Malleck having waked in the morning, from his dream of negligence, saw no hope of escape left, which obliged him to throw himself upon the mercy of his adversary.
The Empire transferred to the house of Ghor.

He demanded possession of the capital for the King's release, accordingly the gates of that city were thrown open to
A. D. 1184. Higer. 580.

receive him; and thus the empire passed from the house of Ghizni to that of Ghor, as we shall see more fully in the history of that race.

SECTION XVIII. Of the Dynasty of Ghor.

The origin of the house of Ghor.

MORCHAN the historian tells us, that about the time when Feredoon subdued Zohac Tazi, two brothers of that family, Souri and Saam, were taken into favour by the conqueror; but having by some means incurred his displeasure, they fled with a party of their friends to Hawind, where they took up their abode, possessing themselves of a small territory. Souri took the government of this district, appointing his brother to the command of his small army, and gave his daughter in marriage to his son Suja.

Suja the first of that race.

Suja, after his father's decease, enjoyed his place. But some private enemies having traduced him to his uncle, inspired him with jealousy and enmity to such a degree, that he wanted to take his daughter away from him. When Suja found this, he was determined to seek his fortune elsewhere.
Flies to the mountains of Ghor.

He accordingly, in the night, with ten horsemen and a few camels, laden with his effects, set out, with his wife and children to the mountains of Ghor, where he built a house and called it Romejandish[†].

Here he was gradually joined by many of his friends, who built a strong fort, which he held out against the troops of Feredoon for some time, but at length he was obliged to submit and pay tribute.

Thus the race of Zohac, one after another, succeeded to this government, which began to gain strength by degrees, till the time of the prophet, when it was ruled by Shinsub, who, some say, was converted to the faith by the great Ali, who confirmed him in his kingdom.
The genealogy of the house of Ghor.

The genealogy of the Kings of Ghor, according to the most authentic historians, runs upward thus. Shinsub ben Haric, ben Nick, ben Meshi, ben Wisen, ben Heisien, ben Byram, ben Hajis, ben Ibrahim, ben Zaad, ben Assad, ben Shidaad, ben Zohac Hubistan, ben Mashad, ben Neriman, ben Afredoon, ben Samund, ben Safed Asp, ben Zohac, ben Sheran, ben Sind Asp, ben Shamuc, ben Murintash, ben Zohac ul Maleck. And downward from Shinsub thus. Purvese ben Shinsub, Darmunshaw, ben Purvese, Dirmesh, ben Darmunshaw, Nehadan ben Dirmesh, Punchi ben Nehadan, Souri, ben Muhummud, Muhummud ben Punchi, Mahummud ben Soiri, cotemporary with Sultan Mamood of Ghizni;
Conquered by Mamood of Ghizni.

who conquered his country and gave it to his son Abu Ali, imprisoning Muhummud his father.

Subject to the Ghiznian empire.

But Abu Ali, endeavouring to throw off the yoke of Sultan Mamood, he was deposed, and the country given to Abass his nephew, in whose reign there was seven years drought in Ghor, so that the earth was burnt up, and thousands of men and animals perished with heat and famine. Abass, desirous of rendering himself independent, commenced a war against Sultan Ibrahim, by whom he was defeated and taken prisoner; the kingdom being conferred upon his son Mahummud, who swore allegiance to the empire of Ghizni. He was succeeded by his son Cuttub ul dien Hussein, who was killed by an arrow in the eye, in attacking a certain fort, when he rebelled against Ghizni.

The adventures of Sham.

Upon the death of Cuttub, his son Sham was obliged to fly to Hindostan, where he followed the business of a merchant; and having acquired much wealth, he returned up the Indus to his native country.
Wrecked on the Indus.

But unfortunately he was wrecked, narrowly escaping with his life upon a plank, with his son Ezid ul dien Hussein, after driving with the tide for three days. When they got foot on shore, they made towards a town that appeared in sight, but, it being late before they arrived, they could find no lodgings, and were obliged to creep in under a balcony, where they might sleep out of the rain. The watch going the rounds perceived them, and without further examination, concluding they were thieves, carried them to prison.
Condemned to slavery.

They were condemned to slavery for seven years, during which time the son died.

When Sham obtained his liberty, he proceeded towards Ghizni, on the way to which, he was met by a gang of robbers, that had for a long time infested the roads.
Taken with robbers.

When they saw him a man of great strength and of a bold appearance, they insisted upon enrolling him in the gang, to which he was obliged to consent; but unfortunately that very night, a party of the troops of Sultan Ibrahim surrounded them and carried them all in chains before the Emperor,
Condemned to death.

who immediately condemned them to death.

When the executioner was binding up the eyes of Sham, he raised a grievous complaint, protesting, and calling God to witness, that he was innocent, which softened the steely heart of the executioner to pity. He desired him to relate what he had to say in his own defence, which he did in such a circumstantial and probable manner, that the magistrate who attended, believing him innocent, petitioned the King to give him a hearing.
Pardoned and received into favour by Sultan Ibrahim.

This being accordingly granted, he acquitted himself with such modesty and eloquence, that the King commanded him to be released, and admitted him into his particular friendship and favour. Ibrahim, some time after, created Sham an Omrah, and appointed him master of requests, in which station he acquitted himself so honourably, that he rose daily in rank and honours, till Sultan Musaood, the son of Ibrahim, put him in possession of his hereditary kingdom. He then married a princess of the house of Ghizni, by whom he had seven sons, denominated the seven stars.

History of his sons.

After the death of Hussein Sham, his sons became divided into two factions; one headed by the governor of Taristan and Hiatilla, whose name was Fuchur ul dien Musaood, the eldest son: And the other by the fourth son, Nasir ul dien Mahummud, who took possession of Ghor. The second son, Cuttub ul dien Mahummud, took possession of the hills, and founded the city of Firose Ko, which he made his capital; and raising himself in a few years to great power, he meditated an attempt upon the empire of Ghizni, collecting soldiers of fortune from all parts. But Byram Shaw, being privately acquainted of his intentions, treacherously invited him in friendship to Ghizni, where, contrary to all the laws of honour and hospitality, he ordered poison to be administered to him, which proved the fatal cause of the war between the houses of Ghor and Ghizni.

Seif ul dien Souri the fifth son, who had accompanied his brother, escaped the snare and fled to Firose Ko. He there placed himself at the head of his brother's army, and marched towards Ghizni to revenge his death, as we have seen in the history of that kingdom. He took Ghizni, and Byram Shaw fled to Hindostan. But Byram returning again in the winter, when the troops of Seif ul dien were mostly gone to Ferose Ko and Ghor, from whence they could not easily return, on account of the roads and deep snow, Seif ul dien, as before related, was treacherously delivered up to him, and with his vizier, put to a most ignominious death.

The consequence of this impolitic cruelty was, that Baha ul dien Sham, the sixth brother, prepared to invade Byram, with an army from Firoze Ko and Ghor; but dying in the interim, the command devolved upon the seventh brother, Alla ul dien the incendiary, who took and destroyed Ghizni. He carried his ravages so far as to destroy every monument and tomb of the Ghiznian Kings, excepting those of the Sultans Mamood, Musaood, and Ibrahim, throwing fire into their very graves, and defacing their inscriptions upon all public edifices. When he returned to Ghor, he appointed his nephew Yeas ul dien Mahummud Sham, and Moaz ul dien Mahummud Sham, to the government of a province of Ghor called Singia.

But when they found the revenues of that province could not support the figure which they endeavoured to make, by their unbounded generosity and liberality to military men, whom they began to collect from all parts; they began to extend their limits. This having reached the ears of Alla ul dien, he sent a force against them, and seizing them both, confined them in the fort of Goristan.

Alla then turned the hostile spear against Sultan Sinjer, to whom his father paid tribute. He overrun the provinces of Balich and Herat; but coming to an engagement with the Sultan, he was defeated and taken prisoner. Notwithstanding all which, the Sultan had compassion upon him, and again confirmed him in the kingdom of Ghor, where he died in the year five hundred and fifty-one.

Alla was succeeded by his son Seif ul dien Mahummud, who upon his accession released his two cousins from their confinement at Goristan, and bestowed the government of Singia upon them. In little more than a year, he commenced a war with the tribe of Turkumans called Ghiza, and in the day of battle, was killed by one of his own men.

A. D. 1171. Higer. 567.

He was succeeded by Yeas ul dien Mahummud ben Sham, the eldest of his two cousins, who appointed his brother Shab ul dien his general, and in a short time, subdued Chorrassan and a great part of Hindostan, of which countries, he annexed the titles to his own, and died in the year 599, after a glorious reign of upwards of forty six years.

SECTION XIX. The Reign of Shaw Chursied Ahtiesham SULTAN MOAZ UL DIEN; known in Hindostan by the name of SHAB UL DIEN MAHUMMUD GHORI.

The actions of the Sultan before the final reduction of the Ghiznian empire.

MOAZ UL DIEN, or as he was called in Hindostan, Shab ul dien, was left by his brother to command in Tunganabad, in the province of Chorrassan. He continued from thence to make incursions upon Ghizni, as we have observed in the history of that kingdom.

In the year 567, Sultan Yeas ul dien marched in person against the Omrahs of Chusero Malleck, and entirely reduced them. He gave the government of Ghizni to Shâb ul dien, who, according to his brother's orders, in the year 572, led an army towards Moultan, which he entirely subdued. He marched from thence to Adja. The Raja of that place shut himself up in a strong fort. Shab ul dien began to besiege the place; but, finding it would be a difficult task to reduce it, he sent a private message to the Raja's wife, promising to marry her if she would make away with her husband.

A. D. 1178. Higer. 574.

The base woman returned for answer, that she was rather too old herself to think of matrimony, but that she had a beautiful young daughter, whom, if he would promise to espouse, and leave her in free possession of the country and its wealth, she would in a few days remove the Raja. Shab ul dien basely accepted of the proposal, and the wicked woman accordingly, in a few days, found means to assassinate her husband, and to open the gates to the enemy.

Shab ul dien confirmed his promise, by marrying the daughter, upon acknowledging the true faith; but he made no scruple to deviate from what respected the mother; for, instead of trusting her with the country, he sent her off to Ghizni, where she soon died of grief and resentment. Nor did the daughter relish her situation better; for, in the space of two years, she also fell a victim to grief.

Sultan Shab ul dien having conferred the government of Moultan and Adja upon Ali Kirbach, returned to Ghizni; from whence, in the year 574, he again marched to Adja and Moultan, and from those places, continued his course through the sandy desart, to Guzerat. Raja Bim Deo advanced thither with a great army, to give him battle, in which the Mussulmen were defeated, with great slaughter, and suffered many hardships in their retreat, till they arrived at Ghizni.

In the year following, he marched his recruited army towards Peshawir, known in antient history by the names of Bickraam, Firshoor, and Poorshoor, which he in a short time brought under subjection. He proceeded in the course of the next year, towards Lahore, where he invested Chusero Malleck, who had been so weakened at that time, by wars with the Rajas of Hind, and the Afghans, that he could not oppose him in the field. But Shab ul dien, finding he could not reduce the place, he intimated a desire of treating with
A. D. 1179. Higer. 575.

Chusero Malleck, who, glad to get rid of him, made him some presents, and gave his son as an hostage for the performance of the rest of the agreement between them.

Shab ul dien returned to Ghizni, but he could not rest long in peace. He, the very next year, drew his army towards Dewil, in the province of Sind, and subdued all the country to the sea coast, returning loaded with rich spoil.

Higer. 580.

In the year 580 he returned again to Lahore, where Chusero Malleck shut himself up as before, sustaining a long siege, which at length Shab ul dien was obliged to raise. He in this expedition, built the fort of Salcot, in which he left a garrison to command the countries between the rivers Ravi and Chinab, under the government of Hussein Churmili, while he himself returned to Ghizni. This fort, as we have before related, was ineffectually besieged by Chusero Malleck, in the absence of Shab ul dien, which occasioned his third expedition towards Lahore, which he took in the year 582, by the perfidious stratagem mentioned in the conclusion of the history of Ghizni.
The Sultan extirpates the royal family of Ghizni.

He sent Chusero Malleck and his family, prisoners to his brother at Firose Ko, who confined them in a fort in Ghirgistan, where they were some time afterwards put to death, on account of something the astrologers had predicted concerning them.

When Shab ul dien had settled the provinces of Lahore, he left the government of that place in the hands of Ali Kirbach, governor of Moultan, and returned himself to Ghizni.
He marches to Hindostan.

In the year 587, he marched again towards Hindostan, and, proceeding to Ajmere, took the capital of Tiberhind, where he left Malleck Zea ul dien, with above a thousand chosen horse, and some foot, to garrison the place. He himself was upon his way back, when he heard that Pittu Ra, the Raja of Ajmere, with his brother Candi Ra, Raja of Delhi, in alliance
A. D. 1191. Higer. 587.

with some other Hindoo Rajas, were marching towards Tiberhind, with two hundred thousand horse, and three thousand elephants. Shab ul dien determined to return to the relief of the garrison. He met the enemy at the village of Sirauri, upon the banks of the Sirsutti, seven crores from Tannassar, and forty crores from Delhi, and gave them battle.

Engages the Hindoos.

Upon the first onset his right and left wings retired, being outflanked by the enemy, till, joining in the rear, his army was formed into a circle. Shab ul dien, who was in person in the centre of the line, when first formed, was told that his right and left wings were defeated, and advised to provide for his own safety. Enraged at this council, he smote the imprudent adviser, and rushed on towards the enemy, among whom he commenced, with a few followers, a great slaughter.

A single combat between the Sultan and the Raja of Delhi.

The eyes of Candi Ra, Raja of Delhi, fell upon him. He drove the elephant upon which he was mounted, directly against him. The Sultan rising from his horse, threw his lance with such force at the elephant, that he drove out three of his back teeth.
He is overthrown.

In the mean time the Raja of Delhi from above, pierced the Sultan through the right arm, and had almost thrown him to the ground; when some of his chiefs advanced to his rescue. This gave an opportunity to one of his faithful servants, to leap behind him as he was sinking from his horse, and supporting him in his arms, he carried him from the field, which, by this time, was deserted almost by his whole army. The enemy pursued them near twenty crores.

After this defeat, and when he had recovered of his wound at Lahore, he appointed governors to the different provinces he possessed in Hindostan, and returned himself to Ghor with his army. At Ghor he disgraced all those Omrahs who had deserted him in battle.
A. D. 1192. Higer. 588.

Extraordinary punishment of cowardly Omrahs.

He obliged them to walk round the city, with their horses mouthbags filled with barley, hanging about their necks; at the same time forcing them to eat, or have their heads struck off; the former of which they chiefly chose to do.

We are told by Eben Asire, contrary to all other authority, that when Sultan Shab ul dein was wounded, he fell from his horse, and lay upon the field among the dead, till night. And that, in the dark, a party of his own horse returned to search for his body, and carried him off to his own camp.

The combined Rajas take Tiberhind.

Upon the retreat of the Sultan, the allied Rajas continued their march to Tiberhind, which they besieged for one year and one month, and at last were obliged to give favourable terms of capitulation. Sultan Shab ul dien remained a few months with his brother at Ghor, and then returning to Ghizni, spent the ensuing year in indolence and festivity.
The Sultan raises a fine army.

But ambition again fermenting in his mind, he recruited a noble army, consisting of one hundred thousand chosen horse, Turks, Persians, and Afghans, many of whom had their helmets ornamented with jewels, and their armour inlaid with silver and gold. With these he marched in martial splendor, from Ghizni towards Hindostan, without disclosing to his friends any part of his intentions.

His conference with a sage.

When his victorious spears had advanced as far as Peshawir, an old sage of Ghor prostrating himself before him, said, "O King, we trust in thy conduct and wisdom, but as yet thy design has been a subject of much dispute and speculation among us." Shab ul dien replied,
"Know, old man, that since the time of my defeat in Hindostan, notwithstanding external appearances, I have never slumbered in ease, nor waked but in sorrow and anxiety. I have therefore determined, with this army, to recover my lost honour from those
A. D. 1192. Higer. 588.

idolaters, or die in the noble attempt."
The sage, kissing the ground, said, "Victory and triumph be thy attendants, and fortune be the guide of thy paths. But, O King, let the petition of thy slave find favour, and let those Omrahs you have so justly disgraced, be permitted to take this glorious opportunity of wiping away their dishonorable stains."

Sends for the dishonoured Omrahs.

The Prince listened to his request, and sent an order to Ghizni to release the disgraced Omrahs from their confinement, and that such of them as were desirous of recovering their honour, might now attend his stirrup. They accordingly obeyed the order, and were each honoured with a chelat, according to their rank.
Declares war against the Hindoos.

The next day the royal standard was put in motion, and the army advanced to Moultan, where the Sultan conferred titles and employments upon all who had been firm to his interest. He then proceeded to Lahore, from whence he dispatched Ruckun ul dien Humza, one of his principal Omrahs, ambassador to Ajmere, with a declaration of war, if they should reject the true faith.

Raja Pittu Rai gave a disrespectful answer to the embassy, and immediately wrote for succours to all the neighbouring Rajas.
They meet him with a numerous army.

Nor did his allies delay their coming, and therefore he soon advanced to meet Shab ul dien, with an army, consisting, according to the lowest and most moderate account, of three hundred thousand horse of Rajaputs, Kittries, and others; besides above three thousand elephants, and foot innumerable as the locusts. The Hindoos again waited to receive Shab ul dien upon the former field of battle. The two armies incamped in sight of each other, with the river Sursutti between them.

The Hindoo Rajas, of whom there were one hundred and fifty, in this enormous camp, having assembled, rubbed Tica upon
A. D. 1192. Higer. 588.

their foreheads, and swore by the water of the Ganges, that they should conquer their enemies, or die martyrs to their faith. They then wrote a letter to Shab ul dien, in these haughty terms.

The haughty letter of the Rajas to the Sultan.

"To the bravery of our troops we imagined you was no stranger; and to our great superiority in number, which daily increases, your eyes will bear testimony of the truth. If you are wearied of your own existence, yet have pity upon your troops, who may still think it a happiness to live. It were better then you should repent in time, of the foolish resolution you have taken, and we shall permit you to retreat in safety. But if you have determined to force your evil destiny, we have sworn by our Gods to advance upon you with our rank-breaking elephants, war-treading horses, and blood-thirsting soldiers, early in the morning, to crush the unfortunate army which your ambition has led to ruin."

The Sultan's answer.

Sultan Shab ul dien returned them this politic answer.— "That he had drawn his army into Hindostan, by the command of his brother, whose general he only was, and that honour and duty bound him to exert the utmost of his capacity in his service. That therefore he could not retreat without his leave, but would be glad to obtain a truce, till he informed him of the situation of affairs, and received his answer."

This letter produced the intended effect, for the enemy imagined that Shab ul dien was intimidated, and they spent the night in riot and revelry, while the Sultan was preparing for a surprise.
He surprises their camp.

He accordingly forded the river a little before the dawn of the morning, drew up his army on the sands, and had entered part of the Hindoo camp, before the alarm was spread. Notwithstanding the confusion that naturally reigned on this occasion among the Hindoos, their camp was of such an amazing extent, that the greater part had sufficient time to form the line which served to cover the rout, so that now they began to advance with great resolution and some order, in four lines.

A. D. 1193. Higer. 589.

Sultan Shab ul dien, upon seeing this, ordered his troops to halt, and his army, which had been divided into four parts, were commanded to renew the attack by turns, wheeling off to the rear after they had discharged their bows a certain number of times upon the enemy, giving ground gradually as they advanced with their elephants.
A battle.

In this manner he retreated and fought, till the sun was approaching the west, when, thinking he had sufficiently wearied the enemy, and deluded them with a security of victory, he put himself at the head of twelve thousand of his best horse, whose riders were covered with steel, and giving orders to his generals to second him, he made a resolute charge, and carried death and confusion among the Hindoo ranks. The disorder increased every where, till at length it became general. The Mussulman troops, as if now only serious in fight, made such a dreadful slaughter, that this prodigious army once shaken, like a great building, was lost in its own ruins.
The Hindoos overthrown.

The enemy recoiled, like a troubled torrent, from the bloody plain.

Candi Rai Raja of Delhi, and many other Rajas, were slain in the field, while Pittu Rai was taken in the pursuit, and afterwards put to death. The spoil of the camp, which was immensely rich, fell into the hands of the conquerors, and the forts of Sursutti, Samana, Koram and Hassi, surrendered after the victory.
Shub ul dien settles the conquered countries.

Sultan Shab ul dien in person went to Ajmere, and took possession of it, after having barbarously put some thousands of the unfortunate inhabitants to the sword, reserving the rest for slavery. But, upon a promise of a punctual payment of a large tribute, he gave up the country to Gola the son of Pittu Rai. He then turned his standards towards Delhi, but he was prevailed upon by the new Raja, with great presents, to abandon that enterprize. He left Cuttub ul dien Abeik, in the town of Koram, with a considerable detachment, and marched himself, with the body of his army, towards the mountains of Sewalic, which lie to the north of Hindostan, destroying and plundering all the countries in his way to Ghizni.

A. D. 1193. Higer. 589.

Exploits of Cuttub in Hindostan.

After the return of the Sultan, Cuttub ul dien Abiek, who had been formerly a slave, raised an army and took the fort of Merat, and the city of Delhi, from the family of Candi Rai. It was from this circumstance, that foreign nations say, that the empire of Delhi was founded by a slave. In the year 589 he also took the fort of Kole, and making Delhi the seat of his government, there established himself in security, obliging all the districts around to acknowledge the Mussulman faith.

Sultan Shab ul dien, in the mean time, marched from Ghizni towards Kinnoge, and engaged Rai Joy Chund, who was Lord of Kinnoge and Bena-ris, and who commanded a very numerous army of horse, besides four hundred elephants. This Raja led his forces into the field between Chundwar and Atava, where he received a total defeat from the vanguard of the Ghiznian army, led by Cuttub ul dien Abiek, and all his baggage and elephants were taken.
Shab ul dien takes Assi and Benaris.

The Sultan then marched to the fort of Assi, where Joy Chund had laid up his treasure, which in a few days he took, and found there, gold, silver, and precious stones, to a great amount. He marched from thence to Benaris, and broke down the idols in above one thousand temples, which he purified and consecrated to the true God. Here he also found immense plunder. He returned then to the fort of Kole, where he again confirmed Cuttub ul dien in the regency of Hindostan, and from thence, laden with treasure, he took the rout of Ghizni.

In the mean time, one of the relations of Pitta Rai whose name was Himrage, invaded Gola the son of Pittu Rai, and drove him out of Ajmere. Gola immediately had recourse for assistance to Cuttub ul dien Abiek. Cuttub accordingly marched, in the year 591, from Delhi against Himrage, who having collected a great army, gave the Mussulmen battle, in which he lost the victory and
A D. 1194. Higer. 591.

his life. Cuttub, after this victory, appointed a governor of his own faith to superintend the Raja, then led his army to Narwalla in the province of Guzerat, and defeating Bim Deo took ample revenge for the overthrow given to his Lord. He plundered that rich country; but he was soon recalled, by orders from Ghizni, and commanded to proceed immediately to Delhi.

Shab ul dien again invades Hindostan.

In the year following, Sultan Shab ul dien formed again a resolution of returning to Hindostan, and proceeding to Biana. He took it, and conferred the government upon Baha ul dien Tughril; and leaving with him the body of his army, he commanded him to besiege Gualier, and returned himself to settle some affairs at Ghizni.
Gualier taken.

In the mean time, the strong fort of Gualier was taken, after a long siege. Tughril, ambitious of extending his conquests further, led his army against the Rajaputs of the south. But he received a terrible defeat, and was obliged to take the protection of his forts.

In the year 593, Cuttub ul dien marched again from Delhi, and reduced Narwalla of Guzerat, with all its dependencies. He, after his return, took the forts of Callinger, Calpee and Budaoon.

Sultan Shab ul dien, was in the mean time engaged in an expedition to Toos and Sirchus.
Sultan Yeas ul dien dies.

News was then brought to him of the death of his brother Sultan Yeas ul dien, who retained nothing of the empire but the name. Shab ul dien, upon this, acceded to the empire. He turned by the way of Badyeish, and subdued the country of Chorrassan, which he divided among the family of Saam, giving the government of Firose Ko and Ghor to Malleck Zea ul dien, who was son in law to his brother Yeas ul dien the deceased Emperor. Bust, Ferra and Isphorar he gave to Sultan Mamood,
A. D. 1202. Higer. 599.

his brother's son; and the government of Herat and its districts, to Nasir ul dien, his nephew by a sister.

Shab ul dien crowned at Ghizni.

Shab ul dien, after these transactions, returned to Ghizni, where, according to the will of the deceased Emperor, he was crowned in form; and mounted the imperial throne.
Marches into Charizm and besieges the city.

In the same year he heard of the death of Mahummud Zireck, Lord of Murve, and in the beginning of the next, marched to the conquest of that country, advancing by the way of Charizm, and Charizm Shaw, not able to oppose him in the field, shut himself up in the city. The Sultan pitched his camp on the banks of the great canal, which the Chilligies had formerly dug to the westward of that city. He forthwith attacked the place, and in a few days lost many brave Omrahs in the pursuit of glory. In the mean time, news arrived, that Aibeck, the general of Ghor Chan, King of Chitta, and Sultan Osman King of Samarcand, were advancing with great armies, to the relief of Charizm Shaw. Shab ul dien was so unwilling to abandon his hopes of taking the city, that he delayed till the allied armies advanced so near, that he was under a necessity of burning all his baggage, and to retreat with the utmost expedition towards Chorrassan.
Forced to retreat, and is defeated.

But an army from the city pressed so close upon his heels, that he was obliged to give them battle. He was totally defeated, losing all his Elephants and treasure.

He is again totally overthrown.

In the mean time, Sultan Osman and Abieck, who had taken a circuit, to cut off Shab ul dien's retreat, met him full in the face, as he was flying from Charizm Shaw. Under a fatal necessity, he was obliged to rally his army, who now saw no safety in flight. Surrounded thus by the enemy, he commenced a desperate carnage. But valour was overpowered by numbers in the end, and of his late mighty army, there now remained scarce a hundred men, who
A. D. 1203. Higer. 600.

still defended their King, and in spite of innumerable foes, hewed him out a passage, and conducted him safe to the fort of Hindohood, which was at a small distance from the field. Shab ul dien was besieged here by the enemy, but upon paying a great ransom to Sultan Osman, and giving up the place, he was permitted to return in sorrow to his own dominions.

Birka, by a villainous expedient, gets the government of Moultan.

When Sultan Shab ul dien was defeated, one of his officers of state, named Abiek Nack Birka, escaped from the field, and imagining the King was slain, with very great expedition made his way to Moultan, without mentioning the affair to any body. He waited immediately upon Meer dad Hassen, governor of that province, and told him that he had a private message from the King. Hassen retired with him into his closet, where the villain, whispering in his ear, drew out a dagger and stabbed him to the heart. He ran instantly into the court yard, where he proclaimed aloud, that he had killed the traitor, Meer dad Hassen, in obedience to the King's command. Producing then a false order and commission, to take the government into his own hands, he was acknowledged by the army and the people.

The chief of the Gickers aspires to the throne.

The chief of the Gickers at this time, hearing that the King was certainly slain, aspired to the empire, and raising a great army, advanced towards Lahore; kindling the war between the rivers Gelum and Sodra.
The Sultan refused admittance into Ghizni.

When the Sultan, from the fort of Hindohood, arrived at Ghizni; his own slave Ildecuz, having seized upon the supreme authority in the city, presented himself to oppose his entrance, which obliged the King to continue his rout to Moultan. There Birka also rebelled against him; but the Sultan, being by this time joined by many of his friends, gave him battle, and obtaining a compleat victory, took the traitor prisoner. He then, with all the troops of the borders of Hindostan, who now joined his standard,
A. D. 1203. Higer. 600.

marched to Ghizni, and the citizens presenting him with the head of the rebellious slave, obtained their pardon.

Shab ul dien, at this time, concluded a treaty of peace with Charizm Shaw; and then, in order to chastise the Gickers, drew his army towards Hindostan. Cuttub ul dien attacked them on the other side, with his army from Delhi, and the Gickers being defeated and dispersed, the Sultan parted, at Lahore, with Cuttub ul dien, who returned to his government of Delhi.

During the residence of the Sultan at Lahore, the Gickers, who inhabited the country from the Nilaab, up to the fort of the mountains of Sewalic, began to exercise unheard-of cruelties upon the Mussulmen; so that the communication between Peshawir and Moultan was entirely cut off.
The Gickers a tribe of barbarians.

These Gickers were a race of wild barbarians, without either religion or morality. It was a custom among them, as soon as a female child was born, to carry her to the market place, and there proclaim aloud, holding the child in one hand, and a knife in the other, that any person who wanted a wife might now take her, otherwise she was immediately put to death. By this means, they had more men than women, which occasioned the custom of several husbands to one wife. When this wife was visited by one of her husbands, she set up a mark at the door, which being observed by any of the others, who might be coming on the same errand, he immediately withdrew, till the signal was taken away.

They are converted.

This barbarous people continued to make incursions upon the Mahommedans, till in the latter end of this King's reign, their chieftain was converted to the Mussulman faith, by one of his captives. He, upon this change of principles, addressed the King, who advised him to endeavour to convert his people; and at the same time, honoured him with a title and dress, and confirmed him in
A. D. 1205. Higer. 602.

the command of the mountains. A great part of these mountaineers being very indifferent about religion, followed the opinions of their chief, and acknowledged the true faith. At the same time, about four hundred thousand Caffers of Teraiba, who inhabited the mountains between Ghizni and Punjaab, were converted, some by force, and others by inclination.

The Sultan, having settled the affairs of Hindostan in peace, marched, in the year 602, from Lahore to Ghizni.
Shab ul dien proposes to invade Turkestan.

He conferred the government of Bamia upon Baha ul dien Saam, with orders, that when he himself should march towards Turkestan, to take satisfaction for his former defeat, to march at an appointed time, with all the forces of those parts, and encamp on the banks of the Geihu, where he would receive further orders, and at the same time to throw a bridge over the river.

Twenty Gickers form a conspiracy.

Shab ul dien, upon the second of Shaban, having reached the banks of the Nilaab, at a place called Rimeik, twenty Gickers, who had lost some of their relations in their wars with the Sultan, entered into a conspiracy against his life, and sought an opportunity to put their wicked purpose in execution. The weather being close and sultry, the King ordered the Canats[*] of his tents to be struck, to give free admission to the air, which gave them an opportunity of seeing the King's sleeping tent. They cut their way through the screens in the night, and hid themselves in a corner, while one of them advanced to the door; but being there stopt by one of the guards, who was going to seize him, he buried his dagger in his breast. The groans of the dying man being heard within, alarmed the rest of the guards in the outer tent, who running out to see what was the matter, the other assassins took that opportunity of cutting their way through the King's tent behind.
A. D. 1205. Higer. 602.

They found him asleep, with two slaves fanning him, who stood petrified with terror, when they beheld the assassins advancing towards the Sultan.
The Sultan assassinated.

They at once plunged all their daggers in his body. He was afterwards found to have been pierced with no less than forty wounds.

Thus tragically fell that great King and conqueror Moaz ul dien, in the year 602, after a reign of thirty two years from the commencement of his government over Ghizni, and three from his accession to the empire, the honours and titles of which he permitted his elder brother to retain during his life. One daughter only remained of his race.

His Vizier Chaja Moweid ul Mulluck, took some of the assassins, and put them to a cruel death. He then called the Omrahs together, and having obtained their promise of fidelity, in protecting the King's treasure, which was loaded on four thousand camels, he prevented the army and the slaves, who had proposed to plunder it, from putting their scheme in execution. He carried the body in mournful pomp towards Ghizni.
Disputes about the succession.

But when they reached Peshawir, a great contest arose about the succession. The Omrahs of Ghor insisting upon Baha ul dien Saam, governor of Bamia, and one of the seven sons of Ezid dien Hussein; and the Vizier and Turkish chiefs, on Yeas ul dien Mamood, son of the former Emperor.

The Vizier therefore wanted to go by the way of Kirma, where he knew that the governor Ildecuz, was in the interest of Yeas ul dien, hoping, by his assistance, to secure, at least, the treasure for his own party. The Omrahs of Ghor, were equally desirous of proceeding by that road which lay nearest to Bamia, that they might be the sooner supported by Saam. At length, being upon the eve of open hostility, the point was given up to the Vizier.

A. D. 1205. Higer. 602.

When they arrived near Kirma, after having suffered greatly by the mountaineers, Ildecuz came out to meet the Vizier and the King's herse; upon sight of which, he tore off his armour, threw dust upon his head, and expressed all the variety of sorrow.
The body carried to Ghizni.

He attended the funeral to Ghizni, where the Sultan was buried in a new tomb which he had built for his daughter.

The treasure he left behind him is almost incredible: we shall only mention, as an instance of his wealth, that he had, in diamonds of various sizes alone, five hundred maund[*]; for he had made nine expeditions into Hindostan; returning every time, excepting twice, laden with wealth.

Notes

*
A metaphorical expression for the Mahommedan faith.
↵

*
Copts or Egyptians.
↵

†
Pharaoh.
↵

*
Ghizni was at that time a province of the empire of Bochara.
↵

†
Jeipal seems to have been the name of two or three successive Rajas of Lahore.
↵

*
King of Bochara.
↵

*
That is, assumed the title of King.
↵

*
A mher is about fourteen rupees; this coin was called mher from having a sun stampt upon it. Mher signifies
〈…〉
, in the Persian.

↵

*
The office of Vizier.
↵

*
Chelat signifies an honorary dress.
↵

†
The protector of the state, and the treasurer of fortune.
↵

‡
Raja of Lahere.
↵

*
The holy temple of Mecca.
↵

†
The Oxus.
↵

*
According to our accounts there were no guns at this time, but many Eastern authors mention them, ascribing the invention to one Lockman.
↵

*
The least maund in India is about forty pounds avoirdupoise.
↵

*
A city fourteen crores to the West of Delhi.
↵

*
A miskal is thirty six rutty, and a rutty seven eighths of a carat, so that the size of this ruby is too improbable to deserve any credit.
↵

†
Mamood's route lay through the mountains behind Cashmire; and he must have entered Hindostan by the way of Tibet.
↵

*
Muttra stands upon the Jumna 36 miles above Agra, and is still a very considerable city.
↵

*
This was an account of Mamood's wars in verse.
↵

†
The Caravan of Pilgrims.
↵

†
The Divinity is worshipped under the figure of a Lion by some of the Hindoos: That animal being, in their opinion, a proper emblem of almighty power and strength.
↵

*
Bunder signifies a harbour: This place is now called Dieu, and is in the possession of the Portuguese.
↵

†
Portuguese.
↵

†
God is greatest.
↵

†
Ceylon.
↵

*
Ten millions.
↵

*
Western Provinces of Persia.
↵

*
His favourite mistress.
↵

†
The beauty of the lines consisted chiefly in a happy chime of words, which cannot possibly be imitated in a translation. The sense runs thus: On this happy day, when the tresses of your beloved are cut off, what place is there for grief? Let it be rather crowned with mirth and wine, for the beauty of the cypress is increased by the pruning of it's branches.
↵

*
By the Slaves mentioned in this place, and in the sequel of this history, are meant the captives and young children, bought by Kings, and educated for the offices of state. They were often adopted by the emperors, and very frequently succeeded to the empire. A whole Dynasty of them possessed afterwards the throne in Hindostan. We must not therefore consider the word slave, which often occurs in this history, in the m
•…
n sense which it carries in our language.

↵

*
The geneal
•
gy and titles of their Kings read from the pulpit on all public occasions of worship, after the praise of the prophet.

↵

*
Egypt.
↵

*
That is, when the battle begun.
↵

†
The least maund in India is that of Surat, which weighs thirty-seven pound five ounces and seven drachms averdupoize; by which we may conjecture, that the value of this crown was immense.
↵

*
Forty miles from Delhi, on the road to Lahore.
↵

†
A name common to a long race of Persian Kings.
↵

*
A province of the Ghiznian empire.
↵

*
This Sinjer must be the son or grandson of the former Sinjer, who placed Byram on the throne of Ghizni.
↵

†
That is, Go without care.
↵

*
Screens which surround the King's tents, forming a large square.
↵

*
About forty pounds averdupoise, each maund.
↵

PART III. The History of the EMPIRE OF DELHI, from the Accession of CUTTUB to the Throne, to the Invasion of TIMUR.

SECTION I. The Reign of Sultan CUTTUB UL DIEN ABIEK.

A. D. 1205. Higer. 602.

Cuttub ul dien Abiek,

SULTAN Cuttub ul dien Abiek, was of a brave and virtuous disposition, open and liberal to his friends, and courteous and affable to strangers. In the art of war and government he was inferior to none, nor was he a mean proficient in literature.

In his childhood he was brought from Turkestan to Nishapoor, and there sold by a merchant, to Casi Fuchur ul dien ben Abdu, Azizi Kufi, who, finding that heaven had endued him with a great genius, sent him to school, where he made a wonderful progress in the Persian and Arabic languages, and in all the polite arts and sciences. But his patron and master dying suddenly, he was sold as part of his estate, by his relations, and bought by a rich merchant, for a great sum of money, and presented for sale to Sultan Shab ul dien. The Sultan purchased him, and called his name Abiek, from having his little finger broke.
his rise,

He behaved himself in such a becoming and assiduous manner, that he soon attracted the notice of his prince, and daily gained confidence and favour.
generosity.

One night the Sultan kept a magnificent festival at court, and ordered a liberal distribution of presents and money to be made among his servants. Abiek partook largely of his munificence, but had no sooner retired, than he divided his share among his companions. The Prince having heard of this circumstance, asked him the cause, and Abiek, kissing the earth, replied;
"That all his wants were amply supplied by his Majesty's bounty.
affability,

He had therefore no desire of burthening himself with superfluities, his favour being a certain independence."

capacity,

This answer so pleased the King, that he immediately gave him an office near his person, and in a little time, was so satisfied with his diligence and capacity, that he appointed him master of the horse.

When the princes of Ghor, Ghizni and Bamia had drawn their forces towards Chorrassan, in order to expel the Shaw, Sultan of Charizm, from that province, Abiek went out with a detachment to forage on the banks of the Murgaab. He was there surrounded by a numerous party of the enemy.
and valour.

But though he did the utmost justice to valour, he was, after the loss of most of his men, taken prisoner, and carried to Charizm Shaw, who put him in chains. But the Shaw being defeated, Abiek was left in this manner, sitting upon a camel in the field, and carried to his victorious master; who pitying his condition, received him with great kindness.

In the year 588, when the Sultan took revenge of his enemies the Hindoos for the defeat they had given him, he upon his return,
Made governor in Hindostan,

appointed Cuttub ul dien Abiek, to the chief command of the army left to protect his conquest. In discharge of this duty, Cuttub took possession of many districts around, and reduced the fort of Merat. He also drew his army towards Delhi, and invested it.
and besieges Delhi.

But the garrison, finding that their own numbers triply exceeded the besiegers, marched out of the place, and drew up in order of battle, which was gladly accepted by Abiek.
Delhi taken.

When the slaughter became great on both sides, and the river Jumna was discoloured with blood, the Rajaputs were, at length, put to flight, taking protection within their walls. The garrison, after a desperate siege, were at last obliged to capitulate.

Cuttub defeats the Jits.

In the year 589, the Jits, who were subject to the Raja of Narwalla, advanced with an army to besiege Hassi. Cuttub ul dien Abiek marched with his forces to protect it, and obliging them to raise the siege, pursued them to their own frontiers. In the year following, he crossed the Jumna, and took the fort of Kole by assault.
In great favour with the Sultan.

He found there a thousand fine horses, and much spoil, and being informed of Sultan Shab ul dien's expedition towards Kinnoge, he thought proper to proceed as far as Peshawir, to meet him, presenting him with a hundred fine horses, and two great elephants, one of which carried a chain of gold, and the other a chain of silver. He mustered there, before the Sultan, fifty thousand horse, and was honoured with an honorary dress, and with the command of the van of the royal army.

Defeats the Raja of Benaris.

With the van he defeated the Raja of Benaris, who, upon seeing his army retreat, pushed forward his elephant, in despair, against his enemy; but Cuttub ul dien, who excelled in archery, sunk an arrow in the ball of his eye, which brought him down from his elephant to the ground. It is said that the number of slain was so great, that the body of the Raja for a long time could not be found by his friends, who were permitted to search for it. But, at last, he was discovered by his teeth, which, happening to be bad, were supplied by artificial ones, fixed in by golden wedges and wires.

Sultan Shab ul dien, following with the body of the army, entered the city of Benaris, and took possession of the country, as far as the boundaries of Bengal, without opposition. He broke down all the idols, and loaded four thousand camels with the most valuable spoils.

Cuttub ul dien presented the King with above three hundred elephants, taken from the Raja of Benaris. The riders had a signal given them to make the elephants SELAM[*] the King at once,
A white elephant.

which they all did except one white elephant. This animal was esteemed an inestimable curiosity. But upon this occasion, though extremely tractable at other times, had almost killed his rider, when he endeavoured to force him to pay his obedience.

The King, when he was setting out for Ghizni, sent the white elephant back, in a present to Cuttub ul dien, and adopted him his son in his letter.
Cuttub ul dien adopted by the Sultan.

Cuttub, ever afterwards till his death, rode the white elephant; and when he died, the affectionate animal pined away with visible sorrow, and expired the third day after. This was the only white elephant of which we have ever heard in Hindostan; but it is said, that the King of Pegu keeps always two white elephants, and that, when one of them dies, he issues out an order over all his dominions, to search the woods for another to supply his place. Cuttub ul dien, after the departure of the King, remained some days at Assi, where the Raja's treasure was found.
Cuttub defeats the general of Himrage,

He then returned to Delhi, and there received advice that Himrage Rajaput was marching down from the mountains of Abugur, and had driven Gola, the Raja of Ajmere, towards Rintimpore, and that Chitter Rai, Himrage's general, was marching with another army, towards Delhi, before which he soon arrived, and began to destroy the country. Cuttub ul dien marched out to chastise him, and separating twenty thousand horse from the rest of his army, he set out in front, and engaging the enemy, put them to flight. Chitter Rai, some days after, rallying his defeated army, retreated towards Ajmere, and was pursued all the way by the conqueror.
And Himrage himself

Himrage being joined by his general, in confidence of his superior numbers, formed his army in order of battle. When they came to blows, he distinguished himself by his bravery, as well as by his conduct; but, being slain, his army took the way of infamy before them. Thus Ajmere was restored to the Mahommedan government, and was afterwards ruled by their laws.

ravages the territory of Narwalla.

In the year 590, Cuttub turned his arms towards Narwalla, and Setwan, the general of Bimdeo, who was encamped under the walls, fled upon his approach. But being pursued, he drew up his army, and fought till he lost his life, and then his army resumed their flight. Bimdeo, upon intelligence of this defeat, fled from his dominions, and Cuttub ul dien ravaged the country at leisure, and found much spoil. He marched from thence to the fort of Hassi, which he repaired, then having visited Koram, returned to Delhi.

He in the mean time received advice, from the governor of the districts near Rintimpore, that the brother of the Raja of Ajmere, who lived in the hills, was marching down with an army to invade him. This obliged Cuttub ul dien to move immediately to his relief. The enemy, upon hearing this, fled; and Cuttub paid a visit to Raja Gola, who entertained him magnificently, and at his departure, presented him with some fine jewels, and two melons of gold. When he had settled the country, he again returned to Delhi, from whence he wrote to the King a particular account of his conquests, which so pleased Sultan Shab ul dien,
Sent for to Ghizni.

that he ordered his attendance at Ghizni, for which place he sat out, and was received with every demonstration of joy and respect.

Cuttub ul dien, some time after, obtained leave to return to his government, and on his way, married the daughter of Sultan Tage ul dien, of Kirman, making a magnificent rejoicing upon the occasion, when he returned to Delhi.
In conjunction with the Sultan,

He soon after marched his army to the siege of the fort of Biana, and, when he was on his way, he heard that Shab ul dien had taken the rout of Hindostan. To shew his respect for the Sultan, Cuttub returned back as far as Hassi to meet him.
reduces Biana

Both returned to Biana, besieged and took the place, which the Sultan submitted to the command of Tughril, one of his particular and trusty slaves.
and Gualier.

They then took the rout of Gualier, where the Raja Shilkuman agreed to pay tribute, and bought peace with a great sum of ready money, and with jewels. The Sultan, immediately after these transactions, returned to Ghizni, leaving Cuttub ul dien viceroy of all the conquered provinces of Hindostan.

Marches against the Rajaputs,

About this time news arrived that the Rajas of the Rajaputs had entered into an alliance with the Raja of Narwalla, and had formed a design to recover Ajmere from the Mahommedans. The troops of Cuttub ul dien being dispersed over the provinces, he was forced to march against the Rajaputs, with what small part of the army lay in Delhi, to prevent their junction with the forces of Narwalla;
and is defeated,

but he was defeated, received six wounds, and was often dismounted, yet he fought like a man who had made death his companion. Forced at last, by his own friends, to abandon the field, he was carried in a litter to Ajmere.

and besieged
〈…〉

.Tittura, chief of the Rajaputs, rejoicing at this victory, joined the forces of Narwalla, and sat down before Ajmere. Intelligence of this unfortunate event, coming to Sultan Shab ul dien,
The siege raised by the Ghiznians.

he sent a great force from Ghizni, to the relief of Cuttub. Ajmere held out till the arrival of the Ghiznians, who obliged the enemy to raise the siege. Cuttub ul dien pursued them to Narwalla, in the year 593, taking in his way the forts of Tilli and Buzule. He there received advice that Walin and Darapariss Rajaputs, in alliance with the Raja of Narwalla, were encamped near the fort of Abugur, to guard the passes into Guzerat.
Overthrows the Hindoos.

Cuttub notwithstanding the difficulties of the road, and disadvantages of ground, resolved to attack them, which he did, with such bravery and conduct, that, having trodden down their ranks, above fifty thousand of the enemy, with their blood, tempered the dust of the field. Twenty thousand were taken prisoners, and an immense spoil fell into his hands.

Marches to Guzerat.

When he had given his army some respite from slaughter and fatigue, he pursued his rout into Guzerat, and ravaged that country without further opposition, taking the city of Narwalla, where an Omrah with a strong garrison was left. He then returned to Delhi, by the way of Ajmere, and sent a great quantity of jewels and gold, and also many slaves to the Sultan at Ghizni, and divided the remainder among his trusty partners in the glories of the field.

In the year 599, he mustered his forces and marched to the siege of Calinger, where he was met by the Raja of that country, whom he defeated; and dismounting his cavalry, began to besiege him in his fort. The Raja seeing himself hard pressed, offered Cuttub ul dien the same tribute and presents which his ancestors had formerly paid to Sultan Mamood. The proposal was accepted, but the Vizier, who wanted to hold out without coming to any terms, found means to make away with the Raja, while the presents were preparing to be sent. The flag of hostility was again hoisted upon the fort, and the siege recommenced. The place, however, was in a short time
Takes Calinger.

reduced, on account of the drying up of a spring upon that hill whereon the fort stood, and which supplied the garrison with water. There is a tradition among the natives of the place, that the above fountain always dries up upon the discharging the artillery of the place. This story may possibly, from a natural cause, have some foundation. But we are rather tempted to believe, that the present drying up of this spring was owing to the increase of inhabitants, and the thirst occasioned by hard duty; for, besides the garrison, Cuttub ul dien found there fifty thousand male and female.

Takes Mhoba and Budaso.

The plunder of this city was very great, in gold, jewels and precious effects. Cuttub then marched to the city of Mhoba, the capital of the Raja of Calpee. He also took that place, together with Budaso, between the rivers Jumna and Ganges. Mahummud Bucht Ear Chillige, who had been appointed governor of Behar, came at this time to pay him a visit, laying rich presents at his feet, and Cuttub having entertained him magnificently, returned to Delhi.

Joins Shab ul dien against the Gickers,

When Sultan Shab ul dien, after his defeat in Turkestan, returned to Hindostan, he was joined by Cuttub ul dien, by whose valour and fidelity he defeated the Gickers in several actions, and recovered his fallen glory. When matters were peaceably settled in this quarter, he returned to his government; and Sultan Shab ul dien, upon his way to Ghizni, was inhumanly assassinated by the Gickers. Shab ul dien's nephew, Yeas ul dien Mamood ascended the throne of Ghor, and upon his accession sent all the ensigns of royalty, a throne, an umbrella, standards, drums, and the title of Sultan of Prince to Cuttub ul dien, desirous of retaining him in his interest, as he was by no means able to oppose his power.

A. D. 1205. Higer. 602.

Raised to the Empire.

Sultan Cuttub ul dien received those dignities with a proper respect, at Lahore, where he ascended the throne in the year 602, upon the 18th of Zicaat; returning from thence in a few days to Delhi.
Lahore taken.

In the mean time, Taje ul dien Eldoze marched an army from Ghizni, with an intention to take Lahore, which he effected by the treachery of the governor, whom he afterwards turned out. Sultan Cuttub ul dien marched to dispute the point with Taje ul dien, as soon as he received intelligence at Delhi of this transaction. In the year 603, the flames of war began to ascend between them, while bravery on both sides became apparent.
Retaken by Cuttub, who is crowned at Ghizni.

Taje ul dien at length was beat out of the city, and obliged to fly towards Kirman. Sultan Cuttub ul dien pursued him as far as Ghizni, in which city he was again crowned, taking that kingdom into his own hands.

Cuttub turns indolent and luxurious.

Cuttub after this, unaccountably gave himself up to wine and pleasure, till the citizens of Ghizni, disgusted with his luxury and indolence, sent privately to Taje ul dien Eldoze, acquainting him of the King's negligence, and intreating his return. Taje ul dien, upon this, recruiting an army with all secrecy and expedition, advanced towards Ghizni, and in a manner surprized the King, who had no intelligence of his design till the day before his arrival.
Expelled from Ghizni.

It was now too late to put himself in a proper state of defence, and he was obliged to abandon that kingdom and retire to Lahore. He then became sensible of his weakness, repented of his evil habits, and exercised himself in the practice of justice, temperance and morality.
He dies.

He regulated his kingdoms according to the best laws of policy and wisdom till his death, in the year 607; which happened by a fall from his horse in a match at ball, which adverse parties endeavoured to carry off on the point of their spears.

His reign, properly speaking, was only four years, though he enjoyed all the state and dignities of a King, for upwards of twenty;
A. D. 1210. Higer. 607.

if we reckon from his taking of Delhi, when he may be said to have become King of Hindostan; though he assumed only the title of commander in chief for his patron Shab ul dien. He was certainly an accomplished warrior, and had nearly equalled the greatest heroes in fame, had not his loss of the kingdom of Ghizni tarnished his glory.
His character.

He was famous for his great generosity all over the east, for which he got the sirname of Lack Buksh, or bestower of Lacks. When a man is praised for generosity in Hindostan, they say to this day, "he is as generous as Sultan Cuttub ul dien."

SECTION II. The Reign of TAJE UL DIEN ELDOZE.

Taje ul dien's rise.

SULTAN Shab ul dien, during his reign, having no children of his own excepting one daughter, had taken a particular pleasure in educating Turkish slaves, whom he afterwards adopted as his children. Four of those slaves besides Cuttub ul dien became great princes, of whom the present Taje ul dien Eldoze was one. The King having observed him to be a youth of genius, advanced him gradually, till at last he bestowed upon him the government of Kirma and Shinoran, which lay between Ghizni and Hindostan. His situation gave him an opportunity of frequently entertaining his prince, upon his expeditions to and from that country, which he always did with great magnificence and festivity, making presents to all the King's attendants.

Sultan Shab ul dien, in his last expedition, savoured Taje ul dien so much, that he bestowed upon him the black standard of the kingdom of Ghizni, by this intimating his will, that he should succeed to that throne. But upon the death of that monarch, the Turkish Omrahs were desirous that Sultan Yeas ul dien ben Sham should come from Ghor and reign at Ghizni. Yeas ul dien being a man of an indolent disposition declined it; and said that he was content with the throne of his ancestors.
Ascends the throne of Ghizni.

He, however, assumed the imperial title, proclaimed Taje ul dien King of Ghizni, and was content to maintain the appearance of that power which he would not, or rather durst not enforce.

The first thing Taje ul dien Eldoze did after his accession, was to invade Punjab and Lahore, as we have seen in the former reign. He was defeated by Cuttub ul dien Abiek, and in consequence lost his own kingdom, which, however, he soon after recovered. He afterwards, in conjunction with Sultan Yeas ul dien Mamood, sent an army to Herat, which they conquered, as also a great part of Seistan, but making peace with the prince of that country, they returned.
Charizm Shaw takes Ghizni.

On the way, making war upon Charizm Shaw, they were both defeated, and the conqueror pursuing his fortune, took Ghizni, while Eldoze retired to Kirma.

The Sultan finding the northern troops too hard for him, recruited an army, and marched some time after the death of Cuttub ul dien Abiek, with a view to conquer Hindostan.
Eldoze defeated and taken, dies.

But, after reducing some of the northern provinces, he was defeated near Delhi by Sultan Shumsi ul dien, and being taken, died in confinement. The time of his reign was nine years.

As we have already given the history of two of Shab ul dien's slaves who arrived at the imperial dignity, it may not be improper here to say something of Tughril, who raised himself from the same low situation.

Tughril a brave and virtuous Omrah.

Tughril was an Omrah of some repute in the service of Shab ul dien, brave, and of a virtuous disposition. They relate, that when Shab ul dien Mahummud took the fort of Biana, he gave the command of it to Tughril, and proceeded himself to Gualier, as we have seen before. But after he left Hindostan, Tughril continued to infest the country about Gualier; the King having told him at his departure, that if he conquered the place, he would confirm him in the government of it. When he found that this manner of war had no effect, as they always found some opportunity of supplying the place, he ordered small forts to be built all round, which he garrisoned, and by this means the place was effectually blockaded. Yet it held out for near a whole year, when being distressed for provisions, they sent an embassy privately to Sultan Cuttub ul dien Abiek to come and take possession of the place, for they had conceived an implacable resentment against Tughril. The Sultan accordingly sent his troops to seize upon Gualier; upon which, war had almost ensued between him and Tughril. Death however interfering, put an end to the dispute; for at this juncture, Tughril suddenly expired. The actions of the other two princes, formerly slaves to Shab ul dien, will be seen in the history of Sind and Punjab, to which they more properly belong.

SECTION III. The Reign of Sultan ARAM SHAW, ben Sultan Cuttub ul dien Abiek.

Aram Shaw, a weak prince.

AFTER the death of Cuttub, his son Aram Shaw mounted the throne of Delhi; but was no ways equal to the government of so great an empire.

A. D. 1210. Higer. 607.

Several provinces dismembered from the empire.

Nasir ul dien Cabaja, one of the adopted slaves of Shab ul dien, marched with an army towards Sind, which he conquered, as also Moultan, Otch, Shinoran and other places. Another slave, Achtiar ul dien Muhummud of Chillige, possessed himself of the kingdom of Bengal and asserted his own independence. At the same time, several Rajas blew up the flames of rebellion in many parts of the empire.

Upon these misfortunes Amir Alli Ismaiel, Amir Dad Delhi, and all the Omrahs became discontented, sending a person to call Malleck Altumsh, who was the son in law and adopted son of Cuttub ul dien, and then governor of Budaoon[*], to ascend the throne. Malleck Altumsh accordingly marched with his army to Delhi, and by the assistance of the faction within, easily reduced it. Aram Shaw, afraid of trusting himself in his capital, had previously withdrawn into the country, recruited a fine army, and advanced to give Malleck Altumsh battle. A warm engagement ensued in sight of the city.
He is defeated and deposed.

Aram Shaw lost the victory and his empire, which he had enjoyed scarce one year.

SECTION IV. The Reign of SHUMSE UL DIEN ALTUMSH.

The family of Altumsh.

WE are told that Altumsh was originally a nobleman of Chitta, whose father's name was Elim Chan, a great and famous general. But in his youth, being the favourite of his father, he was envied by the rest of his brothers. They therefore determined to get rid of him, and as they were out one day hunting, they stript him,
He is sold as a slave.

and sold him to a company of travelling merchants for a slave. The merchants carried him to Bochara, and sold him to one of the relations of Sider Jehan prince of that country, from whom he received a liberal education.

Upon the death of his master he was again exposed to sale, and bought by a merchant, who sold him to another who carried him to Ghizni. Mahummud Shaw heard at Ghizni of Altumsh's beauty and talents, but could not agree with the merchant about his price.
Purchased by Cuttub ul dien.

He was therefore carried back to Bochara, as none durst buy him, on account of the King's displeasure, till Sultan Cuttub ul dien Abiek obtaining his leave, made that purchase at Delhi, whither he had invited the merchant, for fifty thousand pieces of silver. Cuttub, at the same time, bought another slave whom he called Tagage, and appointed him afterwards, governor of Tibberhind, where he was slain in the battle between Cuttub ul dien and Eldoze.

Altumsh adopted by Cuttub.

Altumsh, in the mean time, was made master of the chace, and afterwards rose to such favour, that he became the adopted son of his prince, Cuttub ul dien, and was advanced to the government of Gualier and Birren, and from thence to the viceroyship of Budaoon. He accompanied Cuttub in his war against the Gickers, and greatly distinguished himself in bravery and zeal for the service. He killed in one action, with the troops of Budaoon, upwards of ten thousand of the enemy. This behaviour so pleased the King, that he declared him free, and made him many honorary presents.

Made captain general of the Empire.

Thus by degrees Altumsh rose, till he was created Amir ul Omrah, or captain general of the empire; and married the daughter of Sultan Cuttub ul dien; and upon his death, as we have before related,
A. D. 1210. Higer. 607.

he advanced against the capital,
Accedes to the throne,

and expelling Aram Shaw from the throne in the year 607, declared himself Emperor by the title of Shumse ul dien Altumsh.

Upon his accession he was acknowledged by many chiefs and princes;
Deserted by some Omrahs,

but some of his generals taking disgust, went off with the greater part of his Turkish horse, which were the flower of his army. They joined themselves with other malecontents, and advanced with a great force towards Delhi.
Defeats them.

They were met before the city by Shumse ul dien and defeated, their chief general Firoch Shaw being killed, and the rest so closely pursued, that in a short time they were all either killed or taken, which for that time established Altumsh in peace. But soon after the governor of the fort of Gollore, whose name was Avice, rebelled and refused to pay the revenues of that country. This obliged the King to march and reduce him to obedience. Sultan Eldoze of Ghizni, at this time sent him the ensigns of royalty, pretending to confirm Altumsh in the empire of Hindostan.
Defeats and takes Sultan Eldoze.

But soon after, when Taje ul dien Eldoze himself was defeated by the troops of Charizm, and retired to Kirma and Shenoran, he turned his views towards the conquest of Hindostan. Eldoze seized upon the country of Punjaab and the city of Tannasar in the year 612, and endeavoured by his emissaries in the court of Shumse ul dien, to raise a faction in his own favour. Sultan Shumse ul dien, in the mean time, drew together his forces, and advancing towards him, they sought on the confines of Tirowri, about seventy crores from Delhi. Taje ul dien was defeated, as before related, and with many of his Omrahs, taken and imprisoned in Budaoon, where he died a natural death, according to some, but according to others, was poisoned.

In the year 614, Sultan Shumse ul dien, engaged Malleck Nasir ul dien Cabaja, who was also son in law to Cuttub ul dien, upon
A. D. 1217. Higer. 614.

the banks of Chinaab, where Altumsh proved victorious. The governor of Chillige, the year following, being defeated by Nasir ul dien, fled for protection to Altumsh, who taking part in his quarrel, marched against Nasir ul dien, and a second time overthrew him, recovering the countries lost by the Viceroy of Chillige, upon which he himself returned to Delhi.

Chingez Chan.

In the year 618, Sultan Jellal ul dien Charizm Shaw being defeated in the north, by the great conqueror Chingez Chan, retreated towards Lahore, where Sultan Shumse ul dien opposed him with all his forces. This obliged the brave though unfortunate Jellal ul dien to retreat towards Sind, where he was opposed by Nasir ul dien, who defeated him and pursued him by the way of Kutch and Muckeran.

Altumsh reduces Bengal.

In the year 622, Sultan Shumse ul dien led his army towards Behar and Lucknouti, where he obliged Sultan Yeas ul dien of Chillige, then prince of Bengal, whose history we shall see in its proper place[*], to pay him tribute and allegiance. He struck the currency in his own name, and appointing his own son Nasir ul dien to the government of Lucknouti, which comprehended all the kingdom of Bengal,
and Behar.

he left Yeas ul dien in the government of Behar, and then returned to Delhi. But soon after, war broke out between Nasir ul dien prince of Bengal, and Yeas ul dien of Behar. The latter was defeated and slain; Nasir ul dien taking possession of his principality and treasure, out of which he sent ample presents to his friends at Delhi.

Altumsh marches against Sind.

In the mean time, Sultan Shumse ul dien led out his forces against Nasir ul dien Cabaja, prince of Sind, who, unable to oppose him in the field, lest a strong garrison in Outch, and returned himself to
A. D. 1225. Higer. 622.

Backar. The Emperor detached Nizam ul Maluck Jinaidi with half the army, in pursuit of Nasir ul dien, while with the other half,
which he reduces.

he himself laid siege to Outch, which he took in two months and twenty days. When the news of the fall of Outch reached Nasir ul dien Cabaja, he sent his son Alla ul dien Byram Shaw to intreat the Emperor for peace. The terms were not settled when news was brought that Cabaja had been obliged by Nizam ul Mulluck to attempt to cross the river, and that he was unhappily drowned. Then the whole country submitted to the imperial power. Altumsh then drew his forces towards the fort of Rintimpore, which he besieged and took.

Reduces Sewalic.

In the year 624, he marched towards the fort of Mendu, which he reduced with all the country of Sewalic. At this time, Amir Ruhani, the most learned and most famous poet and philosopher of that age, fled from Bochara, that city being taken by Chingez Chan, and took protection at Delhi, where he wrote many excellent pieces. The Emperor, at the same time, had an embassy from the Arabian Princes, with the royal robes of the Caliphat, which he assumed with joy, making a great festival, and distributing rich presents.

In the same year, he received intelligence of the death of Nasir ul dien, his eldest son prince of Lucknouti, which threw him into mourning and sorrow. He soon after conferred the title upon his younger son, whom he carried with him to Lucknouti in the year 627, to invest him with the government, which had run into confusion, after the death of the former prince.
Quell d
•…

urbances in Bengal.Having entirely settled this country in peace, he left Eaz ul Muluck to superintend the kingdom, and returned with his son to Delhi.

He formed a design, in the year 629, to reduce the fort of Gualier, which had, during the reign of Aram Shaw, fallen into the
A. D. 1231. Higer. 629.

Reduces Gualier.

hands of the Hindoos. He accordingly besieged it for a whole year, when the garrison being reduced to great streights, the governor, Deo Mull, made his escape in the night, and the troops capitulated, but about three hundred of them, for treacherous behaviour, were punished.

After the reduction of this place, he marched his army towards Malava, and reducing the fort of Belsay, took the city of Ugeïn,
Destroys the magnificent temple of Makal.

where he destroyed the magnificent and rich temple of Makal[*], formed upon the same plan with that of Sumnat, which had been building three hundred years, and was surrounded by a wall one hundred cubits in heighth. The image of Bickermagit, who had been formerly Raja of this country, and so renowned that the people of Hindostan date their time from his death, as also that of Makal, both of stone, with many other figures of brass, he ordered to be carried to Delhi, and broken at the door of the great mosque.

After his return from this expedition, he drew his army again towards Moultan; but this enterprize proved unsuccessful on account of his health.
Altumsh dies.

He fell sick on his march, which obliged him to return to Delhi, where he died on the 20th of Shaban, in the year 633. His vizier, towards the latter end of his reign, was Fuchur ul Muluck Assami, who had been formerly vizier of Bagdat, for thirty years. He was renowned for wisdom and learning, but had left that court on account of some disgust, and travelled to Delhi, where he was deemed a great acquisition, and honoured with the vizarit. The most famous for letters in this reign, was Noor ul dien Mahummud Usi, who wrote the Jame ul Hickaiat, a valuable collectioh of histories and other books. The Reign of Sultan Shumse ul dien was twenty-six years.

SECTION V. The Reign of Ruckun ul dien FEROSE SHAW ben Sultan Shumse ul dien Altumsh.

A. D. 1235. Higer. 633.

Ferose Shaw,

IN the year 625, his father appointed Ferose Shaw governor of Budaoon, and, after his reduction of Gualier, gave him the regency of Lahore. He chanced, at the emperor's death, to be at Delhi on a visit, and immediately ascended the throne. The Omrahs made their offerings, and swore allegiance; while the poets of the age vied with one another in his praise, for which they received liberal donations.

a weak and dissolute Prince.

But, when he acquired the imperial dignity, he spread the flowery carpets of luxury, and withdrew his hand from the toils of state. He expended his father's treasure upon dancing women, comedians, and musicians, and left the affairs of government to the management of his mother Shahe Turkaan.
Cruelty of his mother.

This woman had been a Turkish slave, and now became a monster of cruelty, murthering all the women of Shumse ul dien's Haram, to gratify her inhuman hatred to them, as also the youngest of that Emperor's sons.

Several Omrahs rebel.

The minds of the people began to be filled with disgust, and Yeas ul dien Mahummud Shaw, the younger brother of the Sultan, and governor of Oud, intercepted the revenues from Bengal, and began to assert independance. At the same time Malleck Ez ul dien Mahummud, Suba of Budaoon, Malleck ul dien Chani, Suba of Lahore, Malleck Ez ul dien Cabire Chan, Suba of Moultan, and Malleck Seif ul dien Kugi, governor of Hassi, entering into a confederacy, exalted their standards of hostility against the Emperor. Ferose
A. D. 1235. Higer. 633.

Shaw collected a vast army, and marched to Kilogurry, where he was deserted by his vizier Nizam Mahummud Junedi, with part of his army.
Ferose Shaw marches against the rebels.

The vizier went towards Kole, where he joined Malleck Meaz ul dien Mahummud Sallar. They from thence proceeded to Lahore, where they were joined by the Princes of these provinces.

Deserted by his army.

The Emperor, in the mean time, continued his march towards them, and when he reached Munsurpoor, seven of his principal Omrahs deserted him, and retired with their troops to Delhi. There they advanced Sultana Rizia, the eldest daughter of Shumse ul dien, to the throne, and imprisoned the Emperor's mother.

Sultana Rizia raised to the throne.

When this news reached the emperor, he hastened back with his army towards Delhi, and having reached Kilogurry, Sultana Rizia, on the 18th of Ribbi ul Awil, in the year 634, advanced against him. He was delivered up into her hands, and died in confinement some time after; so that he reigned only six months and twenty-eight days.

SECTION VI. The Reign of MALLEKE DORAN SULTANA RIZIA.

An excellent Princess.

THIS Princess was adorned with every qualification required in the ablest Kings; and the strictest scrutineers of her actions, could find in her no fault but that she was a woman. In the time of her father, she entered deeply into the affairs of government, which disposition he encouraged, finding she had a remarkable talent in politicks. In that year in which he took the sort of Gualier, he appointed her regent in his absence. When he was asked by the Omrahs,
A. D. 1236. Higer. 634.

why he appointed his daughter to such an office in preference to so many of his sons, he replied,
"that he saw his sons gave themselves up to wine, women, gaming, and the worship of the wind[†]; that therefore he thought the government too weighty for their shoulders to bear; and that Rizia, though a woman, had a man's head and heart, and was better than twenty such sons."

Sultana Rizia, upon her accession, changing her apparel, assumed the imperial robes, and every day gave public audience from the throne, revising and confirming the laws of her father, which had been abrogated in the last reign, and distributing justice with an equal hand.
The rebels at Lahore march towards Delhi.

In the mean time the vizier Malleck Nizam ul Muluck Mahummud Junedi, and the confederate Omrahs, who had met at Lahore, advanced with their armies to Delhi, and encamping without the city, commenced hostilities. They, at the same time, sent circular letters to all the Omrahs of the empire, to draw them from their allegiance. This news reaching Malleck Nuserit, Suba of Oud, he collected his forces, and hastened to the relief of the empress; but when he had crossed the Ganges, he was engaged by the confederates, defeated, and taken prisoner, in which condition he soon died.

The Empress found means, in her own policy, to sow dissention among the confederates;
They disperse and are punished.

till, finding themselves in a dangerous situation, they retreated each to his own country, while some of them, being pursued by the Empress, Malleck Seif ul dien Kugi and his brothers, were taken and put to death, as also Malleck Alla ul dien Chani, who suffered the same fate, the vizier having escaped to the hills of Sirmore, where he died.

Sultana Rizia settles the Empire.

The prosperity of the Sultana daily gaining ground, she gave the vizarit to Chaja Mohezzib Ghiznavi, who had been deputy to the
A. D. 1239. Higer. 637.

former vizier, with the title of Nizam ul Muluck, and the chief command of her forces to Seif ul dien Abiek, with the title of Kilick Chan. Mallek Kabir Chan Eaz, having subjected himself to her authority, was confirmed in the regency of Lahore, while the countries of Bengal, Dewil, Sind, Moultan, and others, were also confirmed to their respective Subahs, on their promise of future obedience.

Promotions at court.

In the mean time Seif ul dien Abiek, her general, died, and Cuttub ul dien Hassen, being appointed to succeed him, was sent with the army to raise the siege of Rintimpore, which was then invested by the Hindoo Rajas. But at the approach of the imperial forces, they raised the siege and retreated. After Hassen's departure for Rintimpore, Malleck Achtiar ab Tiggi was advanced to the dignity of Amir Hajib, or lord of the privacy, and master of requests. Jemmal ul dien Eacoot Hubbashi, gaining great favour with the empress, was also appointed Amir Achor, or Master of the Horse, from which station he was presently advanced to that of Amir ul Omrah, or Captain General of the Empire.

The nobles were greatly disgusted at this promotion, as the favourite was originally an Abassinian slave.
The governor of Lahore rebels.

The first who began openly to express his discontent, was Malleck Eaz ul dien, regent of Lahore, in the year 637, who threw off his allegiance, and began to recruit his army. The Empress collecting also her forces, marched out against him, and Eaz ul dien being disappointed by some of his confederates, was obliged to make every concession to obtain pardon.
Is pardoned.

This he effected with so much art, that the Empress, upon her departure, either believing him to be her friend, or desirous of binding him over to her interest, by gratitude, continued him in his viceroyship, and added to it that of Moultan, which had been governed by Malleck Kirakush.

A. D. 1239. Higer. 637.

The Suba of Tiberhind rebels.

In the same year Malleck Altunia, Suba of Tiberhind, exalted the hostile standard against the Empress, on account of her imprudent partiality to the Abassinian.
A mutiny in the Empress's army.

The Empress, upon this intelligence, marched with her army towards Tiberhind, but, about half way, all the Turkish Omrahs in her army, mutinied with their forces. A tumultuous conflict ensued, in which her Abassinian general was killed, and she herself seized and sent to the fort of Tiberhind. The army then returned to Delhi, where the Turkish Omrahs set up Moaz ul dien Byram Shaw, the son of Sultan Shumse ul dien, her brother.

She is deposed.

In the mean time, Malleck Altunia, Suba of Tiberhind, having married the Empress, in a short time, by her influence, raised a great army of Gickers, Jits, and other nations, with many Omrahs of distinction,
Marches to Delhi.

and marched with her towards Delhi. Sultan Byram Shaw upon this, sent Balin, son-in-law to Shumse ul dien, with his forces to oppose her. The two armies meeting near Delhi, an obstinate action ensued, in which the unfortunate Empress being defeated, fled to Tiberhind.

She some time after collected her scattered forces, and was soon in a condition to make another bold effort for her Empire. She advanced with a numerous army towards Delhi, but her forces being composed of the troops of Hindostan, were no ways a match for those of Turkestan, which chiefly composed the Emperor's army. Malleck Balin, who was again sent to oppose her, gave her another defeat at Keitel, the 4th of Rubbi ul Awil in the same year.
Defeated and put to death.

She and her husband being taken in the pursuit, were inhumanly put to immediate death; while others relate, that they were both carried bound to Byram Shaw, who ordered them to be assassinated in prison. Thus died the Empress Rizia, deserving a better sate, after a reign of three years, six months, and six days.

SECTION VII. The Reign of Sultan Moaz ul dien BYRAM SHAW ben Sultan Shumse ul dien Altumsh.

A. D. 1239. Higer. 637.

Byram Shaw mounts the throne.

WHEN the Empress Rizia was prisoner in the fort of Tiberhind, Byram Shaw, upon Monday the 27th of Ramsan, in the year 637, by consent of the Omrahs, ascended the throne of Delhi, and confirmed all the laws and customs then in force. Malleck Achtiar ul dien ab Tiggi, in conjunction with the vizier, Nizam ul Muluck, by degrees took the whole government of the Empire upon himself, taking the sister of the Emperor to wife, and mounting an elephant upon guard, at his gate, which was an honour peculiar to royalty.

Disgusted with two factious Omrahs.

This circumstance raised disgust and jealousy in the Emperor's mind. He therefore ordered two Turkish slaves to put on the appearance of drunkenness, and endeavour to assassinate Malleck and the vizier. Accordingly upon a certain day, these two Turks, when the King gave public audience, pressed among the crowd, and began to be very troublesome. Tiggi, who stood first in the rank of Omrahs, went to turn them out. They drew their daggers, and plunged them into his breast, then, running to the vizier, they gave him two wounds; but he escaped through the crowd. The slaves were immediately seized, and thrown into chains, but in a few days after they were pardoned.

The vizier kept his bed for some days, on account of his wounds, but, as soon as he recovered, he appeared again at court, and officiated in his employ. Buddur ul dien Sunkir Rumi, who was then
A. D. 1239. Higer. 637.

master of requests,
Scheme to supersede the vizier.

formed a scheme to supercede him. He, for this purpose, placed himself at the head of a powerful faction at court, and collecting the Omrahs together, and, among the rest, the vizier, at the house of Sudder ul Muluck, the chief justice, he began to concert with them a plan to bring about a revolution in the Empire. Sudder ul Muluck was secretly averse to the measure, and fearing that what was nominally meant against the vizier, should actually turn upon his master, he sent to the Emperor, and informed him of the whole affair. Sudder's messenger brought back with him a faithful servant of the King, in the habit of a fool, who might overhear the conversation with the vizier. The vizier, though he actually entered into the measures of the meeting, excused himself from attendance at that time.

The conspirators punished.

The story of Sudder being confirmed by the person whom the Emperor sent to overhear the Omrahs, a body of cavalry were immediately dispatched to seize them; but they having had previous intelligence, dispersed themselves before the horse arrived. The next day Malleck Budir ul dien Sunkur, who was one of the principal conspirators, was sent to be Suba of Budaoon, while Casi Jellal ul dien Kashani was turned out of his office. In a few months after, Sunkur and Muza were assassinated at Budaoon by the Emperor's emissaries, while Casi Shumse ul dien was trod under foot by elephants.

A sedition among the troops.

These proceedings raised fear and apprehension in the bosom of every body, which being improved by the saction, there was a general sedition among the troops.
Lahore taken by Zingis Chan.

In the mean time news arrived that the Moguls of Chingez Chan had invested Lahore upon the 16th of Jemmad ul Achir, in the year 639; that Malleck Kerakush, the viceroy of that place, finding his troops mutinous, had been
A. D. 1241. Higer. 639.

obliged to fly in the night, and was actually on his way to Delhi; and that Lahore was plundered by the enemy, and the miserable inhabitants carried away prisoners.

The King, upon this urgent occasion, called a general council of state, in which it was determined to send Nizam ul Muluck, vizier, and Malleck ul dien Hassen Ghori, vakeel of the Empire, with other Omrahs, to oppose the Moguls at Lahore with an army.
Treachery of the vizier.

When the imperial army advanced as far as the river Bea, where the town of Sultanpoor now stands, the vizier, who was privately an enemy to the Emperor, began to depreciate his government to the Omrahs, and to sow the seeds of sedition in their minds. But that he might compleatly effect his purpose, he wrote a private letter to the Emperor, accusing them of disaffection, and begging he would either take the field himself, or send other Omrahs and more forces, for that those now with the army could not be depended upon, and that therefore nothing could be done against the enemy.

Attaches the Omrahs to his interest.

The Emperor, though he had been forewarned of the treachery of his vizier in the late conspiracy, yet the artful man had so well extricated himself, and gained such confidence, that Byram Shaw, who was not blessed with much discernment, gave entire credit to this accusation, and sent him an order, importing, that they deserved death; at the same time recommending to him to keep them quiet till he should find the means of bringing them to condign punishment. This was what the crafty vizier wanted. He immediately produced the King's order, which kindled the Omrahs at once into rage, while he misled them with respect to the accuser. He even pretended to be apprehensive for himself, and began to consult with them about the means of general security; and they all promised to support him.

A. D. 1242. Higer. 640.

The Emperor dispatches Islaam to quiet the Omrahs.

This news having reached the Emperor, he began to open his eyes, when too late, and in great perturbation hastened to the house of Shuh Islaam, a venerable and learned Omrah, requesting him to set out for the camp, and endeavour, by proper representations, to bring over the disaffected Omrahs to their duty. Islaam accordingly set out in private, but not being able to effect any thing, returned to Delhi.
Delhi besieged.

The Vizier, in the mean time, advanced with the army to the capital, which he besieged for three months and an half. Rebellion spreading at last among the citizens, the place was taken on the eighth of Zicaat, in the year 639. Sultan Moaz ul dien
The Emperor taken and slain.

Byram Shaw was thrown into prison, where in a few days he came to a very tragical end, after a reign of two years one month and fifteen days.

The Moguls, in the mean time, plundered Punjaab and returned to Ghizni.

SECTION VIII. The Reign of Sultan ALLA UL DIEN MUSAOOD SHAW, the son of Ruckun ul dien Firoze Shaw.

WHEN Byram Shaw had drank the cup of fate, Malleck Eaz ul dien Balin the elder raised a faction, and forcing his way into the palace, mounted the throne, and ordered himself to be proclaimed throughout the city.
Alla ul dien mounts the throne.

But the greater part of the princes and nobility, dissatisfied with his advancement, immediately took out Alla ul dien from his confinement in the white castle, and deposing the usurper, placed him upon the throne the same day in which
A. D. 1242. Higer. 640.

Balin had usurped it. Malleck Cuttub ul dien Hassin was made Vakeel of the empire[*]. Malleck Mohizib ul dien Nizam ul Muluck, Vizier, and Malleck Kirakush lord of requests.

The Vizier maintains his great power,

The Vizier, who was a politic and ambitious man, still maintained an absolute power in the empire; but being of a haughty and oppressive disposition, he bore it with too high a hand among the nobles.
and is assassinated.

They consequently began to combine against him, and in the month of Ribbi ul Awil, in the year 640, found means to assassinate him one day when he was hunting. The Vizarit was conferred upon Sudder ul Muluck Nigim ul dien Abu Buker, and the younger Balin was made lord of the requests. Even Balin the elder was appointed viceroy of Nagore, Sind and Ajmere. The Subaship of Budaoon was given at the same time to Malleck Tage ul dien; and other provinces fell to various Omrahs, according to their rank and interest at court; and in general, peace and content seemed to diffuse themselves over the kingdom.

The Emperor releases his uncles.

The Emperor, about this time, released his two uncles Nasir ul dien and Jellal ul dien, who had been imprisoned by Byram Shaw. He conferred upon the former the government of Barage, and to the latter, he gave that of Kinnoge. Tigga Chan was appointed Suba of Lucknouti, or Bengal.

In the year 642, an army of Mogul Tartars made an incursion into Bengal by the way of Chitta and Tibet. Sultan Alla ul dien sent towards Lucknouti Malleck Kira beg Timur Chan, to the aid of Tigha Chan, with a great army.
The Mogul Tartars de¦feated in Ben¦gal.

The Moguls received a total defeat, but jealousy arising between Timur and Tiga Chan, they
A. D. 1244. Higer. 642.

proceeded to open hostilities; and the Emperor ordered Tigha to resign the government to Timur, and to return to Delhi.

In the following year intelligence arrived that another army of Moguls, by the way of Kundiz and Talikaan, had entered Sind, and invested Outch. The Sultan immediately ordered forces to be mustered, and putting himself at their head, directed the imperial standard towards the Tartars.
Expelled from Sind.

When he had reached the banks of the river Bea, they raised the siege and began to retreat; and the Sultan hearing that they had totally evacuated the country, returned to Delhi.

Alla soon after gave himself up to wine and women, and exercised various modes of cruelty, injustice and oppression, despising all counsel, and placing the way of ruin before him. The Princes and Omrahs at length bound up their loins to hostility, having first privately sent for Nasir ul dien Mamood the Sultan's uncle from Barage. Mamood advanced with all the forces he could raise towards the capital.
The Emperor deposed.

The Emperor was thrown into prison by the Omrahs, where he remained for life. He reigned four years, one month and one day.

SECTION IX. The Reign of Sultan NASIR UL DIEN MAMOOD ben Sultan Shumse ul dien Altumsh.

WE have already observed, that when the eldest son of Sultan Altumsh died in Lucknouti, he conferred the title and government of that principality upon his younger son Nasir ul dien Mamood.
A. D. 1245. Higer. 643.

but this was a nominal honour, Mamood being at that time too young for such a charge. Upon his father's death he was confined by Shaha Turkaan, and remained in prison till he was released by Musaood Shaw, who gave him the government of Barage. During the time of his government he waged successful wars with the neighbouring Rajas, and rendered his province happy and flourishing.
Mamood a wise, learned, and politic prince.

The same of his justice and policy became to be noised abroad, which made the Omrahs turn their eyes towards him in the late revolution. He was then placed upon the throne of his father, which, even laying aside his birth, his bravery, wisdom and learning, his other good qualiteis very much deserved to possess.

During the time of his imprisonment, he wrote for his livelihood, despising the Emperor's allowance. He often said in the days of his misfortune, that he who could not work for his bread did not deserve it.
An encourager of learning.

When he ascended the throne, he was the patron of learning, the protector of the people, and the friend of the poor. The poets of that age vied with one another for the prize, at his coronation, which was gained by Casi Minhage, for his poem upon that occasion. This writer is also particularly famous for his valuable history called the Tibcaat Nazari.

The Vizarit conferred upon Balin.

The vizarit was now conferred upon Malleck Yeas ul dien Balin the younger, who formerly, under the title of Chan Azim Anigh Chan, defeated the Sultana, and all the executive power put into his hands. Shere Chan, the Emperor's nephew, was appointed to the government of Lahore, Moultan, Batenize and Tibberhind, where he was ordered to keep a great standing army, to watch the motions of the Moguls, who now had possessed themselves of Cabul, Candahar, Ghizni, Balich and Herat.

The Emperor's charge to Balin.

It is said, that when Mamood appointed young Balin vizier, that he told him, he trusted his own glory to his loyalty and conduct;
A. D. 1246. Higer. 644.

therefore, to do nothing for which he could not answer to God, or that would stain his name with injustice towards his people, or ingratitude towards his king. The vizier faithfully promised his best, and exerted himself with such unwearied diligence in his office, regulated so well the business of the state, that nothing escaped his eye, or passed his particular inspection.

In the month of Regib the King took the field, and turned his arms towards Moultan. He encamped for some time upon the banks of the Sodra; and making his vizier captain general, he sent him towards the mountains of Jehud, and the territories of Sind.
The Gickers chastised.

Those countries were reduced, and the Emperor avenged himself upon the Gickers for their continual incursions, and for guiding the Moguls through their country into Hindostan. These offences were too great to be pardoned, and therefore he carried some thousands of every age and sex into captivity.

Refractory Omrahs punished.

Some antient Omrahs who had Jagiers conferred on them in the provinces of Lahore and Moultan, had, for some time past, refused to supply their quotas to the army, for the maintainance of which, they held these estates. By the advice of the vizier, they were arrested and carried prisoners to Delhi. The King, however, gave their Jagiers to their sons or relations, upon the old military tenure. The country of Punjaab and Moultan were by these means effectually settled, and the King's authority firmly established.

Story of Alexan
•

er the Great.Some authors inform us, that when Secunder
Alexander the Great.

was on his way to Hindostan, some of his old generals, unwilling to proceed farther, began to draw their feet out of the circle of his obedience. The heroe upon this, was thrown into great perplexity, not knowing how to proceed with them. In this dilemma he sent a messenger
A. D. 1247. Higer. 645.

to Greece to advise with his old master Aristotalise[*], who, by reason of his age and infirmities, could not accompany him. When the sage read the letter, he carried the messenger into the garden, where he gave orders to the gardener to root up all the old plants, and set young shoots in their places. Without saying more, or writing any answer, he told the messenger to return in haste to his master.

When the messenger arrived, he fell upon his face before the King, and told him he could obtain no reply. Secunder was somewhat surprized, and enquired into the particulars of the interview. Hearing the above relation he smiled, and told the messenger he had brought him an excellent answer. He accordingly put some of the old mutinous officers to death, and cashiered others; supplying their places with young men who became more obedient to command; and thus re-established his authority in the army.

The Emperor reduces Tilsinda.

In the month of Shaban 645, Sultan Nasir ul dien Mamood returned with his troops through the country which lies between the two rivers Ganges and Jumna, and after an obstinate siege, the fort of Tilsinda yielded to his arms. He then continued his march towards Kurrah, the vizier commanding the van guard. He was met at Kurrah by the Rajas Dillekie and Milleckie, whom he defeated, plundering their country, and taking many of both their families prisoners. These two Rajas had seized upon all the country to the south of the Jumna, destroyed the King's garrisons from Malava to Kurrah, and held their chief residence at Callinger. After these exploits the Emperor returned to Delhi.

The Vizier chastises the inhabitants of Rintimpore.

In the following year, he sent the Vizier with an army towards Rintimpore and the mountains of Meruaar, to chastise the rebellious inhabitants of these countries, which he effectually did, and returned
A. D. 1249 Higer. 647.

to Delhi. The vizier's brother Abiek Cushli Chan was promoted to the dignity of Hagib, and Eaz Zinjani to be vakeel of the Empire.

The Emperor recalls his b
•

other from Kinnoge.In the same year, the Sultan's brother Jellal ul dien was called from his government of Kinnoge to Delhi. But, fearing that the King had some intentions against his life, he fled to the hills of Sitnoor, with all his adherents. The Emperor pursued him, but finding, after eight months labour, that he could not lay hands upon him, he returned to Delhi.
Ma
•

ries the Vizier's daughter.The Sultan, in the year 647, married the daughter of his Vizier, Balin, and upon the occasion made great rejoicings. He drew, in the year following, his army towards Moultan, and upon the banks of the Bea, he was joined by Shere Chan with twenty thousand chosen horse. The Sultan continued his march to Moultan, where he remained for some days. Having placed Malleck Eaz ul dien Balin in the government of Nagore and Outch, and settled some other matters, he returned to his capital.

Eaz ul dien Balin rebels,

This Eaz ul dien Balin, in the year 649, threw off his allegiance, and stirred up a rebellion in those provinces. This obliged the Sultan to put the imperial standard in motion towards Nagore. He put the rebels to flight;
and is pard
•

ned.but such was the strange policy of the times, that he promised him his pardon, upon his submission; and afterwards actually continued him in his government. The Emperor, after returning from this expedition, remained only a few days at Delhi, before he proceeded to the siege of Narvar. He was met at Narvar by Raja Sahir Deo, who had just built that fortress on a steep rock, with five thousand horse, and two hundred thousand foot. This immense host were defeated with great slaughter, and the place being invested, was reduced, after a few months siege.
Chinderi and Malava reduced.

The Emperor from thence continued his march to Chinderi and Malava, and having settled those countries,
A. D. 1251. Higer. 649.

and appointed a Suba to govern them, returned to Delhi. The Vizier gained, in this expedition, great reputation for his conduct and personal valour.

Shere Chan recovers Ghizni from the Moguls.

In the mean time the Sultan's nephew, Shere Chan, viceroy of Lahore and Moultan, who was at that time reckoned a prodigy of wisdom, valour, and every royal virtue, had raised and disciplined a body of horse, with which he drove the Moguls out of the kingdom of Ghizni, and annexed it once more to the empire. He struck the currency in the name of Nazir ul dien, and proclaimed him through all the provinces. The King, for these services, added the government of Outch to his viceroyship, which, contrary to expectation, was quietly delivered up by Malleck Eaz ul dien Balin, who returned to Delhi, and received the Jagier of Budaoon.

The Vizier disgraced.

The Sultan, in the year 650, marched by the way of Lahore, into Moultan, and was joined by Cuttulich Chan, by the way of Sevan and Cushlu, from Budaoon, with fine armies. In the beginning of the following year, Amad ul dien Eaz Zingani, vakeel of the empire, who had rose to that dignity through the interest of the vizier, began to envy the fame and influence of that able minister. He took every opportunity to traduce his benefactor to the King in private. The Monarch's affections for the vizier, began to cool visibly, and he was even prevailed upon at last to discharge that great man from his office, when he only conferred upon him, in lieu of it, the small government of Hassi, for his subsistance, where his enemy fought an opportunity to take his life.

Amad ul dien Eaz in great favour with the King.

Amad ul dien Eaz now became absolute in the King's favour, and began his authority by turning out every person from their offices and governments, who had been appointed by the former vizier. He
A. D. 1252. Higer. 650.

removed all Balin's friends and relations from the royal presence, constituting Ein ul Muluck Mahummud, who resided at Delhi, vizier of the empire, and Eaz ul dien Cutchlew Chan, lord of requests. When he returned to Delhi with the King, he every where disturbed the public peace, and overset the fundamental laws of the country.

The Emperor again mustered his army, and began his march towards the river Bea,
Shere Chan disgraced.

for Shere Chan had unfortunately, at this time, been defeated by the Sindies, and lost several forts in Moultan. This furnished the favourite with an opportunity of disgracing him with the King, who turned him out of his viceroyship of Outch, Tiberhind, and Moultaan, which he conferred upon Arsilla Chan, and then returned to his capital. In the mean time, Malleck Eaz ul dien Rizi ul Muluck, the Turk, was assassinated by the zemindars of Keital and Coram, which prevailed on the Sultan to march his army to revenge his death, from which expedition he very soon returned again to Delhi.

The insolence of Amad ul dien

The government of the Vakeel became by this time so invidious to the whole Empire, that the Subas of Kurra, Manickpoor, Oud, Budaoon, Tiberhind, Sunnam, Koram, Lahore, Sewalic, and Nagore, entered into an association, and sent an embassy to Balin the former vizier, informing him, that the government of the country was quite subverted, and that the oppression and arrogance of Amad ul dien was beyond expression; that they were therefore desirous he should proceed to Delhi, and take the Empire, as formerly, under his wise conduct and direction.
occasions a revolt.

Balin consented, and, according to appointment, all the Omrahs met with their forces in one day at Koram.

The Sultan, and Amad ul dien, upon receiving this intelligence, marched with the imperial forces, to disperse the insurgents; but
A. D. 1253. Higer. 651.

when the royal army advanced as far as Hassi, Anigh Chan Balin, and the rest of the Omrahs, sent an address to the King, to the following purpose:

He is dismissed from the presence.

"That they were his loyal subjects, and were satisfied to kiss the foot of his throne, so be he would banish Amad ul dien from his presence."
The Sultan was under the necessity of either consenting to this request, or to lose his Empire. He therefore dismissed the obnoxious favourite from his presence, and sent him to Budaoon. The Omrahs presented their offerings, and were honoured with royal dresses. Jellal ul dien Chani, was appointed to command at Lahore, and Shere Chan was confirmed in the governments of Debalpoor, Moultan, Battanize, Tiberhind, and other districts adjacent. The Sultan returned peaceably to Delhi, and expressed great joy at seeing his old vizier, while the flower of desire blossomed in the hearts of the subjects.

Insurrections quelled.

In the year 653, the Emperor conferred the government of Oud upon Cuttulich Chan, of which however he wanted to deprive him in a few months, for that of Barage, which was neither so lucrative, nor so honourable. Cuttulich Chan, upon this account, swerved from his allegiance, and, having brought over some other Omrahs to his party, raised a great army, which obliged the Sultan to send the vizier against him. Malleck Taje ul dien, the Turk, was dispatched at the same time against Amad ul dien, who had begun a diversion about Budaoon. He was however soon defeated, taken prisoner, and put to death. Cuttulich Chan was also routed by the Vizier, and fled to Sitnoor. The Vizier destroyed the place, but not being able to lay hold of the rebel, he returned to Delhi.

A conspiracy in the imperial army,

Diepal, the Raja of Sitnoor, in the year 655, entered into an alliance with Cuttulich Chan, and, raising a great army, advanced to meet Cutchlew Chan, Suba of Sind, who was in the same confederacy. All three joining their forces near Koram, became very formidable
A. D. 1257. Higer. 655.

to the empire. The King again ordered his Vizier, with a great army, to take the field. When the two armies approached one another, a mutiny was stirred up in the Vizier's camp, by Shech Islam, Cuttub ul dien, and Casi Shumse ul dien Berachi, who wrote private letters to the enemy, projecting the means of their taking the city, in which they had also set a faction on foot to favour them.
discovered and baffled by the Vizier.

The Vizier having received good intelligence of this treasonable correspondence, acquainted the King of the particulars, who ordered them all to be confined. In the mean time the enemy, according to the scheme projected, marched with a body of chosen cavalry, a hundred crores, in two days, advancing to the gates of Delhi, where the traitors had promised to meet them that day with their forces; but finding themselves disappointed, and the Sultan's troops marching out against them, they entirely dispersed, Cutchlew Chan retreating to Sind, but Cuttulick Chan was never heard of afterwards.

The Moguls obliged to retreat.

Towards the latter end of this year, a Mogul army invaded Outch and Moultan, which obliged the Sultan to point his hostile spears towards that quarter; but the Moguls fled upon his approach; so that, without further trouble, he returned to his capital, giving the country of Punjaab to Shere Chan, and sending Malleck Jellal ul dien Chani to the government of Lucknouti.

Disobedient Omrahs brought to reason.

In the year 656, the Sultan marched his army towards Kurrah and Manickpoor, to chastise Arsilla Chan and Calliche Chan, who had not joined their forces in obedience to his orders, when he marched the year before to Punjaab. These Subas, however, found means at court to mollify the King's resentment, and Arsilla Shaw found even interest to obtain the government of Lucknouti, which had been so lately disposed of to Jellab ul dien, while the other obtained some districts by the foot of the mountains.

A. D. 1258. Higer. 657.

Cutchlew Chan made governor of Gualier, &c.

Cutchlew Chan, the Vizier's brother, was, in the year 657, appointed to the government of Kole, Jellasore, Gualier, and Biana. Nothing else remarkable happened this season, but the death of Cushlu Chan, governor of Sind. The Vizier, by the King's commands, led next year an army towards Sewalic and Rintimpore, where the Rajaputs had begun to raise great disturbances, having collected a very numerous body of horse and foot, at the head of which they plundered and burnt the country. Upon the Vizier's approach, they retired into strong posts and passes, among the mountains, where, however, he routed them, and continued to ravage their country four months, with fire and sword, setting a price upon their heads.

Some rebellious Rajas overthrown by the Vizier.

The Rajas of the Rajaputs, rendered at length desperate, collected all their forces, and rushed down from the mountains to be revenged of the Mahomedans. The Vizier saw the storm descending, and had time to draw up his army in order of battle to receive them. The attack of the enemy was violent and terrible, being actuated by rage, revenge, and despair. It was with much difficulty that the Vizier could keep the imperial troops in the field, but the enemy over-heating themselves towards mid-day, they became hourly more languid and faint. The imperial general inspiring his troops with fresh courage, for till then, they had acted upon the defensive, began to charge in his turn, and, before evening, pursued the enemy, with great slaughter, back to the hills. The Vizier's loss was very considerable in this action, and many brave Omrahs drank of the cup of martyrdom. Of the enemy above ten thousand were slain, and ninety of their chiefs made prisoners, besides a great number of common soldiers. The Vizier having, by this action, relieved the fort of Rintimpore, which had been besieged by some other tribes, he returned victorious to Delhi. The captive chiefs were cruelly ordered to be put to death, and their unfortunate soldiers condemned to perpetual slavery.

A. D. 1258. Higer. 657.

Embassy from Halacu King of Persia.

In the month of Ribbi ul Awil of this year, an ambassador arrived at Delhi, on the part of Hallacu Chan[†]. The Vizier went out to meet the ambassador with fifty thousand horse, of Arab, Agim, Turk, Chillege, and Afghan; two hundred thousand infantry in arms, two thousand chain-elephants of war, and three thousand carriages of fire-works. He drew up in order of battle, formed in columns of twenty deep, with the artillery and cavalry properly disposed. Having then exhibited some feats of horsemanship, in mock battles, and fully displayed his pomp to the ambassador, he conducted him into the city and royal palace. There the court was very splendid, every thing being set out in the most gorgeous and magnificent manner. All the Omrahs, officers of state, judges, priests, and great men of the city were present, besides five princes of Ayrac, Chorrasan, and Maverulnere, with their retinues, who had taken protection at Delhi, from the arms of Chingez Chan, who, a little before that time, had overun most part of Asia. Many Rajas of Hindostan, subject to the empire, were there, and stood next the throne.

The Emperor dies.

This ceremony being concluded with great pomp, nothing particular occurred at Delhi, till the year 663, when the Emperor fell sick, and, having lingered some months on the bed of affliction, died on the 11th of Jemmad ul Awil, in the year 664, much lamented by his people.

His singular character.

Sultan Mamood was very singular in his private character, for, contrary to the custom of all princes, he kept no concubines. He had but one wife, whom he obliged to do every homely part of housewifry; and when she complained one day, that she had burnt her fingers in baking his bread, desiring he might allow her a maid to assist her, he rejected her request, with saying, that he was only a trustee for the
A. D. 1265. Higer. 664.

state, and that he was determined not to burthen it with needless expences. He therefore exhorted her to persevere in her duty with patience, and God would reward her in the end.

As the Princes of Hindostan never eat in publick, his table was rather that of a hermit, than suitable to a great King. He also continued the whimsical notion of living by his pen. One day, as an Omrah was inspecting a Coran of the Emperor's writing, before him, he pointed out a word, which he said was wrong. The King, looking at it, smiled, and drew a circle round it. But when the critic was gone, he began to eraze the circle, and restore the word. This being observed by one of his old attendants, he begged to know his Majesty's reason for so doing; to which he replied, "That he knew the word was originally right, but he thought it better to erase from a paper, than touch the heart of a poor man, by bringing him to shame." These might, indeed, be virtues in private life, but were certainly none in a sovereign; for notwithstanding the praises conferred upon him by historians, we must look upon him rather as the representation than the real substance of a great monarch.

SECTION X. The Reign of Sultan YEAS UL DIEN BALIN.

Sultan Balin, his family.

SULTAN Balin was a Turk of Chitta, of the tribe of Alberi, and, in his youth, was carried prisoner by the Moguls, who conquered that country, and sold to a merchant, who conveyed him to Bagdat. His father was a chief of great power, and commanded ten thousand horse in that unfortunate war in which our young hero was taken. He was bought at Bagdat in the year 630, by Chaja Jemmal ul dien of Bussorah, who was then famous for his piety and
A. D. 1265. Higer. 664.

learning. His master having learned that he was a relation of Sultan Altumsh,
Sent to Delhi.

proceeded with him immediately to Delhi, and presented him to the Emperor, who rewarded him so handsomely, that he returned independent to Bagdat.

The Sultan employed him first in the office of chief falconer, in which art he was very expert.
His gradual rise in the state.

He rose from that station, both by the influence of his brother, who happened to be then an Omrah, and in great favour at the court of Delhi, and by his own merit. He ascended gradually, from one preferment to another, till he became an Omrah of the empire, and a man in great esteem. In the reign of Ruckun ul dien, when he commanded in Punjaab, hearing his enemies at court had enraged the King against him, he refused to obey his orders to return, and kept for some time possession of that country. But having advanced to Delhi, with the confederate Omrahs, who came to depose the Empress Rizia, he was taken prisoner in their flight, and remained there some time in confinement. He however made his escape, and joined the party of Byram Shaw against the Empress, whom he twice defeated, as we have seen in that reign. This gained him great reputation; and he had the government of Hassi and Rabari conferred upon him; in which office he distinguished himself in several actions against the rebels of Mewat.

Made Vizier.

In the reign of Sultan Musaood, he was advanced to the dignity of Amir Hajib, in which he gained great reputation; and in that of Nasir ul dien he was raised to the Vizarit, which high office he managed in such a manner, as to leave the King but the mere title of royalty.
Succeeds to the Empire.

He therefore, upon the death of his sovereign, mounted the throne, not only without opposition, but even by the general voice of the nobility and people.

In the reign of Shumse ul dien Altumsh, forty of his Turkish slaves, who were in great favour, entered into a solemn association
A. D. 1265. Higer. 664.

to support one another, and upon the King's death, to divide the Empire among themselves. But jealousies and dissentions having arose afterwards among them, prevented this project from being executed. The Emperor Balin was of their number;
Rids himself of his rivals.

and, as several of them had raised themselves to great power in the kingdom, the first thing he did after his accession, was to rid himself of all who remained of that association, either by sword or poison; among whom was a nephew of his own, Shere Chan, a man of great bravery and reputation.

Courted by the Kings of Tartary and Persia.

His fears, after these assassinations, were entirely dispelled, and he became so famous for his justice and wise government, that his alliance was courted by all the Kings of Iran and Turan. He took particular care that none but men of merit and family should be admitted to any office in his government; and for this purpose he endeavoured to make himself acquainted with the particular talents and connections of every person in his court. As he was very assiduous in rewarding merit, he was no less so in punishing vice; for whoever misbehaved in their station, were certain of being immediately disgraced.

An enemy to vice.

He expelled all flatterers, usurers, pimps and players from his court; and being one day told, that an Omrah, an old servant of the crown, who had acquired a vast fortune, by usury and monopoly in the Bazar, would present him with some lacks of Rupees, if he would honour him with one word from the throne; he rejected the proposal with great disdain, and said, "what must his subjects think of a King who should condescend to hold discourse with a wretch so infamous?"

His generosity,

Balin was so famous for his generosity, that all the princes of the East, who had been overthrown by the arms of Chingez Chan,
A. D. 1265. Higer. 664.

sought protection at his court. There came upwards of twenty of those unfortunate sovereigns from Turkestan, Mavir ul Nere, Chorrassan, Ayrac, Azurbaejan, Pharis, Room[*], and Shaam[†]. They had a princely allowance, and palaces for their residence allotted them; and they were upon public occasions, ranked before his throne, according to their dignity; all standing to the right and left, except two princes of the Kalifat, who were permitted to sit on either side of the Musnud. The palaces in which the royal fugitives resided in Delhi, took their names from their respective possessors, and were ranked in the following order: Abbassi, Singeri, Charizm Shahi, Willami, Ollavi, Attabuki, Ghori, Chingezi, Roomi, Aesunkari, Emuni, Museli, Samarcandi, Cashgari, and Chittai.

In the retinue of those princes, were the most famous men for learning, war, arts and sciences, that Asia at that time produced. The court of Hindostan was therefore, in the days of Balin, reckoned the most polite and magnificent in the world. All the philosophers, poets and divines, formed a society every night, at the house of Chan Shehîd, the heir apparent of the Empire; and Amir Chusero the poet presided at those meetings. Another society of musicians, dancers, mimicks, players, buffoons, and storytellers was constantly convened at the house of the Emperor's second son Kera Chan, who was given to pleasure and levity. The Omrahs followed the examples of their superiors, so that various societies and clubs were formed in every quarter of the city. The Sultan himself, having a great passion for splendor and magnificence in his palaces, equipages and liveries, he was imitated by the court. A new city seemed to lift up its head, and arts to arise from the bosoms of luxury and expence.

and magnificence,

Such was the pomp and grandeur of the royal presence, that none could approach the throne without terror. The ceremonies of introduction
A. D. 1265. Higer. 664.

were conducted with so much reverence and solemnity, and every thing disposed so as to strike awe and astonishment into the beholders. Nor was Balin less magnificent in his cavalcades. His state elephants were caparisoned in purple and gold. His horse-guards, consisting of a thousand noble Turks in splendid armour, were mounted upon the finest Persian steeds, with bridles of silver, and saddles of rich embroidery. Five hundred chosen men in rich livery, with their drawn swords upon their shoulders, ran proclaiming his approach, and clearing the way before him. All the Omrahs followed according to their rank, with their various equipages and attendants. The Monarch, in short, seldom went out with less than one hundred thousand men; which he used to say, was not to gratify any vanity in himself, but to exalt him in the eyes of the people.

His justice.

The festivals of Norose and Ide, as also the anniversary of his own birth, were held with wonderful pomp and splendor. But amidst all this glare of royalty, he never forgot that he was the guardian of the laws, and protector of his meanest subjects. It was before Balin's time a custom in Hindostan, in cases of murder, to satisfy the relations by a certain fine, if they consented to accept of it. He abolished this custom, which has been since revived, and ordered the Suba of Budaoon, Malleck Feick, to be put to death upon the complaint of a poor woman for killing her son.

When Balin was only an Omrah, he gave into the then courtly vices of wine, women, and play. But upon his accession he became a great enemy to all those luxuries; prohibiting wine upon the severest penalties to be drank in his dominions; laying great restrictions upon women of pleasure, and banishing all gamesters from his court.

So zealous was Balin to support his authority, that for the disobedience of one man, he would order a force to the remotest parts
A. D. 1265. Higer. 664.

of the empire to bring him to punishment.
His severity to rebels.

In cases of insurrection or rebellion against his government, he was not content, as had formerly been the custom, to chastise the leaders, but he extended the capital punishment of high treason to the meanest of their vassals and adherents. This severity rendered it necessary for the Subas to have the King's mandate for every expedition or hostilities they were about to commence.

That his army might be kept in constant exercise, he led them out twice every week to hunt, for forty or fifty miles round the city, and established laws for the preservation of the game.
Rejects the advice of his council to reduce Malava.

In the year 664, he was advised by his council, to undertake an expedition to reduce the kingdoms of Guzerat and Malava, which had been annexed to the empire by Cuttub ul dien, but were afterwards permitted to shake off the yoke. To this advice the Emperor would by no means consent, saying, that the Moguls were become so powerful in the north, having conquered all the Mussulmen princes, that he thought it would be much wiser to secure what he possessed against those invaders, than to weaken himself, and leave his country unguarded, by foreign wars.

Tatar Chan reduced.

Mahummud Tatar Chan, the son of Arsilla Chan, who had begun to assert independence in Lucknouti, was this year, however, reduced, and obliged to send his usual tribute to Delhi. A great rejoicing was made upon this occasion, at which the King was present and gave public audience.

The Mewats extirpated.

Balin ordered, in the course of the same year, an army to extirpate a certain tribe of banditti called Mewats, who had possessed themselves of an extensive wilderness about eighty miles south east of the city towards the hills; from whence they used, in former reigns, to make incursions, to the number of fifty thousand, even to the gates
A. D. 1266. Higer. 665.

of Delhi. It is said, that in this expedition, above one hundred thousand of these wretches were put to the sword; and the army being supplied with hatchets and other implements, cleared away the woods for above the circumference of fifty crores. The cleared space, afterwards proved excellent lands, and was well inhabited, as the people were protected by a line of forts along the foot of the mountains.

The Emperor quells several insurrections.

In the 665 year of the Higera, Balin sent an army down between the Ganges and Jumna, to suppress some insurrections in those parts, with orders to punish the offenders without mercy. The Sultan soon after marched in person towards Kattal, Pattiali and Bhogepoor, whose inhabitants had begun to stop all intercourse with Bengal, by the way of Jionpoor and Benaris. He put some thousands of them to death, establishing justice and public security in those parts. He ordered forts to be built, which he garrisoned with Pattans, to crush any future disturbance, and then returned towards Delhi. Soon after his arrival, he received intelligence of an insurrection in Budaoon and Kutter, whither he hastened with five thousand chosen horse, and ordered a general massacre among the unfortunate insurgents, and some thousands of every age and sex fell by the sword.

If such cruelties can be any where excused, it must be in a government like that of Hindostan, where rebellions were in those days so common, that, without the most vigorous measures, the peace and royal authority could not be at all established.

Reduces Jehud.

Balin, after these transactions, marched his army towards the mountains of Jehud, where he employed them for the space of two years, in taking sorts, and reducing the wild inhabitants to obedience. This country was famous for breeding horses, many thousands of which were carried by the Sultan to Delhi. Wherever the
A. D. 1266. Higer. 665.

King marched there was an order for the Subas, Zemindars, Fogedars and magistrates of the provinces to meet him on their own frontiers, with their offerings, which was afterwards distributed among the poor. The Sultan, some time after, made a journey to Lahore, which city, having greatly suffered from the Moguls, he ordered to be put in a proper state of defence and repair; and after having erected some public buildings, he returned to Delhi.

Regulates the army.

About this time, Balin was told by one of his Omrahs, that a great number of veterans, who had served in the preceding reigns, were now become invalids and incapable of attending their duty. The Sultan, upon this, ordered a list of their names to be taken, and settling half pay upon them for life, discharged them from further service. The old men however, were dissatisfied with this provision, and some of the principals of them were deputed by the rest, to go to Malleck ul Omrah, Fuchur ul dien, chief magistrate of Delhi, with presents, to represent their case to the King.

This venerable magistrate being in great favour with the Sultan, rejected their presents, but told them he would use his endeavour to get them continued upon full pay. He accordingly went next day to court, and while he stood in the presence, put on the appearance of sorrow, which being observed by the King, he enquired about the cause of his grief. The old man replied, "I was just thinking that if in the presence of God, all the old men were rejected, what would become of me." The King was struck with the reproof, and after some pensive silence, ordered the veterans to be continued in their usual pay.

Shere Chan dies.

In the fourth year of the reign of Balin, Shere Chan Chaja Tash, who had, from the time of Nasir ul dien, governed the provinces of Lahore, Moultan, Battize, Tibberhind, Debalpoor and other districts,
A. D. 1268. Higer. 667.

died: Some say, by poison from the King, but this is not now believed, though reported by some malicious people in those days. He was esteemed a man of great genius and an intrepid warrior; having defended his country from the incursions of the Moguls, who now became the terror of the East. Sultan Balin, upon the demise of Shere Chan, gave Sunnam and Semana to Timur Chan, and the other countries were divided among other Omrahs of his court. The moguls, encouraged by the death of Shere Chan, began again their depredations in those provinces. The mutual jealousies and dissensions among the Subas, prevented them from doing any thing effectual for the public good.

Mahummud appointed governor of the frontiers;

The Emperor, therefore, was obliged to appoint his eldest son Mahummud, at that time bearing the title of Chan Malleck, afterwards famous by the name of Chan Shehid, viceroy of all those frontier provinces. Mahummud was immediately dispatched to his government with a fine army, and some of the wisest and best generals in the empire.
an encourager of learning.

The Prince himself was blest with a bright and comprehensive genius, taking great delight in learning and the company of learned men. He with his own hand, made a choice collection of the beauties of poetry, selected from the most famous in that art. The work consisted of twenty thousand couplets, and was esteemed the criterion of taste. Among the learned men in the Prince's court, Amir Chusero and Chaja Hassen bore the first rank in genius and in his esteem. These, with many more of his philosophical society, accompanied him on this expedition to Lahore.

Mahummud was visited at Lahore by Shech Osman Marindi, who was esteemed the greatest man of that age. But no presents or entreaty could prevail upon him to remain out of his own country; so that after a short stay, he returned. We are told, that as he was
A. D. 1268. Higer. 667.

one day reading one of his poems in Arabic before the Prince, all the poets who were present, were transported into a fit of dancing. But the piece affected the Prince, to all appearance, in a quite contrary manner; for the tears began to flow fast down his cheeks. This might indeed be occasioned by excess of pleasure, though it was, at that time, attributed to that noble emulation which grieves for that excellence to which it cannot attain.

He invites the famous poet Sadi to his court.

The fame of Shech Sadi of Schiraz being great at that time, Mahummud invited him twice to his court; but that renowned sage excused himself upon account of his years, and, with much difficulty, was brought to accept of some presents. Sadi, in return, sent to Mahummud a copy of his works, and did honour to the abilities of Amir Chusero the Sultan's favourite, and president of his learned society.

The Prince, every year, made a journey to see his father at Delhi, to whom he always behaved with the greatest filial affection and duty. Sultan Balin gave his younger son Baghera Chan, entitled Nasir ul dien, a Jagier of Sammana and Sunnam, whither the Prince set out to reside. His father, at his departure, advised him to recruit and discipline a good army, to watch the motions of the Moguls; and that if he ever should hear of his giving himself up to wine and his former debaucheries, he would certainly withdraw him from that Subaship, and never put confidence in him again.
Baghera, the Sultan's younger son, reforms his manners.

The Prince took the advice of his father to heart, and entirely reforming his manners, gave great proofs of his natural abilities, though his mind had taken a wrong biass in his youth. A place of rendezvouz was appointed, in case of an invasion from the north, on the river Bea, near Lahore, where the two Princes were to join the imperial army from Delhi.

A. D. 1279. Higer. 678.

Tughril rebels in Lucknouti.

Every thing seemed now in perfect peace and security throughout the empire, when Tughril, who was intrusted with the government of Lucknouti, began to appear in arms. In the year 678, this bold and enterprizing man led an army against the Rajas towards Jagenagur, whom he defeated, carrying off some hundreds of elephants and much wealth, out of which he made no acknowledgment to the King. Balin happened at that time to be very sick, insomuch that the news of his death was spread abroad. This intelligence having reached the ears of Tughril, he assumed the red umbrella with all the royal dignities, and declared himself King of Bengal. Balin hearing of this, wrote him an order to return immediately to his allegiance, which having produced no effect, he commanded Ab Tiggi, Suba of Oud, to raise his forces, and declaring him Suba of Bengal, sent Timar Chan Shumshi, Malleck Taje ul dien, Jemmal ul dien, and other generals, to his assistance, with an army from Delhi, to reduce the traitor to obedience.

Defeats the imperial army.

When Ab Tiggi was joined by this force, he crossed the Sirju, now the Gagra or Deo, and proceeded towards Lucknouti, whence Tughril advanced with his forces to meet him. Tughril employed his money so well among the troops of Ab Tiggi, that he drew many of the Turkish chiefs over to his party, and then engaging the imperial army, he gave them a total defeat. The Sultan hearing this news, bit his own flesh with indignation. He ordered ab Tiggi to be hanged at the gate of Oud; and dispatched Turmutti, a Turkish general, with another army against the rebel. Nor was the fate of Turmutti more fortunate than that of his predecessor. He was totally routed, and lost all his baggage and the public treasure.

The Sultan prepares to march against him in person

The Sultan having intelligence of this second disgrace to his arms, was in great affliction, and prepared to take the field in person. He gave orders to build a large fleet of boats, with all expedition, to
A. D. 1279. Higer. 678.

carry his baggage down the river. He, in the mean time, under pretence of going upon a hunting party, went to Sunnam and Samana, the Subaship of his younger son, whom he brought with his army with him to Delhi, leaving Malleck Sotch in the government. Having collected the imperial army, he appointed Malleck ul Omrah, Fuchier ul dien, or chief magistrate of the city, regent during his own absence.

He enters Bengal.

The Emperor crossing the Ganges, without waiting for the dry season, proceeded to Lucknouti by forced marches. But having met with great delay, on account of the roads, and numerous rivers, Tughril heard of his approach, and had time to collect his army, and with all his elephants, treasure and effects, took the rout of Jagenagur[†], with intention to remain there till the Sultan should return to Delhi. The Sultan having arrived in Lucknouti, remained there only a few days. He appointed Hissam ul dien Barbek, governor of the province, and proceeded himself, with his army, towards Jagenagur. At Sunnargaum, the zemindar of that place, Hunnage Rai, joined him with his troops, and promised to guard the river against Tughril, if he should endeavour to escape that way.

Persues the rebels into Orissa.

The Sultan continued his march with great expedition, but he could gain no intelligence of the enemy. He therefore ordered Malleck Barbek beg Birse, with seven thousand chosen horse, to advance ten or twelve crores, in front of the army, and, by all means, to endeavour to gain intelligence of the rebels; but in spite of all enquiry, no satisfactory accounts could for several days be obtained. One day however, Malleck Mahummud Shir, governor of Kole, being out from the advanced guard with forty horse, reconnoitring the country, beheld some bullocks with pack-saddles, and having seized the drivers, began to enquire about the enemy. They obstinately
A. D. 1279. Higer. 678.

pretended ignorance; but the head of one of them being struck off, the rest fell upon their faces, and confessed that they had just left the enemy's camp, which was about two crores in front, that they had halted for that day, and intended to advance to Jagenagur.

A gallant exploit of Mahummud Shir.

Mahummud Shir sent the drivers to Malleck Barbek Birse, who commanded the vanguard, that he might examine them, and proceeded himself as directed, to reconnoitre the enemy's camp. He saw, from a rising ground, the whole encampment, extended over a great plain, with the elephants and cavalry picqueted, and every thing in rest and security. Having fixed his eye upon the rebel's tents, which were pitched in the center of the army, he determined to execute one of the boldest enterprizes perhaps ever attempted. He advanced on full speed, with his forty attendants, whom he fired with the glory of the undertaking, towards the camp, which he was permitted to enter, being taken for one of their own parties. He continued his course to the usurper's tents, and then ordered his men to draw; and rushing into the great tent of audience, which was crowded with men of distinction, put all they met to the sword, crying, "Victory to Sultan Balin!"

Tughril flies,

Tughril, who imagined he was surprized by the imperial army, started from his throne in confusion, and cut his way through the tent behind. He mounted a horse without a saddle, and the cry having now spread through the camp, he was confirmed in his fears, and fled towards the river, with an intention to cross it, that he might make his escape to Jagenagur. In the mean time, Malleck Makuddur, the brother of the gallant Mahummud Shir, having seen the rebel as he fled, pursued him to the river, and shot him with an arrow as he was crossing.
and is killed.

Tughril immediately fell from his horse, and Malleck plunging into the stream, dragged him out by the hair, and cut off his head. At that very instant seeing some of the enemy
A. D. 1279. Higer. 678.

coming that way, he hid the head in the sand, and sending the body down the stream, begun to bath himself in the river. The party questioned him about their King, and then went off without suspicion.

His army fly.

Mahummud's party, in the mean time, having dispatched every body they found in the royal tents, dispersed themselves in such a manner among the enemy, who were now in the greatest confusion, that most of them escaped in the crowd. Tughril being no where to be found, and the panic having run through the whole army, the flight became general, and none thought about any thing but personal safety. Those who remained alive of the forty heroes, loitered in the rear, till the enemy were quite gone off the field. They then returned to the deserted camp, where they chanced to meet Malleck Mukuddur. He related the King's death to his brother, who instantly sent the head to the Sultan. He at the same time dispatched an express to the vanguard, which came up that night, and took possession of the camp.

The Sultan reprimands Mahummud for his rashness,

The Sultan arrived the next day, with the imperial army. He called to him the two gallant brothers, and commanded them to relate the particulars of this astonishing exploit. He heard it with surprize; but instead of praising them, as they expected, he told them that the rashness of their behaviour was inconsistent with their duty and prudence, with much more to the same purpose.
but rewards him.

But he, in a few days, took them into favour, and conferred great titles and honours upon them.

The Sultan finding the enemy had entirely dispersed, returned to Lucknouti, and put every one of the rebel's family, and principal adherents, to death. He did not even spare his innocent women and children; and he carried his cruelty so far, as to massacre a hundred
A. D. 1277. Higer. 678.

Balin's cruelty.

Fakiers, and their chief Shaw Collinder, for having been in great favour with the rebel, who had given him a present of three maunds of gold, to support the society. Balin appointed his son Baghera Chan, King of Lucknouti, bestowing upon him all the ensigns of royalty, and the spoils of Tughril, except the elephants and treasure,
Returns to Delhi.

while he himself returned with his army towards Delhi.

The Sultan was absent upon this expedition three years. Upon his arrival, he conferred great dignities upon Malleck Fuchier ul dien, who had ruled Delhi with great wisdom. He then visited the learned men at their own houses, made them princely presents, and at their instigation, published an act of grace to all insolvent debtors, who were in confinement, striking off, at the same time, all old ballances of revenues due to the crown. Notwithstanding this appearance of humanity, either the policy, or natural cruelty of his disposition, rendered him unmerciful to all rebels. He ordered spits to be erected in the market place, for the execution of all the prisoners taken in the late expedition; and it was with the utmost difficulty, that the Casies, Mufties, and learned men, in a body petitioning their pardon, could obtain it. This venerable body at last, softened the Sultan into mercy, and he drew the pen of forgiveness over their crimes.

His eldest son returns to Delhi.

His eldest son having heard of his father's arrival, proceeded to Delhi to visit him, and was received with the greatest affection and joy.
Invasion of the Moguls.

He had not remained at Delhi three months, during which his father and he were inseparable, when news was brought that the Moguls had invaded Moultan. Mahummud hastened his departure to oppose them; but before he had taken leave, his father called him into a private apartment, and accosted him in the following manner.

He told him,

His father's a vice to Mahummud.

"That he himself had spent a long life in the administration and government of kingdoms; that, by study and experience,
A. D. 1282. Higer. 681.

he had acquired some knowledge, which might be of service to Mahummud after his death, which, in the course of nature, now hastened apace. That therefore he desired he would lend him the ear of attention, and treasure up his maxims in his mind.
When you shall ascend the throne, look upon yourself as the deputy of God. Have a just sense of the importance of your charge. Permit not any meanness of behaviour in yourself, to fully the lustre of your exalted station, nor let avaritious and low-minded men, share your esteem, or bear any part in your administration.

Let your passions be governed by reason, and beware of giving way to your rage. Anger is dangerous in all men; but in Kings it is the weapon of death.

Let the public treasure be expended in the service of the state, with that prudent oeconomy, yet benevolent liberality, which reason will dictate to a mind always intent on doing good.

Let the worship of God be inculcated by your example, and never permit vice and infidelity, unpunished, to hold up their face to the day.

Be ever attentive to the business of the state, that you may avoid the imposition of designing ministers. Make it your study to see them execute your commands, without the least deviation or neglect, for it is by them you must govern your people.

Let your judges and magistrates be men of capacity, religion, and virtue, that the light of justice may illuminate your realms. Let no light behaviour, in public or private, detract from that important majesty which exalts the idea of a King; and let every thing around you be so regulated, as to inspire that reverence and awe which will tender your person sacred, and contribute to enforce your commands.

A. D. 1282. Higer. 681.

Spare no pains to find men of genius, learning, and courage. You must cherish them by your beneficence, that they may prove the soul of your council, and the sword of your power.

Throw not down a great man to the ground for a small crime, nor entirely overlook his offence. Raise not a low man too hastily to a high station, lest he forget himself, and be an eyesore to men of superior merit.

Never attempt any thing, unless it is through necessity, but what you are sure to accomplish; and having once determined upon a measure, let your perseverance be never shaken by doubt, nor your eye ever deviate from the object. For it is better for a King to be obstinate than pusillanimous, as in the first case he may chance to be right, in the latter he is always sure to be wrong. Nothing more certainly indicates the weakness of a prince, than a fluctuating mind.

Mahummud marches against the Moguls.

The Sultan having ended his instructions, embraced his son tenderly, and parted with him in tears. The Prince immediately marched against the enemy, and having defeated and slain Mahummud Chan, chief of the Moguls, he recovered all the territories of which they had possessed themselves in the empire.

The throne of Iran was at this time filled by Argunu Chan, the son of Eback Chan, and grandson of Hallaku Chan, who had conquered that empire about the year 656.
The Moguls invade Hindostan,

Timur Chan Chingezi, who was then an Omrah of mighty renown in the empire of the race of Chingez Chan, and governed Herat, Candahar, Balich, Cabul, Buduchsha, Ghizni, Ghor, Bamia, and other countries, invaded Hindostan, with twenty thousand chosen horse, to revenge the death of his friend Mahummud Chan, who had been killed the former year. Having ravaged all the country about Debalpoor and
A. D. 1283. Higer. 682.

Lahore, he turned towards Moultan. Mahummud Sultan, who was then in Moultan, hearing of his designs, hastened to the banks of the river of Lahore, which runs through part of Moultan, and prepared to oppose him. When Timur Chan advanced to the river, he saw the army of Hindostan on the opposite bank. But the prince, desirous of engaging so great a chief upon equal terms, permitted Timur Chan to pass the river unmolested.

and are defeated by Mahummud,

Both armies then drew up in order of battle, and engaged with great fury, for the space of three hours, in which both commanders eminently distinguished their valour and conduct. The Moguls were at last put to flight, and the Omrahs of Hind pursued them with imprudent disorder. Mahummud, fatigued by the pursuit, halted by a large pond of water, with five hundred attendants, to drink. He there fell prostrate upon the ground, to return God thanks for his victory.

who is surprized and slain.

In the mean time one of the Mogul chiefs, who had hid himself, with two thousand horse, in a neighbouring wood, rushed out upon Mahummud, and began a dreadful slaughter. The prince had just time to mount his horse, and, collecting his small party, and encouraging them by his example, fell upon his enemies. He was at last overpowered by numbers, after having thrice obliged them to give ground, and he unfortunately received a fatal arrow in his breast, by which he fell to the ground, and in a few minutes expired. A body of the troops of Hind appearing at that instant, the Moguls took to flight. Very few of the unfortunate Mahummud's party escaped from this conflict. Among the fortunate few, was Amir Chusero, the poet, who relates this event at large, in his book called Chizer Chani.

When the army returned from the pursuit of Timur Chan, and beheld their prince in his blood, the shouts of victory were changed
A. D. 1286. Higer. 685.

to the wailings of woe.
The grief of the army for the death of the Prince.

No dry eye was to be seen from the meanest soldier to the Omrah of high command. The fatal news reached the old Sultan, who was now in his eightieth year. The fountains of his tears were exhausted, and life became obnoxious to his sight. However, bearing himself up against the stream of misfortune, he sent Kei Chusero his grandson, and the son of the deceased, to supply the place of his father. Kei Chusero, upon his arrival at Moultan, took the command of the army, and pouring the balm of benevolence and kindness upon the wounds of his afflicted people, began to adjust his government, and provide for the defence of his frontiers.

The Sultan worn out with age, sends for his son Baghera to succeed him.

When the Sultan found grief and infirmities began to conquer his vital strength, he sent for his son Baghera Chan from Lucknouti, and appointed him his successor, at the same time insisting that he should continue with him at Delhi till his death; and appoint a deputy for his government of Lucknouti. To this Baghera Chan consented; but finding his father's illness was not likely to come soon to a crisis, he set out for Lucknouti without acquainting him of his departure. This undutiful behaviour in his son, threw the old man into the deepest affliction, so that death began now to press hard upon him.

He in the mean time sent for his grandson Kei Chusero, from Moultan: the Prince hastened to his presence, and a council of all the Omrahs being called, the succession was changed in his favour, all of them promising to enforce the Sultan's last will, in favour of this young Prince.
The Sultan's death.

Balin in a few days expired, in the year 685, after a reign of twenty-two years.

Immediately upon the death of the Emperor, Malleck ul Omrah Fuchur ul dien Cutwal, having assembled the Omrahs, and being
A. D. 1286. Higer. 685.

always in enmity with the father of Chusero, harrangued them upon the present posture of affairs. He assured them that Kei Chusero was a young man of a very violent and untractable disposition, and therefore, in his opinion, unfit to reign; besides, that the power of Baghera Chan was so great in the empire, that a civil war was to be feared if the succession should not be continued in his family. That therefore, as the father was absent, it would be most prudent for the Omrahs to elect his son Kei Kubad, who was a prince of a mild disposition and then present in Delhi.
Kei Kubad the son of Prince Baghera raised to the throne.

So great was the influence of the minister, that he procured the throne for Kei Kubad; and Kei Chusero, glad to escape with life, returned to his former government of Lahore.

In the glorious reign of Sultan Balin, flourished at Delhi, besides the great men we have already mentioned, Shech Ferid ul dien Musaood Shukurgunge, Shech Baha ul dien Zeckeria, Shech Sidder ul dien Arif, Shech Budder ul dien Ghiznavi, Chalipa Chaga Cuttub ul dien Buchtiar Kaki, Seid Mola, and many more, eminent in all branches of science and literature.

SECTION XI. The Reign of Sultan MOAZ UL DIEN KEI KUBAD, ben Bughera Chan, ben Sultan Yeas ul dien Balin.

Kei Kubad.

WHEN Sultan Balin was numbered with the dead, Kei Kubad his grandson, in his eighteenth year, ascended the throne, and assumed the title of Moaz ul dien. He was a prince remarkably handsome in his person, and of an affable and mild disposition. He had a talent for literature, and his knowledge that
A. D. 1286. Higer. 685.

way was pretty extensive. His mother was a beautiful princess, daughter to Nasir ul dien Altumsh; and if purity of blood royal is of any real worth, Kei Kubad had that to boast, for a series of generations.

Luxury prevails at Delhi.

As he had been bred up with great strictness under the wings of his father, when he became master of his own actions he began to give a loose to pleasure without restraint. He delighted in love, and in the soft society of silver bodied damsels with musky tresses, spent great part of his time. When it was publickly known that the King was a man of pleasure, it became immediately fashionable at court; and in short, in a few days, luxury and vice so prevailed that every shade was filled with ladies of pleasure, and every street rung with musick and mirth. Even the magistrates were seen drunk in public, and riot was heard in every house.

Kei Kubad gives himself up to pleasure.

The Sultan built a palace at Kilogurry upon the banks of the river Gion, and retired thither to enjoy his pleasures undisturbed; admitting no company but singers, players, musicians and buffoons.
Malleck Nizam manages public affairs.

Malleck Nizam ul dien, who was nephew and son in law to Fuchir ul dien, entering into the King's humours, gained great favour, and was raised to the dignity of Vakeel Sultanit, and got the reins of government in his hands; and Kuaam ul dien Ellaka, who was the greatest man of that age, was appointed his deputy.

Affaires to the throne.

Malleck Nizam ul dien, seeing that the king was quite swallowed up in his pleasures, began to form schemes to clear his own way to the Empire. The first object of his attention was Kei Chusero, who was now gone to Ghizni, to endeavour to bring Timur Chan over to his party, in order to recover the throne of Delhi; to which he claimed a title from his father's right of primogeniture, as well as
A. D. 1286. Higer. 685.

from the will of the last Sultan. But in this scheme Chusero did not succeed, and he was obliged to return from Ghizni in great disgust.

In the mean time, Nizam ul dien endeavoured to make him as obnoxious as possible to the King, who was at length prevailed upon to entice Chusero to Delhi.
Murders Kei Chusero.

Nizam hired assassins to murder the unfortunate prince on the way, which they accomplished at the vilage of Hicke.
His many villainies.

The villainies of Nizam did not stop here. He forged a correspondence between Chaja Chatire the vizier, and Kei Chusero, and thus effected that minister's disgrace and banishment. He also privately assassinated all the old servants of Sultan Balin, insomuch that a general consternation was spread through the city, though none as yet suspected Nizam as the cause. The more he succeeded in his villainies, he became less secret in the execution; and though he began to be detested by all ranks, his power and influence was so great with the King, that he was the terror of every man.

While things were in this situation, advices arrived of another invasion of Moguls into the districts of Lahore. Malleck Barbeck beg Birse and Chan Jehan were sent with an army against them.
The Moguls defeated.

The Moguls were defeated near Lahore, and a number of prisoners brought to Delhi. The next step the traitor took, was to inspire the King with jealousy of his Mogul troops, who, as soldiers of fortune, had enlisted in great numbers in his service. He pretended that in case of a Mogul invasion, they would certainly join their countrymen against him, insinuating at the same time, that he believed there was already some treachery intended.

Kei Kubad massacres the Moguls in his service.

The weak prince listened to those villainous intimations, and, calling their chiefs one day together, he ordered them to be set upon by his guards and massacred; confiscating, at the same time, all their
A. D. 1288. Higer. 687.

goods and wealth. He seized upon all the Omrahs who had any connections with the Moguls, and sent them prisoners to distant garrisons in the remotest parts of the empire. So blind was Kei Kubad to his own ruin, and so infatuated by this deceitful minister, that when any of his father's friends, or well wishers to himself and the state, made any complaints against the traitor, he immediately called for Nizam himself, and smiling, told him, that such a person had been doing him such and such ill offices, with an intention to alienate his affections from him. The person who preferred the complaint became, by this means, a sacrifice, while fear prevented others from falling martyrs to virtue and honesty.

The minister carries all before him.

When Nizam thus carried all before him in the Durbar, his wife was no less busy in the Haram. She had all the ladies at her devotion; and, by way of particular respect, was called the King's mother. Malleck ul Omrah Fuchir ul dien Cutwal, who had now reached his ninetieth year, perceived the design of the treacherous minister, and called him to his house, and by various arguments, endeavoured to suppress his ambitious schemes, and to lay the deformity of such behaviour fully open to his view. The minister allowed the justice of his reasoning, and affirmed that he had no further intentions than to secure himself in the King's favour. That having, unfortunately, disobliged so many people, it was dangerous for him to permit his authority to decline.

In the mean time, Baghera Chan the Sultan's father, who had contented himself with the kingdom of Bengal, having heard how matters went on at the court of Delhi, penetrated into the designs of the minister, and wrote a long letter to his son forewarning him of his danger, and advising him how to proceed.
Baghera Chan's advice to his son is slighted.

But his advice, like that of others, was of no weight with that vicious, luxurious, and infatuated Prince. When Baghera found that his instructions were
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slighted, and that things would soon be brought to a disagreeable issue,
Marches towards Delhi.

he collected a great army and directed his standards towards Delhi, about two years after the death of Balin. Sultan Kei Kubad hearing that his father had advanced as far as Behar, drew out his forces and marched down to meet him, encamping his army upon the banks of the Gagera. Baghera Chan lay upon the Sirve, and both armies remained some days in hourly expectation of an action. The old man finding his army much inferiour to that of his son, began to despair of reducing him by force, and accordingly began to treat of peace.

The young Prince, upon this, became more haughty, and by the advice of his favourite prepared for battle.
A conference proposed between the father and son.

In the mean time, a letter arrived from his father, wrote in the most tender and affectionate terms, begging he might be blessed with one sight of him before matters were carried to extremities. This letter awakened nature which had slumbered so long in Kei Kubad's breast, and he gave orders to prepare his retinue, that he might visit his father. The favourite attempted all in his power to prevent this interview, but finding the Prince, for once, obstinate, he prevailed upon him to insist, as Emperor of Delhi, upon the first visit, hoping by this means, to break off the conference. His design, however, did not succeed, for the old King, seeing what a headstrong boy he had to deal with, consented to come to the imperial camp, and ordered the Astrologers to determine upon a lucky hour, and crossing the river, proceeded towards his son's camp.

Kei Kubad's insolence.

The young Monarch having prepared every thing for Baghera's reception in the most pompous and ceremonious manner, mounted his throne, and arrogantly gave orders, that his father, upon his approach, should three times kiss the ground. The old man accordingly, when he arrived at the first door, was ordered to
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dismount, and after he had come in sight of the throne, he was commanded to pay his obeysance in three different places as he advanced. The Sultan's Chobdars crying out, according to custom, Baghera Chan to the King of the world sends health.

Mollified upon seeing his father.

The old man was so much shocked at this indignity, that he burst out into a flood of tears; which being observed by the son, he could no longer support his unnatural insolence, but leaping from the throne, fell on his face at his father's feet, imploring his forgiveness for his offence. The good old man melted into compassion, and raising him in his arms embraced him, and hung weeping upon his neck. The scene in short was so affecting on both sides, that the whole court began to wipe the tears from their eyes.

These transports being over, the young Sultan helped his father to mount the throne, and paying him his respects took his place at his right hand, ordering a charger full of golden suns to be waved three times over his father's head, and afterwards to be given among the people. All the Omrahs also presented to him their Nasirs.

A peace settled between them.

Public business being then talked over, every thing was settled in peace and friendship, and Baghera Chan returned to his own camp. A friendly intercourse commenced immediately between the two armies, for the space of twenty days, in which time the father and son alternately visited one another, and the time was spent in festivity and mirth. The principal terms settled between the two Kings were, that they should respectively retain their former dominions;
They return to their respective capitals.

and then Sultan Moaz ul dien Kei Kubad prepared to return to Delhi, and his father to Bengal.

Before they had taken leave, Baghera Chan called his son, the favourite minister and his deputy into a private apartment, and gave
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them a long lecture of advice on the art of government. He then embraced Kei Kubad, and whispered in his ear, to rid himself of Nizam ul dien as soon possible. They both parted in tears, and returned to their respective capitals. Baghera Chan was much affected upon this occasion, and told his friends at his return to his own camp, "that he had that day parted with his son and the empire," still apprehensive of the minister and the wayward disposition of the young man.

Kei Kubad beginning to reform,

When the Sultan arrived at Delhi, the advice of his father for a few days seemed to take root in his mind. But his reformation was not the interest of the minister. He therefore soon brought back his prince to the paths of pleasure. He, for this purpose, collected together all the most beautiful women, most graceful dancers and sweetest singers from all parts of the empire; and these allurements to vice were occasionally introduced to his view.

One day as he was riding out, he was accosted by a beautiful lady, mounted upon a fine Arabian horse, with a crown of jewels upon her head, a thin white robe with golden flowers flowing loosely over her snowy shoulders, and a sparkling girdle of gems around her slender waist. This fair one advancing before the royal umbrella, with a thousand charms and smiles began to sing a love song. Then stopping short, she begged pardon for her intrusion, and would not, without much intreaty, proceed.
is again brought back to pleasure.

The King was struck with the beauty of this enchantress, and immediately dismounting, ordered his camp to be pitched, and employed the evening in the pleasures of love. This damsel was no less remarkable for her wit than for her beauty. The King, while she was dancing, having broke out in rapturous verses upon those charms which she displayed, she answered every time extempore in the same measure, with such
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propriety and elegance as astonished and silenced the greatest wits of the court.

Kei Kubad falls sick.

In short, the King continued in this course of pleasure, till wine, and intemperance in his other passions, had ruined his health. He fell sick, and then began to recollect the advices of his father, and to consider Nizam ul dien as the cause of all his distress. He immediately began to form schemes in his mind to rid himself of that wicked minister. He for this purpose ordered him to the government of Moultan; but Nizam ul dien perceiving his drift, contrived many delays, that he might get a favourable opportunity to accomplish his villainous intentions. His designs, however, in the mean time reverted upon his own head.
Nizam poisoned.

The Omrahs dispatched him by poison, some say without the King's knowledge, while others affirm that it was by his authority.

Promotion at court.

Malleck Jellal ul dien Ferose, the son of Malleck Egherish of Chillige, who was Naib of Sammana, came, by the Sultan's orders, to court, and was honoured with the title of Shaista Chan, and made Lord of requests, as also Suba of Birren. Malleck Itimer Chigen was promoted to a high office at court, and Malleck Eitumur Surcha was made Vakeel of the empire. These three divided the whole power of the government amongst them,
Kei Kubad becomes paralytic.

while the King by this time became afflicted with a palsy, by which he lost the use of one side, and had his mouth distorted.

His son raised to the empire.

Every Omrah of popularity or power, began now to intrigue for the empire, which obliged the friends of the royal family to take Keiomourse, a child of three years, son to the reigning emperor, out of the Haram, and to set him upon the throne. The army upon this, split into two factions, who encamped on opposite sides of the
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city. The Turks[*] espoused the cause of the young King, and the Chilligies, a powerful tribe of Tartars, joined Shaista Chan, who usurped the throne. Upon the first disturbance, those Turks who had set up the young Prince, jealous of the power of the Chilligies, assembled themselves, and proscribed all the principal Chilligian officers.

Shaista Chan rebels.

Jellal ul dien, Shaista Chan, being the first in that bloody list, immediately rebelled. Himar Chigen had been deputed by the Turkish party, to invite Shaista to a conference with the sick Sultan, and a plot was formed for his assassination. Shaista discovering his designs, drew upon the traitor, who came to invite him, and killed him at the door of his tent.

His sons seize the young King.

The sons of Jellal ul dien, who were renowned for their valour, immediately put themselves at the head of five hundred chosen horse, and making an assault upon the camp of the Turks, cut their way to the royal tents, which were pitched in the center of the army, and seizing the infant King, carried him, and the son of Malleck ul Omrah, off, in spite of all opposition, to their father. They killed Malleck Eitumur Surcha, who pursued them, with many other men of distinction.

The citizens of Delhi take arms.

When this exploit began to be noised abroad in the city, the mob flew immediately to arms. They marched out in thousands, and encamping at the Budaoon gate, prepared to go against Jellal ul dien, and rescue the infant King, for they greatly dreaded the power of the Chilligies, who were a fierce and savage race. Malleck ul Omrah, the old minister, so often mentioned, considering that this step would occasion the assassination of the young king, and of his own
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son, who was in their hands, exerted his great influence and authority among the people, and at length prevailed with them to disperse.

Kei Kubad assassinated.

Jellal ul dien, in the mean time, sent an assassin to cut off Kei Kubad, who lay sick, at Kilogurry. The villain found this unfortunate prince dying upon his bed, deserted by all his attendants. He beat out the poor remains of life with a cudgel; then rolling him up in his bed-cloaths, threw him over the window into the river. This assassin was a Turk of some family, whose father had been unjustly put to death by Kei Kubad, and he now had a compleat revenge.

Shaista Chan ascends the throne.

When this horrid deed was perpetrated, Shaista Chan ascended the throne, and assumed the title of Jellal ul dien, having put an end to the dynasty of Ghor, and commenced that of Chillige. Malleck Chidju, nephew to Sultan Balin, and who was now esteemed the just heir of the empire, was immediately appointed Suba of Kurrah, and sent off to his government. Jellal ul dien marched into the palace, and was proclaimed with great solemnity in the city; and to compleat his villainy, he made away with the young prince, that he might reign with the greater security.

This great revolution happened in the year six hundred and eighty-seven, the reign of Sultan Kei Kubad being something more than three years; a time long and disastrous, if we look upon the villanies of Nizam ul dien, and the consequent overthrow of the family of Balin.

SECTION XII. The Reign of SULTAN JELLAL UL DIEN Firose of Chillige.

A. D. 1289. Higer. 688.

Different opinions concerning the origin of the tribe of Chillige.

NIZAM UL DIEN AHMUD says in his history, that the tribe of Chillige derived their origin from Calidge Chan. Callidge, continues that writer, having quarrelled with his wife, who was an imperious and vindictive woman, and fearing she would draw the resentment of her brother Chingez Chan upon him, deserted his army as he was passing the mountains of Ghor and Ghirgistan, in his return from the conquest of Iran. Three thousand of his friends followed Calidge, and took possession of those mountains, where they were afterwards joined by many of their countrymen, and even by some of the family of Chingez Chan.

Other historians, with equal improbability, affirm, that we ought to look for the origin of the Chilligies, as far back as Eaphs the son of Noo[†], who, say they, had eleven sons, one of whom was called Chillige. But we have reason to think that neither of the accounts is authentic, the one being too modern, and the other too antient, to merit our faith. We hear of this tribe of Chillige in the reigns of Subuctagi, and Mamood of Ghizni, which entirely destroys the former supposition; and we have great doubts concerning the existence of Chillige the son of Eaphs, being persuaded that this idle story took its rise from the natural vanity of nations, in tracing themselves back to remote antiquity.

This tribe however, as we have already observed, inhabited the mountains of Ghor and Ghirgistan, and were a brave and hardy, though
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barbarous race. They make a business of war, and always served as mercenaries any power that chose to employ them. The father of that Shaista Chan, who mounted the throne of Delhi, was Egherish. He was one of those soldiers of fortune, who subsist by the sword; and raised himself to some rank, in the army of Sultan Balin. His son Firose being a man of genius, was appointed to the government of Samana. He was called from thence, as before related, and usurped the empire. He reserved for some months, the young Prince Keiomours, as a cloak to his villainy;
He murders the infant Emperor.

and having established himself upon the throne, he ordered him to be put to death. He was seventy years of age when he mounted the Musnud. Firose, by way of plainness, changed the royal umbrella from red to white; laid entirely aside his cruelty, after the death of the young Prince; and became remarkable for his humanity and benevolence.

Resides at Kilogurry.

He had no great confidence in the loyalty of the people of Delhi, and therefore resided always at Kilogurry, which he strengthened with works, and adorned with fine gardens, and beautiful walks by the side of the river. The Omrahs following the Sultan's example, built palaces around, so that Kilogurry became known by the name of the new city.

Confers honours upon his son.

Egherish Chan, the Sultan's brother, was appointed Ariz Mumalick, or receiver-general of all petitions to the throne; and the Emperor's eldest son was dignified with the title of Chan Chanan[†]: The second son, with the title of Arkali Chan; and the third with that of Kuder Chan. They had all governments conferred upon them, and maintained separate households. Chaja Chatire was appointed Vizier, and the old chief magistrate of the city, Malleck ul Omrah, Fuchir ul dien, was continued in his office.

Seeks after popularity.

The citizens of Delhi perceiving the wisdom, lenity, and justice of the King, were gradually weaned from their attachment to the old
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family, and became friends and supporters of the new government. The Sultan himself was at much pains to cultivate popularity, and for that purpose he gave great encouragement to the learned of that age, who, in return, offered the incense of flattery at the altar of his fame.
The nephew of Sultan Balin rebels

In the second year of Firose, Malleck Chidju, nephew to Sultan Balin, and the Nabob of Kurrah, in alliance with Halim Chan, Nabob of Oud, assumed the ensigns of royalty, and struck the currency of the country in his own name, which he changed to that of Moghiz ul dien. He brought over to his party all the Rajas and Jagierdars of those parts, and, raising a great army, advanced towards Delhi.

His army defeated.

Advices of this insurrect on arriving in the capital, the Sultan collected his forces, and marched out to meet the rebels. He sent the Chilligian cavalry, who excelled at the bow, a few miles in his front, under the command of Arkilli Chan his own son. Arkilli encountering the enemy about twelve crores from the city, after an obstinate engagement, defeated them. He took several Omrahs prisoners in the pursuit, whom he mounted upon camels, with branches hung round their necks; and in that plight sent them to the Sultan. When he saw them in this distress, he immediately ordered them to be unbound, to have a change of linen given them, and an elegant entertainment to be provided. He called them before him, and repeated a verse to this purpose, "That evil for evil was easily returned, but he only was great who could return good for evil." He then ordered them to retire, in full assurance of his forgiveness.

He is taken,
〈◊〉

pardoned.Malleck Chidju, some days after, was taken by the Zemindars, and sent prisoner to the King. Instead of condemning him to death, as was expected, the Sultan gave him a free pardon, and sent him to Moultan, where he had a handsome appointment for life, as prisoner at large. This lenity of the King, gave great umbrage to the Omrahs of Chillige, who addressed him upon the occasion, and advised him to pursue the policy of Sultan Balin, who never pardoned a traitor. They desired, that, at least, a needle should be
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passed through the eyes of Malleck Chidju, to be an example to others. If that was not done, they averred, that treason would soon raise its head in every quarter of the empire; and, should the Turks once gain the superiority, they would not leave the name of Chillige in Hindostan. The King answered, that what they said was certainly according to the true policy of government;
Clemency of the Emperor

but, my friends, says he, I am now an old man, and I wish to go down to the grave without shedding blood.

This behaviour of the Sultan, it must be acknowledged, had soon the effect which the Chilligian chiefs foresaw. Clemency is a virtue which descends from God, but the degenerate children of Hind did not deserve it.
occasions disturbances.

There was no security to be found in any place. The streets, the highways, were infested by banditti. House-breaking, robbery, murder, and every other species of villainy, became a business all over the empire. Insurrections were heard of in every province, numerous gangs of robbers stopt all commerce and intercourse, and the Nabobs refused or neglected to send any account of their revenues or administration.

The Omrahs conspire against him.

The Omrahs of Chillige were greatly alarmed at these proceedings, and began to lengthen the tongue of reproach against their Sovereign. They even began to consult about deposing him, and to raise Malleck Tage ul dien Kugi, who was a man of influence, courage, and resolution, to the throne. For this purpose they met one day, at an entertainment in his house; but having intoxicated themselves with wine, they began openly to talk of assassinating the emperor, quarreling about which of them should have the honour of that undertaking. While they were in this situation, one of the company privately withdrew, and running to the Sultan, repeated very circumstantially every particular of what he had heard. The Sultan immediately ordered a guard to surround the house, who having seized the Omrahs,
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brought them all before him. He upbraided them with their treason, he drew his sword, and throwing it down upon the ground, challenged the boldest of them to wield it against him. But they fell upon their faces, and remained silent and confounded.
Are discovered and pardoned.

One of them however, whose name was Malleck Nuserit, was gifted with more impudence than the rest, and told the King, that "the words of drunkenness were but wind: Where can we ever find so good and gracious a King, if you should be no more? Or where can the King get so faithful servants, were he to condemn us for a little unguarded folly?"

Remarkable story of a Dirvesh.

The unguarded Prince was pleased with this, and smiling, called for wine, and gave him another cup with his own hand. He then upbraided the rest for their conduct, advised them to behave better for the future, and dismissed them all with his pardon.

The execution of a Dirvesh is one of the most remarkable events in this reign. The name of the Dirvesh was Seid Molah, and the whole affair has been thus delivered down in history.

Malleck ul Omrah Fuchir ul dien Cutwal, dying about this time, all the great men, who by his interest, held Jagiers and places at court, were deprived of them, and reduced to want. Among other dependants of the venerable Cutwal[*], that became destitute by his death, were twelve thousand readers of the Coran[†], and some thousands of his Sipais and servants. All these turned their face towards Seid Molah for their maintenance.

His history.

This Seid Molah was a venerable sage, in a mendicant dress, who travelled from Girjan towards the east, where he visited various
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countries, and men famous for piety and knowledge. He then turned his face towards Hindostan, to visit Shech Ferid ul dien Shuckergunge, a famous poet and philosopher of that age, with whom he resided, some time, in great friendship. But in the reign of Sultan Balin, having an inclination to see Delhi, he took leave of his friend, who advised him to cultivate no intimacy with the great men of the court, otherwise it would prove fatal to him in the end.

Arrives at Delhi,

Seid Molah arriving at Delhi, set up a great academy and house of entertainment for travellers, fakiers and the poor of all denominations, turning none away from his door. Though he was very religious, and brought up in the Mahommedan faith, yet he followed some particular tenets of his own, so that he never attended public worship. He kept no women nor slaves for himself, and lived upon rice only; yet his expences in charity were so great, that, as he never accepted of any presents, men were astonished whence his finances were supplied, and actually believed, that he possessed the art of transmuting other metals into gold. Upon the death of Sultan Balin he launched out more and more in bestowing great sums in charity, and expended a princely revenue in his entertainments, which were now frequented by all the great men of the city; for he made nothing of throwing three or four thousand pieces of gold into the bosom of a noble family in distress.
his magnificence and charity.

In short, he displayed more magnificence in his feasts than any of the princes of the empire. His charity was so unbounded, that he expended daily, upon the poor, a thousand maunds of flower, five hundred maunds of meat, eighty maunds of sugar, besides rice, oil, butter and other necessaries in proportion. The mob, at length, crouded his gates in such numbers, that it was almost impossible to pass that way. In the mean time, the sons of the Emperor and all the princes of the court resorted to him with all their retinues, and spent whole days and nights in innocent festivity and philosophical conversation.
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After the death of Fuchir ul dien Cutwal, the Dirvesh stretched forth his hand to his numerous dependants, and supported them in plenty and ease.

In the mean time, Casi Jellal ul dien, a man of an intriguing turbulent disposition, wrought himself into the favour and confidence of Seid Molah, and being endued with art and plausibility of tongue, began to inspire the philosopher with ambitious views. He told him that the people looked upon him as sent by God to deliver the kingdom from the tyranny and oppression of the Chilligies, and to bless Hindostan with a wise and just government.

Aspires to the throne.

The philosopher, in short, suffered his imagination to be deluded by the splendid ideas of royalty, and privately began to bestow titles and offices upon his disciples, and to take other measures to execute his designs.
Conspires against the King.

He engaged Beregin Cutwal and Heitaï Palwan, two of his particular friends, to join in the King's retinue on friday as he went to the public mosque, and to assassinate him; while he himself prepared about ten thousand of his adherents to support his usurpation. But one of his followers, understanding that some others of less merit than himself were appointed to be his superiors, became disgusted, went privately to the King, and disclosed to him every particular of the conspiracy.

He is seized,

The King ordered Seid Molah and Jellal ul dien to be immediately seized and brought before him for examination. But they persisted in their innocence, and no other witness appeared against them, which rendering the accusation doubtful, the Sultan ordered a great fire to be prepared in the field of Bahapoor, that they might be put to the ordeal trial. He himself marched out of the city to see the ceremony performed, and ordered a ring to be made round the pile. The fire being kindled, the Sultan commanded Seid
A. D. 1290 Higer. 689.

Mola and the two assassins to be brought, that they might walk through the flames to prove their innocence. Having said their prayers they were just going to plunge into the fire, when the Sultan stopped them short, and turning to his ministers, said, "that the nature of fire was to consume, paying no respect to the righteous more than to the wicked. Besides, said he, it is contrary to the Mahommedan law to practise this heathenish superstition."

Ordered to perpetual imprisonment.

He therefore ordered Casi Jellal to Budaoon, and Seid Molah to be thrown into chains in a vault under the palace, and the two men who were to perpetrare the assassination to be put to death. He, at the same time, banished a number of those who were suspected of the conspiracy. When they were carrying Seid Molah through the court to his prison, the King pointed him out to some Collinders who stood near him, and said, "Behold the man who was projecting such evil against us! I therefore leave him to be judged by you, according to his deserts."

At the word, a Collinder whose name was Beri, started forth, and running towards the prisoner began to cut him with a razor. The unfortunate Dirvesh told him to be more expeditious in sending him to God. He then addressed himself to the King, who was looking over the balcony, and said, I am rejoiced that you have thought of putting a period to my life; yet to distress the pious and the innocent is an evil, and be assured that my curse will lie heavy upon you and your unfortunate posterity. The King hearing these words, became pensive and perplexed.
Put to a cruel death.

His son Arkilli Chan, who hated Seid Molah for the great intimacy between him and his elder brother Chan Chanan, seeing the Emperor's irresolution, beckoned to an elephant rider, who stood in the court mounted, to advance, which accordingly he did, and commanded his elephant to tread Seid Molah to death.

A. D. 1291. Higer. 690.

A prodigy.

Zea ul dien Birni, in his history of Firoze Shaw, informs us that he himself was at that time in Delhi, and that, immediately upon the death of Seid Molah, a black whirl-wind arose, which for the space of half an hour, changed day into night, drove the people in the streets against one another, so that they could scarce grope their way to their own habitations. The same author relates, that no rain fell in these provinces during that year, and the consequence was a most terrible famine, by which thousands daily died in the streets and highways; while whole families drowned themselves in the river. But these were the throes of nature, and not the rage of the elements for Seid Molah. This event happened in the year 690, and the loss of the Dirvesh was much regretted, for many believed him entirely innocent of the charge.

The good fortune of the King declines.

The prosperity of the King began visibly to decline, for every day new factions and disputes arose, which greatly disturbed his administration. Private misfortunes pressed hard upon him at the same time; among the number of which was the madness of his eldest son Chan Chanan, heir apparent of the empire. No medicines could cure that prince, and the distemper hourly-gaining ground soon terminated in his death.

He marches to Rintimpore.

The King, after the decease of his son, marched his army towards Rintimpore to quell an insurrection in th•se parts. He left his son Arkilli Chan to manage affairs in his absence. The enemy having retired into the fort of Rintimpore, and the King having reconnoitered the place, despaired of reducing it. He marched towards a small sort called Jain, which he took, then breaking down the temples of Malava, plundered them of some wealth and again returned to Rintimpore. He summoned the sort a second time to surrender, but finding the rebels paid no attention to his threats, he gave orders to undermine the walls. He however changed his resolution, and
A. D. 1291. Higer. 691.

decamped, saying, that he found the place could not be taken without the loss of many lives, and therefore that he would lay aside his designs against it. Malleck Amed Chip, who was one of the pillars of the empire, replied, that Kings in the time of war, should make no account of those things, when compelled to it by justice and the necessity of supporting their authority, which was now plainly the case. The King, in wrath, asked him how he came to think that these were not his sentiments; "but I have often, said he, told you, that now being on the brink of the grave, I am unwilling to entail the curse of widows and orphans upon the reign of a few days." He therefore continued his march to Delhi.

The Moguls invade Hindostan.

In the year 691, one of the kinsmen of Hallacu Chan[*], invaded Hindostan with ten tomans[†] of Moguls. The Sultan having received advices of the approach of the enemy, collected his army and moved forward to oppose them. When he reached the frontiers of Biraam, he saw the Moguls in front beyond a small river. Both armies encamped for the space of five days upon either side of this stream, during which time their advanced posts skirmished frequently, and many were killed.

The armies at last, by mutual consent, pitched upon an extensive plain where they might have room to contend for the victory. Accordingly on the sixth morning they drew up in order of battle, and closed up the dreadful interval of war.
Overthrown by the Sultan.

The Moguls, after an obstinate contest were overthrown, many of their chiefs killed, and about a thousand men taken prisoners. Among the latter were two Omrahs and several officers of rank. The Sultan, notwithstanding this victory was afraid to pursue it, and offered them peace, upon condition of their evacuating his dominions. They accordingly
A. D. 1292. Higer. 692.

gladly accepted of those terms, and presents were exchanged between them. When the Moguls were retreating, Allaghu Chan, grandson to the great Chingez Chan, joined the Sultan with three thousand men. They all became Mussulmen, and their chief was honoured with one of the Sultan's daughters in marriage.

Arkilli Chan made governor of Lahore.

The King, about this time, appointed his son Arkilli Chan, viceroy of Lahore, Moultan and Sind, with whom he left a strong force, and returned himself to his capital. To Allaghu Chan and the rest of the Moguls who had now become true believers, was allotted a certain district near the city, where they built for themselves houses, and raised a considerable town, known by the name of Mogulpurra.

In the year 692, the Sultan was under the necessity of marching his army again to quell an insurrection about Mindu, which fort he took, and put the enemy to flight.
The expeditions of Alla ul dien.

In the mean time, Malleck Alla ul dien, the King's nephew, and governor of Kurrah, requested to be permitted to march against the Hindoos of Belsa who infested his province. Having obtained leave, he marched the same year to Belsa, which he took, and having pillaged the country returned with much spoil, part of which was sent as a present to the Sultan; among other things there was a large brazen idol, which was thrown down, by the Budaoon-gate. The Sultan was greatly pleased with the success and behaviour of Alla ul dien upon this expedition, for which he rewarded him with princely presents, and annexed the subadary of Oud to his former government of Kurrah.

Alla ul dien, upon this preferment, acquainted the King that there were some Rajas of great wealth towards Chinderi, whom, if the Sultan should give him permission, he would reduce to his obedience, and send their spoils to the royal treasury. The King,
A. D. 1293. Higer. 693.

through covetousness, consented to this proposal, to which Alla ul dien was moved by the violent temper of his wife Mallike Jehan the Sultan's daughter, who threatened his life. To avoid therefore her resentment and that of her father, he looked round for some remote country which might afford him an asylum.
Marches into the Decan.

Accordingly, in the year 693, he took leave of the Sultan at Delhi, and proceeding towards Kurrah, took many chiefs of distinction into his service. He marched with eight thousand chosen horse, by the nearest road against Ramdeo, Raja of the Decan, who possessed the wealth of a long series of Kings.

Alla ul dien, arriving upon the frontiers of the Decan, pressed forward against the capital of Rumdeo's dominions, which, not being fortified, he was in hopes of surprizing. Though this attempt seemed too bold to be attended with success, yet he persisted in his resolution, and by surprizing marches reached Elichpoor, where he made a short halt to refresh his small army. He marched from thence with equal expedition, towards Deogire the capital. Intelligence of Alla's progress coming to the Raja, who, with his son, had been absent upon some service in a distant part of his dominions, he returned with great expedition to intercept the enemy with a numerous army.
Overthrows Ramdeo.

He accordingly threw himself between Alla and the city, engaged him with consummate bravery, but in the end he was defeated with great loss.

Another account of this expedition.

This expedition is otherwise recorded by the author of the Tibcat Nasiri. Alla ul dien, says that writer, left Kurrah on pretence of hunting, and having passed through the territories of many petty Rajas, avoided all hostilities, giving out that he had lest the Emperor in disgust, and was going to offer his services to the Raja of the Tillingas Ram Chunder, who was the most powerful King in the Decan. Accordingly, after two months march, he arrived
A. D. 1293. Higer. 693.

without any remarkable opposition at Elichpoor, from whence at once changing his course, he decamped in the night, and in two days surprized the city of Deogire the capital of Ramdeo. The Raja himself was in the city, but his wife and his eldest son had gone to worship at a certain temple without the walls.

Ramdeo, upon the approach of Alla, was in the greatest consternation.
Alla takes Deogire.

He however collected three or four thousand citizens and domesticks, engaged Alla ul dien at one of the gates of the city, but being defeated, retired into the citadel. This fort having no ditch, and not being stored with provisions, he had no hopes of defending it long. Alla ul dien immediately invested the place. In the mean time he gave out, that he was only the van-guard of the Emperor's army, who were on full march to the place. This struck universal terror into all the Rajas round, who, instead of joining for the general safety, began to secure themselves.
Alla's cruelty.

Alla ul dien having pillaged the city and seized upon the merchants, brahmins and principal inhabitants, tortured them for their wealth; while he at the same time carried on the siege of the citadel.

Ramdeo seeing he must soon be obliged to yield, and imagining that the Emperor intended to make a general conquest of the Decan, endeavoured to procure a peace before any other forces arrived. He therefore wrote after this manner to Alla.

Your invasion of this country was certainly impolitic and rash, but fortunately for you, having found the city unguarded, you have been permitted to range at large. It is however possible that the Rajas of the Decan, who command innumerable armies, may yet surround you, and not permit one of your people to escape from our dominions alive. Supposing even that you should be able to retreat from hence undisturbed, are not the Rajas of Malava, Candez and
A. D. 1293. Higer. 693.

Gundwarra in your way, who have each armies of forty or fifty thousand men? Do you hope they will permit you to escape unmolested, after this perfidious attack on their brethren, in religion and Gods?
Ramdeo proposes terms of peace,

It is therefore adviseable for you to retire in time, by accepting a small reward, and what spoil you have already got, to indemnify you for your expence and labour.

which Alla accepts.

Malleck Alla ul dien was very glad to accept of those proposals, and having received fifty maunds of gold, a large quantity of pearls and jewels, fifty elephants, and some thousand horses, which were taken in the Rajas stables, he released his prisoners, and promised to abandon the place in the morning of the fifteenth day, from his first entrance.

Ramdeo's son advances with an army.

But when Alla was preparing to retreat, the Raja's eldest son, who had fled with his mother, on the first appearance of the imperial troops, to collect forces, advanced with a numerous army, within a few miles of the city. Ramdeo sent a message to his son, informing him, that peace was concluded, and whatever was done, was done. He therefore ordered him not to open again the door of disturbance, for that he perceived the Turks were a warlike race, whose peace was better than their war. The young Prince however, understanding that his army was thrice the number of the enemy, and expecting hourly to be joined by other Rajas, with numerous forces, listened not to the commands of his father, but wrote to Alla ul dien in these terms:

His
〈◊〉

letter to Alla.If you have any love for life, and desire safety, rush out of this horrible whirlpool, into which you have plunged yourself. Whatever you have plundered and received, you must return, and take your way homeward, rejoicing in your happy escape.

A. D. 1293. Higer. 693.

Alla ul dien, upon reading this insolent letter, kindled the fire of rage, and blackening the face of the messenger, hooted him out of the city. He left Malleck Nuserit to invest the citadel with a thousand horse, and immediately marched with the rest of his army, to attack the Raja's son, and drew up in the front of his camp.

Is overthrown.

The Hindoo did not decline the offered battle. He drew forth his numerous squadrons, and the battle commenced with such violence, that the stout heart of Alla ul dien began to quake for the victory. His troops began to fall back on all sides. In the mean time Malleck Nuserit having learned by his scouts, the situation of affairs, left the citadel without orders, and galloping up to the field of battle, with his thousand horse, changed the fortune of the day. The dust having prevented the enemy from discovering the force of Nuserit, some person cried out, that the Turkish army, of whom they had been told, was arrived. This spread instantly a panic through the Hindoo ranks, and they at once turned their face to flight. Alla ul dien did not think proper to pursue them far, but immediately returned into the city, and invested the citadel.

Cruelty of the Turks.

A scene of cruelty and horror now commenced. The Turks, enraged at the perfidy of the Hindoos, for their breach of the treaty, began to spread fire and sword through the city; from which no discipline could restrain them. Several of the Raja's kindred, who had been taken prisoners, were in chains, thrown down in sight of the enemy. The Raja, in the mean time, sent express upon express, to hasten the succours which he expected from the Raja of Kilbirga, Tillingana, Malava, and Candez: but was informed, that there remained no provisions in the place, for that a great number of bags, in which they had reckoned upon rice, had been found, upon examination, to be salt.

A. D. 1293. Higer. 693.

The Raja in great distress.

The Raja was greatly perplexed; he commanded that this should be concealed from the troops, and began a second time to propose a treaty with Alla ul dien.

Proposes terms.

It must be known to you, said the Raja, O! my lord, that your well-wisher, Ramdeo, had no hand in the late quarrel. If my son, in the way of folly, and the pride of youth, exalted the spear of valour and hostility, let not your resentment be kindled against me for his rashness.

Ramdeo told the messenger privately, that there was no provisions in the place, and that if the enemy should persist a few days, they must be informed of their distress, which would inevitably bring on the ruin of the whole. For, said the Raja, supposing we should be able to hold out the place against the assaults of the enemy, yet famine cannot be withstood; and there is now scarce six days provision left. Use then every art, and take any means, to persuade the army of Islam[†], to evacuate the country.

A peace concluded.

But Malleck Alla ul dien, from the behaviour of Ramdeo, perceived the true cause of his proposals, and therefore started every day some new difficulty to retard the treaty, till the garrison was in the utmost distress. But at length it was concluded, according to our author, upon the following almost incredible terms; that Alla ul dien should receive, upon consideration of evacuating the country, six hundred maunds, of pure gold, according to the weights of the Decan[‡], seven maunds of pearl, two maunds of diamonds, rubies, emeralds, and sapphires, one thousand maunds of silver, four thousand pieces of silk, and a long list of other precious commodities that surpass all belief. This ransom was not only required, but also the cession of Elichpoor, and its dependancies, where Alla might leave
A. D. 1294. Higer. 694.

a small garrison to collect the revenues, which should remain there unmolested.

Alla retreats with an immense treasure.

Malleck Alla ul dien, having settled affairs to his satisfaction, released all his prisoners, and marched in triumph out of the city with his plunder, and proceeded on his way homeward, on the twenty-fifth day after his taking the city. He conducted his retreat with such surprizing address, that he opened his way through extensive and powerful kingdoms; through Malava, Conduana, Candez, and others, though he was surrounded by numerous armies, who admiring his order and resolution, made but faint and irresolute attacks, which served only to adorn his triumph. We may here justly remark, that in the long volumes of history, there is scarcely any thing to be compared to this exploit, whether we regard the resolution in forming the plan, the boldness of the execution of it, or the fortune which attended the attempt. We cannot help to lament, that a man formed for such great exploits, should not be actuated by better motives than rapine, violence, and the thirst of gain.

The Sultan suspects Alla of treasonable designs.

When Alla ul dien marched to Deogire, all communication with Kurrah being stopt, no news was heard of him for some months. The person, whom he left his deputy, to make the King easy, wrote, that he had accounts of his being busy in the conquest of Chinderi, and amused him every day with false intelligence. But as the King, for the space of six months, had received no letters from under his own hand, he began to suspect treason; and in the year 695, under a pretence of hunting, ordered out his retinue, and proceeded towards Gualier, where he encamped, and built a Choultry, inscribing a verse to this purpose, over the door.—
"I who press with my foot the celestial pavement, what same can I acquire by a heap of stones and mortar? No! I have joined these broken stones together, that,
A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.

perhaps, under their shade, the weary traveller, or broken-hearted, may find repose."

Alla ul dien returns towards Kurrah.

In the mean time Firose Shaw received private intelligence, that Alla ul dien had conquered Deogire, and had acquired there such wealth, as had never been possessed by an Emperor of Delhi, and that he was now upon his march towards Kurrah. The King was greatly pleased with this intelligence, and reckoned upon the spoil, as if already in his own treasury. But men of more wisdom thought otherwise, and justly concluded, that it was not to fill the royal coffers, as Alla ul dien, without the King's authority, had undertaken such a daring expedition. They however waited to see the event, without informing the King of their suspicions.
The Sultan consults his council concerning Alla.

The King having one day assembled his council, and told them, that Alla ul dien was now on his march to Kurrah with immense plunder, requested their advice whether it was most prudent to remain where he was, and command Alla to his presence, to march towards him, or to return to Delhi.

Malleck Ahmed Chip, who was renowned for his wisdom and penetration, expressed his suspicions to the King, in a rational and plausible manner.
They differ in their opinions.

He advised the Sultan, at the same time, to advance with his army towards Chinderi, and to encamp in the way between Alla ul dien and Kurrah. This, said he, will discover Alla's intentions, before he has time to augment his army. Ahmed Chip added further,
"that, upon the appearance of the imperial army, it was highly probable, that the troops of Alla ul dien, being laden with spoil, and within their own country, would not chuse to hazard the loss of it by an action; but would rather endeavour to secure their wealth among the mountains. That, by this means, Alla ul dien would be deserted by the greatest part of his small army, which would oblige him to think of nothing but peace, and to lay all his wealth at the
A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.

foot of the throne. That the King in that case might take all the gold, jewels, and elephants, permitting him to retain the remainder for himself, and either leave him his government, or carry him to Delhi, according to the royal pleasure."

Malleck Fuchier ul dien Kudgi, though he was sensible of the prudence of this advice, yet turning his eyes upon the Emperor, he perceived he did not at all approve of it; and therefore began to this effect: "The news of Alla ul dien's return, the amount of his plunder, and the truth of his conquest, has not yet been confirmed but by flying reports, which we all know are often vague and extravagant. Supposing even that this account is true, is it not natural to imagine, that when he shall hear of the approach of the imperial army, that the fear of false accusation, or evil designs against him, will prevail on him to retreat among the mountains? From whence, as the rainy season is at hand, it will be impossible to dislodge him. Let us not therefore cast off our shoes, before we reach the river, but wait till Alla shall arrive at Kurrah. If then it shall appear, that he cherishes his treasonable views, one assault of the imperial army will crush his ambition."

Malleck Ahmed Chip, having heard this perfidious advice, was kindled into generous resentment, and replied; "The time passes,—As soon as Alla ul dien shall have escaped us, will he not proceed by the way of Oud to Lucknouti, where his treasure will soon enable him to raise such an army as neither you nor I will be able to oppose? O shame! that men should know better, yet not have the honesty to give salutary advice."

The Sultan was displeased with those words, and spoke thus to the Omrahs who stood near him.
"Malleck Chip does always ill offices to Alla ul dien. He endeavours to raise my suspicion and resentment
A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.

against him; but such private rancour shall have no weight with the King; I am so well assured of the loyalty of Malleck Alla ul dien, whom I have nursed in my bosom, that I should sooner believe treason in my son than in him."

Malleck Ahmed, upon this, shut the door of argument, and, rising with some emotion, walked out, striking one hand upon the other, and repeating a verse to this purpose. "When the sun of prosperity is eclipsed, no advice can enlighten the mind." The King bestowing great commendations on Kudgi, marched back with his army to Delhi.

Alla ul dien's insidious message to the King,

Not many days after the Sultan's arrival, the address of Alla ul dien was brought to him, setting forth, that "he was the King's slave, and that all his own wealth was consecrated to him; that being wearied by a tedious march, he begged some repose at Kurrah. That he intended to kiss the footstool of the throne, but that, knowing he had some enemies at court, who might have, in his absence, defamed him, and deprived him of his majesty's favour, he, and the chiefs who accompanied him in the expedition, in which he was sensible he had exceeded his orders, were apprehensive that some punishment might be inflicted upon them. That he therefore requested to have a letter of grace, to assure him and his followers of perfect safety, under the royal protection."
which deceives the Sultan.

The King having received this address, expressed great joy, and entirely laid aside all suspicions of Alla ul dien. He ordered a letter full of kindness, and the most solemn assurances of protection, to be wrote to him, and dispatched by the hands of two messengers of distinction.

Alla pre
•…

to 〈…〉 Bengal.In the mean time Alla ul dien was preparing to retreat to Bengal. He was now joined by all the Zemindars of the neighbouring districts, who inlisted themselves under his fortunate banners. The messengers
A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.

perceived plainly his intentions, but they were detained, and watched so strictly, that they could send no advices to the King. Malleck Almass, who was also son in law and nephew to Sultan Firose, in the mean time received advices from his brother Alla ul dien, "That it was now become public at Kurrah, that the King intended certainly to take his life, for proceeding to Deogire contrary to his orders. That he repented the occasion, and had taken his Majesty's displeasure, which to him was worse than death, so much to heart, that he was afraid excess of sorrow would put an end to his melancholy life: He therefore requested, that his brother should inform him, before the King put his design in execution, that he might either take poison, or look out for a place of security."

His insidious letters to the court.

Letters to the same purpose were, day after day, wrote to his brother, Almass Beg, who being in the plot, was constantly at court, and shewed them to the King, seemingly distracted, lest his brother should lay violent hands upon himself, or fly his country. He used a thousand delusive arts to inveigle the King, who no less feared the loss of the treasure than his nephew's life, to Kurrah.
The Sultan inveigled to proceed to Kurrah.

The old man, at last, took the golden bait, and embarked with a thousand horse, and a small retinue, on the Ganges, ordering Malleck Ahmed Chip to follow with the army by land.

Alla ul dien, hearing of the Sultan's departure from Delhi, crossed the Ganges with his army, and encamped near Mannickpoor, upon the opposite bank. When, upon the seventeenth of Ramzaan, the Sultan's umbrella appeared in sight, Alla ul dien drew out his army, on pretence of doing him honour, and sent his brother Almass Beg, who had come on before to concert measures to introduce the King into camp. This artful traitor represented to the Sultan, that if he should take the thousand horse with him, Alla ul dien might be alarmed; for that some bad people had confirmed him so strongly
A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.

in his fears, that all he could say to him was not sufficient entirely to expell his suspicions.

Persuaded to leave his retinue behind him.

The poor old King suspecting nothing of this horrid treachery, from a man whom he had cherished from his infancy in his bosom, gave into this proposal. He ordered a few of his select friends into his own boat, and commanded the fleet to remain some distance behind. When they came near the camp, Almass Beg again opened the mouth of delusion, and told the King, that his brother seeing so many men in compleat armour, might possibly be startled; that therefore as he had taken such ridiculous notions into his head, which no body could remove, it were better to avoid the least appearances to favour them. The weak King might have seen that this was overdoing the matter, but perhaps he thought it now too late to reveal his suspicions, being near the skirts of the camp, and that an open confidence might be his best security. He therefore ordered all his attendants to unbuckle their armour, and lay their weapons aside. Malleck Charram, Vakiel of the Empire, opposed this step with great vehemence, for he plainly saw into the bottom of their perfidy. But the traitor had such a soft and plausible tongue, that at last he yielded, though with great reluctance.

They had now reached the landing place, and Alla ul dien appeared upon the bank with his attendants, whom he ordered to halt. He himself advancing alone met the Sultan just after he had landed upon the beach, and fell down prostrate at his feet. The old man in a familiar manner tapped him on the cheek, and raising him up, embraced him, saying,
"I who have brought you up from your infancy, and cherished you with a fatherly affection, holding you dearer in my sight, if possible, than my own offspring, and who have not yet washed the odors of your infant smiles from my garments, how could you imagine I should entertain a thought to your
A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.

prejudice."
Then taking him by the hand he was leading him back into the royal barge, when the hard-hearted villain made a signal to his assassins who stood behind.
Barbarously assassinated.

Mamood ben Salim rushing immediately forward, wounded the King with his sword in the shoulder. The unfortunate Monarch run forward to gain the barge, crying, "Ah! villain Alla ul dien, what dost thou?" but before he had reached the boat, another of the assassins whose name was Achtiar ul dien Hoor, coming up, seized the old man and throwing him on the ground, barbarously cut off his head, just as the sun sunk in the west as if to avoid the horrid sight[*].

All his attendants were then murdered. They fixed the venerable head of their lord upon the point of a spear, and carried it through the camp and city, as a bloody spectacle to the gazing rabble. But the rabble were shocked at the sight, and were heard to cry:

Reflexions upon his death.

"Behold the reward of him who fixeth his mind upon this perfidious world: who nourisheth his relations with the blood of his liver, in the arms of kindness, and in their gratitude confideth his strength."

Alla ul dien immediately exalted the white umbrella over his own head; but the vengeance of heaven soon after fell heavy on all who were concerned in the assassination of the late King. They relate, that when Alla ul dien visited a reverend sage named Shech Karrick Mudgzu, who is buried at Kurrah, and whose tomb is held sacred to this day; he rose from his pillow and repeated an extempore verse to the following purpose: "He cometh, but his head shall fall in the boat, and his body shall be cast into the Ganges;" which they say was explained a few hours after by the death of the unfortunate King, whose head was thrown into the boat upon that occasion.
The miserable end of the assassins.

Mamood, the son of Salem, one of the assassins, about a year after died of a horrid leprosy which dissolved the flesh piece by piece from
A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.

his bones. Achtiar Hoor, the other assassin, fared no better, for he became mad, crying out incessantly, that Sultan Jellal ul dien Firose was cutting off his head. Thus the wretch suffered a thousand deaths in imagination, before he expired. Almass Beg and others who planned this horrid tragedy, in hopes of great advancement, fell into such a scene of misfortunes, that in the space of four years there was no remembrance of them but their villainies upon the face of the earth.

SECTION XIII. The Reign of ALLA UL DIEN, called SECUNDER SANI[†].

INTELLIGENCE of the murder of the King having reached Ahmed Chip, who was advancing with the army, he retreated to Delhi.
Ruckun ul dien raised by his mother to the throne.

Malleke Jehan, the wife of Jellal ul dien, and Queen regent, imprudently and without consulting the Omrahs, raised to the diadem Ruckun ul dien, her youngest son; Arkilli Chan, the elder son, being then at Moultan. She accompanied him from Kilogurry to Delhi, and placed him on the throne in the green palace, though as yet but a boy, and altogether unacquainted with the affairs of state. She also divided the provinces among her own party. Arkilli Chan, who was the true heir to the Empire, and possessed all the qualities of a King, was greatly afflicted at this news, but thought proper, for the present, to remain at Moultan.

Alla ul dien prepares to march to Delhi.

Malleck Alla ul dien, upon receiving intelligence of those transactions at Delhi, laid aside his intended expedition to Bengal, and prepared to march to the capital, though it was then the rainy season. He raised a great army in his government, and conferred titles and rewards upon his friends. Almass Beg was honoured with the title of Elich Chan,
A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.

Malleck Nuserit of Jallisiri with that of Nusirit Chan, Malleck Hiziber ul dien was distinguished with the name of Ziffer Chan, and Sinjer, Alla's wife's brother, received the title of Actah Chan. They all received jagiers upon their advancement to those honours. The Sultan, by the advice of Nuserit Chan, distributed presents among the army, and wherever he encamped he amused himself with throwing gold from a sling among the people. This liberality, in a short time, brought a world of soldiers under his banners.

The Sultana in great perplexity.

Mallecke Jehan was thrown into great perplexity, by the advices she daily received concerning Alla. She dispatched an express to Moultan, for her son Arkilli Chan; but that prince returned for answer, that now the time was lost, for that before he could arrive, the imperial troops would join the enemy; that therefore his coming would be of no real service: That the stream might have been diverted at its source, but when it became a river, no dams could oppose it.

Alla sits down before Delhi,

Sultan Alla ul dien made no delay on his march. He crossed the Jumna, and encamped without the north-east gate of Delhi. Ruckun ul dien fluttering like a solitary fowl, collected all his forces, and marching out of the city, paraded it before the enemy. But when he saw them preparing for battle, he retreated into the city. He was that night deserted by a great number of Omrahs, who went over with their forces to Alla ul dien.
which submits.

Ruckun ul dien saw now no safety but in flight. Taking therefore his mother, Haram and treasure with him, he set out for Moultan, accompanied by Malleck Rijib, Cuttub ul dien Olavi, Ahmed Chip and Amir Jellal Malleka.

The citizens, after the departure of the young Sultan, crouded forth to pay their respects to Alla ul dien. He immediately
A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.

ordered the current money to be struck in his name, and making a triumphant entry into Delhi, in the latter end of the year 695, ascended the throne, and kept his court at the red palace. He exhibited shows, and made grand festivals, encouraging every species of riot and debauchery; which so pleased the unthinking rabble, that they soon lost all memory of their former King, and the horrid villainy of the reigning Emperor. He who ought to have been hooted with detestation, became the object of admiration to those who could not see the darkness of his deeds, through the splendor of his magnificence.

Promotions.

Whilst he gained, by these means, popularity among the vulgar, he secured the great with titles, and bought the covetous with gold. The Vizarit was bestowed upon Chaja Chetier, a man renowned for his virtue in those degenerate times. Sidder Jehan Arif was made Cazaï Mumaleck[*], and Omdat ul Muluck Eiz ul dien was raised to the office of Divan Incha[†], being a man of great learning and genius, and a favourite of the King. Naserit Chan was appointed Cutwal[‡] of Delhi, Malleck Fuchir ul dien Kudgi was raised to the dignity of Amir Daad[§], and Ziffer Chan to that of Ariz Mumaleck‖, with many others to high offices, which are too tedious to mention.

Alla sends an army against the sons of his predecessor.

Alla ul dien having advanced six months pay to his whole army, began to concert means to extirpate the race of Firose Shaw. He dispatched Elich Chan and Ziffer Chan with forty thousand horse towards Moultan, who, upon their arrival, invested that city. After a siege of two months, the citizens and troops betrayed the cause of
A. D. 1295. Higer. 695.

Arkilli Chan, and gave up the place to the enemy.
They are taken,

The two unfortunate brothers being driven to great distress, surrendered themselves at last to Elich Chan, upon promise of personal safety.

The object of the expedition being thus compleated, Elich Chan wrote the Sultan an account of his victory, which was read in all the public pulpits after divine worship, and great rejoicings were ordered to be made upon the occasion. Elich Chan proceeded in triumph with his army and state prisoners to Delhi. He was met on his way by Nuserit Chan Cutwal, who had been sent by the Sultan to put out the eyes of the prisoners.
blinded,

This cruel order was executed upon the two princes, upon Alighu Chan the grandson of the great Chingez, upon Malleck Ahmed Chip, and others of less note, and all their effects confiscated.
and assassinated.

The two unfortunate princes were then confined in the fort of Hassi, where, soon after, they were both assassinated; and Mallecke Jehan, with all the ladies of the former Sultan's seraglio and his other children confined at Delhi.

A new vizier.

In the second year of this reign Chaja Chitier, not falling entirely in with the Sultan's policy, was dismissed from the vizarit, which was conferred upon Nuserit Chan. This minister redemanded all the sums which the Sultan, upon his accession, had bestowed upon the nobility and people, which occasioned great disgust and disturbance.

Invasion of the Moguls.

During these transactions, advices came to Delhi, that Dova Chan King of Maver ul nere, had sent an army of one hundred thousand Moguls, with a design to conquer Moultan, Punjab and Sind: That they were advancing with great expedition, carrying all before them with fire and sword. The Sultan immediately ordered Elich Chan and Ziffer Chan, with a great force to expell them. The two armies having met in the districts of Lahore, a bloody conflict ensued,
A. D. 1296. Higer. 696.

Are overthrown.

in which the Moguls were defeated, with the loss of twelve thousand men, and many of their principal officers, besides a number of prisoners of all ranks, who were put to the sword some days after, without sparing the poor women and children who had been taken in the Mogul camp.

Reputation of the Sultan's arms.

These two victories raised the fame of the Emperor's arms to a high pitch of reputation, established his authority at home, and overawed his foreign enemies. The Sultan about this time, by the advice of his brother Elich Chan, seized upon many Omrahs, who, in the late revolution, taking advantage of the distresses of Arkilli Chan, Ruckun ul dien and the Queen, had extorted great sums of money for their services. He ordered the extortioners to be blinded, and their estates to be confiscated, which brought great wealth into the treasury.

He sends an army to reduce Guzerat,

In the beginning of the year 697, Elich Chan and Nuserit Chan were sent with a great army to reduce Guzerat. They accordingly laid waste that country with death and rapine, took the capital city Narwalla, which was deserted by Raja Kirren, who fled and took protection under Ramdeo, Raja of Deogire, in the Decan. By the aid of that prince he soon after returned and took possession of Buckelana, one of the districts of Guzerat, bordering upon Ramdeo's dominions. But his wives, children, elephants, baggage and treasure fell into the hands of the enemy when he fled.

and Cambaat.

Nuserit Chan, with a part of the army, proceeded then to Cambaat, which being a rich country and full of merchants, yielded a prodigious treasure to those sons of cruelty and rapine. When they had sufficiently glutted their avarice and quenched their thirst for blood, they appointed Subas to the provinces, and leaving part of the army for their defence, returned with their plunder towards Delhi.

A. D. 1297. Higer. 697.

A mutiny in the army,

The two generals having on the march, made a demand of the fifth of the spoil from the troops, besides what they had already extorted from them, a mutiny arose in the camp. Mahummud Shaw, general of the mercenary Moguls, with many other chiefs, at the head of their several divisions, attacked Malleck Eiz ul dien, the brother of Naserit Chan, and having slain him and a number of his people, continued their march. Elich Chan fled in the disguise of a footman, to the tent of Naserit Chan. The mutineers rushing in, killed the Sultan's nephew, whom he had left upon the couch asleep, supposing him to be Elich Chan.

quelled.

Naserit Chan immediately ordered the drums of war to be beat and the trumpets to be sounded. All who had not been concerned in the mutiny imagined that the enemy was coming upon them, and quickly formed the line. The mutineers divided and dispersed themselves all over the camp, and escaping in the confusion, fled by different routs, to a place of rendezvous. They were however closely pursued the next day, and forced to retreat with some loss, to the districts of the Raja of Rintimpore, where they took protection. Elich Chan continued then his march to Delhi.

The Sultan's abominable lust.

Sultan Alla ul dien, upon seeing Cumladè, the captive wife of the Raja of Guzerat, who, for her beauty, wit and accomplishments, was the flower of Hindostan, took her in marriage. But this did not satisfy his abominable lusts. Chaja Casur, a slave who had been taken on that expedition, engaged his unnatural passion, which he publickly indulged to the disgrace and debasement of human nature.

His cruelty.

Naserit Chan, by the Sultan's order, basely massacred all the families of those Moguls or others, who had been concerned in the late mutiny. He pitied not the weeping mothers, nor the smiling infants who clung to their breasts. This was a new species of tyranny at
A. D. 1298. Higer. 698.

Delhi, and occasioned some private murmuring, but those slaves possessed not the virtue or bravery to shake off the tyrant.

Invasion of the Moguls.

About this time, Jildoo, a Mogul chief, and his brother, came down with a considerable force, and took the fort of Seostan. Ziffer Chan marched against him, and having invested the place, he took it. Jildoo, and about two thousand Moguls, were taken prisoners, and sent in chains to Delhi. But Ziffer Chan had distinguished himself so much as a brave commander in this expedition, that his fame awaked the jealousy of the King. He therefore designed to deprive him of his government, but was prevented from this measure, by a great invasion of Moguls, under Cuttuligh Chaja, the son of Dova Chan, King of Maverulnere. The army of the invaders consisted of two hundred thousand horse, and they promised to themselves the entire conquest of Hindostan. Cuttuligh, accordingly, took possession of all the countries beyond the Sind in his march, and protected them from all violence. He then crossed the river, and proceeded to Delhi, without opposition, Ziffer Chan retreating with his army before him.

They besiege Delhi.

The whole country, in terror of the Moguls, crowded into the city. The crowd became so great, that the streets were rendered impassable, and all business and communication was interrupted. This however was but the beginning of their misfortunes. In the space of a few days, the consumption being great, and no supplies procured, a dreadful famine began to rage, and distraction to stare in every countenance.

The Sultan man lies out against them.

The Sultan, upon this pressing occasion, called a council of his Omrahs, and, having regulated his plan of action, prepared for battle, notwithstanding they all endeavoured to disswade him from it. He left the care of the city to Alla ul Malleck, marched out at the Budaoon gate, with three hundred thousand horse, and two thousand
A. D. 1298. Higer. 698.

seven hundred elephants, besides foot without number. He drew up in order of battle on the plains, beyond the suburbs; where the enemy were already formed to receive him. From the time that first the spears of Islam[†] were exalted in Hindostan, two such mighty armies had not joined in fight.

A battle.

Sultan Alla ul dien gave the command of his right wing to Ziffer Chan, the greatest general of that age, where all the troops of Punjaab, Moultan, and Sind, were posted. The left was intrusted to his brother Elich Chan, and to Akit Chan his brother in law. The Sultan posted himself in the center, with twelve thousand independant volunteers, who were mostly gentlemen of ruined families, and soldiers of fortune. With the choice of his elephants, he formed a tremendous line in his front, and he supported his rear with another chosen body of cavalry, under Naserit Chan.
The Moguls overthrown.

Ziffer Chan began the action with great impetuosity on the right, and breaking with his elephants, the enemy's line, commenced a dreadful slaughter, and bore them like a torrent before him. Inclining then to the left, he pressed upon their flank, and put their whole army to flight, before the action was well begun in the center.

The Sultan, seeing the victory compleat, ordered Elich Chan, who commanded on the left, to advance and pursue the enemy. But the perfidious man, jealous of the glory of Ziffer Chan, stopt at a small distance,
Ziffer Chan pressing
〈…〉

upon the enemy,while Ziffer Chan continued the slaughter, for upwards of thirty miles. One of the Mogul chiefs, who commanded the left, seeing Ziffer Chan was not supported, rallied with ten thousand horse, and sending advice to Cuttuligh Chaja, he also returned with ten thousand more, and attacked Ziffer in the rear. The brave general saw into his error, but it was now too late to retreat. He drew up his troops, which were not half the enemy's number, divided into
A. D. 1298. Higer. 698.

two squadrons, and again renewed the conflict, exhibiting wonders by his own valour. At last his horse's leg being cut off by a sabre, he fell to the ground. He however rose again, seized a bow and quiver, and being a dexterous archer, sent death on the wings of his arrows.
is defeated and sla
•

n.The most part of his men were, by this time, either killed or fled; and Cuttiligh Chaja, admiring his bravery, called out to him to submit, and his valour should be rewarded with such honours as he deserved. Ziffer Chan replied sternly, "I know no greater honour than to die in discharging my duty." Then he began to deal his arrows around. Cuttiligh Chan, upon this, ordered a party of horse to surround him, and endeavour to take him alive; but Ziffer refused to submit, and was at last cut in pieces, with a few trusty servants who stood by him to the last.

The Moguls retreat.

This advantage however did not dispel the fears of the Moguls. They continued their retreat, and evacuated Hindostan with all expedition. The bravery of Ziffer Chan became famous among the Moguls. When their horses started, or were unruly, they used wantonly to ask them, whether they saw the ghost of Ziffer Chan? Sultan Alla ul dien, it is said, esteemed the death of this great general, as a second victory, and could not help expressing his satisfaction upon the occasion; and thus displayed his own base ingratitude, for that brave life which had been thrown away in his unworthy service. Great rejoicings were made at Delhi, to celebrate the victory; and the principal officers were rewarded with titles and governments, according to their behaviour and interest at court. Some who had behaved ill, were disgraced, particularly one Omrah, who was led upon an ass all round the city.

Extraordinary
•

ch•mes of the Sultan.In the third year of the reign of Alla, when prosperity shone upon his arms, he began to form some extraordinary protects. One of these was the formation of a new system of religion, that, like Mahommed,
A. D. 1298. Higer. 698.

he might be held in veneration by posterity. He often consulted upon this scheme Elich Chan, Naserit Chan, and Akit Chan, over a bottle; from which we may suppose he had no design to prohibit the use of wine. His other design was equally romantic. He proposed to leave a viceroy in Hindostan, and, like the great Secunder, to undertake the conquest of the world. In consequence of this project, he assumed the title of Aescunder Sani[‡], which was struck upon the currency of the empire.

His ignorance of letters.

Notwithstanding these lofty ideas, Alla ul dien was so illiterate, that he even did not possess the common knowledge of reading and writing; yet he was so obstinate in his ridiculous opinions, that men of learning, who disdained to prostitute their judgment, avoided the court, or stood silent in his presence. There were not however wanting slaves, who, though they knew better, extolled his every word to the skies, and seemed to feed upon his crude imaginations.

Alla ul Muluck, the Cutwal‖ of the city, who was an old man, and so fat that he was not able to attend the court above once a month, being one day sent for by the King, to give his advice about the execution of his religious project, he determined, however fatal the consequences might be, to oppose every measure against the doctrine of the Mahommedan faith, and to dedicate the few years he had to live, by the course of nature, to martyrdom. With this firm resolution he waited upon the King, whom he found drinking wine with a great number of his principal Omrahs.
Alla ul Muluck's advice to the King.

The King beginning to confer with Muluck upon the occasion, the old man told him, he had something to say to him in private, and would be glad he should order the wine and the company away. The King smiled, and desired all the company to retire except four.

A. D. 1298. Higer. 698.

The old Cutwal then fell upon his face, and having kissed the ground at his feet, rose up and thus spoke.

Against his scheme of a new religion.

"O King! Religion is the law of God, by his spirit inspired in his prophets, nor depends it upon the opinions of mortals. We are taught by his word to believe, that the spirit of prophecy ended with Mahommed, the last and greatest messenger of God. Since this therefore is known to great and small, to all nations and degrees of people, should your intentions against their faith be once known, it is impossible to conceive what hatred should rise against you, and what blood and disturbance must ensue. It is therefore adviseable, that you should eraze with the chissel of reason, those conceptions, from the surface of your blessed mind, as the accomplishment of your intention exceeds all mortal power. Did not Chingez[*] the most powerful of monarchs, and his successors, labour for ages to subvert our faith, that they might establish their own? What rivers of blood were spilt in the contest, till at length the spirit of truth prevailed, and they became proselytes to that religion which they had laboured so long to destroy!"

The Sultan having listened with attention, replied, "What you have said is just, and founded on friendship and reason. I will for ever lay aside all thoughts of this scheme, which has so long engaged my attention. But what do you think of my project of universal conquest?"

Malleck Alla ul Muluck answered,

Against his project of universal conquest.

"Some Kings in former ages, formed the same great resolution which your Majesty does at present, and your power, personal bravery, and wealth, gives you at least equal hopes of success. But the times are not so favourable, and the government of Hindostan seems not to stand upon so firm a basis, as to support itself in your absence. Perfidy and ingratitude daily appear. Brothers become traitors to one another, and children against
A. D. 1298. Higer. 698.

their parents conspire. How much is this degenerate age unlike to the virtuous times of Aescunder? Men were then endued with honourable principles, and the cunning and treachery of the present times were then held in utter abomination. Your Majesty has no counsellors like Aristotalice[†], who kept, by his wisdom and policy, not only his own country in peace and security, but brought other nations, by voluntary consent, under his master's protection. If your Majesty can put equal confidence in your Omrahs, and can depend so much upon the love of your people, as Aescunder, you may then carry your scheme into execution; if not, we cannot well reconcile it to reason."

The King enquiring how he should employ his power,

The King, after musing awhile, said, "What you have told me bears the face of sincerity and truth. But what availeth all this power in armies, in wealth, and in kingdoms, if I content myself with what I already possess; nor employ it in acquiring conquest and glory?"

is advised to conquer the unsubdued provinces of Hindostan.

Alla ul Muluck replied, "That there were two undertakings in which his treasure might be expended to good purpose. The first was, the conquest of the southern kingdoms of Hindostan, such as Rintimpore, Chitore, Jallore, Chunderi, and Malava; and the second, the reduction of all the western provinces which had been invaded by the Moguls, such as Limghan, Cabul, Ghizni, Toor, and Chorrassan. This, said the Cutwal, would secure the peace of Hindostan, and procure to the King immortal honour, in bestowing happiness upon his people; a thing greater in itself, than if he should consume the world in the flames of war. But even to succeed in this project, it is requisite that the Sultan should abstain from excess of wine, and from luxurious pleasures."

The Sultan
〈◊〉

the Cutwal.Sultan Alla ul dien, contrary to the old man's expectations, took all this advice in good part, and, praising him for his fidelity, presented
A. D. 1299. Higer. 699.

him with a royal chelat, ten thousand rupees, two horses caparisoned, and two villages in freehold. The other Omrahs, who, though they themselves wanted the virtue or resolution to speak their minds, were extremely pleased with the Cutwal, and sent him also presents to a great amount.

The imperial army invading Rintimpore,

The King, in the year 699, according to the advice of Malleck Alla ul Muluck, called Elich Chan, from Samana, Nuserit Chan, from Kurrah, and others from their respective Subadaries, and sent them with a great army, against the Raja of Rintimpore. They soon took the fort of Jain, and afterwards invested the capital. Nuserit Chan advancing near the wall, was crushed to death by a stone from an engine.
is defeated.

And the Raja at the same time, sallying with forty thousand men, drove Elich Chan back to Jain with great loss.

The Sultan takes the field.

Elich Chan wrote to Delhi the particulars of this defeat. The Sultan flew into a violent rage, and immediately took the field. Upon his march he halted for a day at a place called Jilput, and went out a hunting. Having wandered far from his camp, in the chace, he remained with his attendants all night in the forest. In the morning before sun-rise, he placed himself upon a rising ground, where he sat down with two or three attendants, and commanded the rest to hunt in his view. Akit Chan observing this, recollected that it was now in his power to cut off the King, in the same manner as the King himself had cut off his predecessor. He thought, that being nephew and brother in law to the emperor, he might claim by that, and the influence he had by being Vakeel Muttaluck, the same title which Alla himself had to the empire[‡].

A conspiracy.

Akit Chan imparted his resolution to a few chosen horsemen, who accompanied him on this party. They immediately rode up to the
A. D. 1299. Higer. 699.

King, saluted him with a flight of arrows, two of which entered his body, so that he lay for dead on the ground. Akit Chan, upon this, drew his sword, and ran to cut off his head; when he was told by one of the King's attendants, that he was quite dead; that therefore to cut off his head would be an unnecessary piece of cruelty.

Akit Chan mounts the throne.

Akit being thus prevailed upon to desist from his intentions, set out for the camp with all expedition, mounted the throne, and proclaimed the Sultan's death. The army was thrown into great confusion; but where loyal affection and patriotism are things unknown, mankind are satisfied to bow their necks to any new master. The great men assembled to pay their court, and present their nizirs or presents upon the occasion; the customary service was read from the Coran; the Chutba was proclaimed aloud, and the singers ordered to extol his praise. Akit Chan then rose from the throne, and proceeded towards the Haram; but Malleck Dinar, the chief eunuch, with his guard, stopped him at the door, swearing, that till he shewed him the Sultan's head, or put him to death, he should not enter.

The Sultan is advised to return to his army,

Sultan Alla ul dien, in the mean time, recovered his senses, and, having his wounds bound up, imagined that Akit Chan's treason and treachery was a preconcerted conspiracy of the Omrahs. He signified his intentions to fly to his brother Elich Chan, at Jain, with about sixty servants, who still attended him. Malleck Humid ul dien, deputy porter of the presence, advised the Sultan against this resolution. He told him, that he ought immediately to go to his own camp, and there shew himself to his army; for that the usurper had not yet time to establish himself; and that, upon seeing the Emperor's umbrella, he doubted not but the whole army would immediately return to their duty. He observed, at the same time, that the least delay might render his affairs irrecoverable.

A. D. 1299. Higer. 699.

The Sultan saw the propriety of this resolute advice; and mounting his horse, with great difficulty, spread the white umbrella, which lay on the field, over his head, and with his small retinue, proceeded towards the army. When he appeared in sight, being joined by some foraging parties on the way, he was now guarded by about five hundred men. He ascended an eminence, in full view of the camp, where he was at once seen by the whole army.
who desert
•…

the usurper.They crouded in thousands towards him; and the court of the usurper was immediately broke up, and in a few minutes he found himself alone. In this situation he mounted his horse, and distracted with fear, fled towards Binour.

Sultan Alla ul dien now marched down from the eminence towards the royal pavillion, and mounting the throne, gave public audience; sending, at the same time, a party of horse after the usurper.
He is taken and slain.

They soon came up with him and brought back his head. The Sultan ordered the usurper's brother Cuttulich Chan, and the chief conspirators to be put to death.

Alla besieges Rintimpore.

When Alla recovered of his wounds, he continued his march to Rintimpore, where he was joined by Elich Chan, and began to besiege the place. But the Hindoos so well defended themselves, that numbers of the imperial army daily fell. The Sultan however continued his attacks with redoubled obstinacy, while detachments of his army ravaged the adjacent territories of Malava and Daar.
A rebellion quashed.

But the siege being protracted for some months without much effect, Amir Omar and Mungu Chan, who were both nephews to the Emperor, and held the governments of Budaoon and Oud, rebelled and raised a great army. The Sultan wrote letters to the several Omrahs of those provinces whom he thought loyal, as also to the neighbouring Subas and Zemindars, and they levied forces, engaged, defeated and took the rebels, and sent them both prisoners to the
A. D. 1299. Higer. 699.

royal camp. The Sultan ordered their eyes to be put out, and then to torture them to death, as a barbarous example to others.

An extraordinary conspiracy.

Notwithstanding this severity, one of the most extraordinary conspiracies recorded in history, was undertaken by Hadjee Mola, the son of a slave of the old Cutwal Amir ul Omrah Fuchir ul dien. This ambitious youth, seeing the Sultan busied in the siege of Rintimpore, began to form the scheme of a revolution in the empire. He was perhaps moved to this scheme by the murmuring of the citizens against Alla ul Muluck's deputy, Tirmazi, who, in his master's absence in camp, oppressed the people, having the government entirely in his hands. The first thing however that Hadjee Mola publickly did, was in the heat of the day, when every body was gone to rest, to collect a mob of citizens, by a forged order from the King. With these he hastened to the house of Tirmazi, and sent in to tell him that a messenger had arrived with an order from the King. Tirmazi, out of respect to the Sultan's order, hastened to the door, when the young impostor showing him the paper in one hand, cut him down with the other. He then read aloud the forged mandate for that purpose.

A sedition at Della,

The mob now encreasing, he sent parties to secure the city gates, and dispatched a person to Alla ul dien Eaz, who was Cutwal of the new city, to come and see the King's order. This magistrate however, having heard of the disturbance, paid no regard to the message, but shut his own gates. Hadjee Mola, in the mean time, with his mob, entered the red palace and released all the state prisoners, taking out all the arms, treasure and valuable effects, which he divided among his followers. He then, by force, placed Allavi, one of the prisoners, who was descended from Altumsh, upon the throne, and imperiously commanded all the principal men of the city to pay him allegiance.

A. D. 1299. Higer. 699.

The Sultan having advice of these strange transactions, was struck motionless with astonishment, but stirred not a step from the siege. He however wrote to Malleck Himid ul dien, his foster brother, who raising a party in the city, seized the Budaoon gate the seventh day after the usurpation, and took the field, where he was joined by a great multitude from the new city and the country around. With these he again, by surprize, entered the city at the Ghizni gate, but he was met at the second gate, called Beder, by Hadjie Mola and his associates, and a sharp conflict ensued. Himmid ul dien being dismounted, run up to Hadjie Mola, who was leading on his party with great bravery, and pulling him from his horse, threw him down in the street and slew him. He himself, in the mean time, received several wounds;
quashed.

but the faction of Hadjie Mola, dispirited by his death, gave ground and dispersed themselves all over the city. Himid ul dien then proceeded to the red palace, dragged from thence the unfortunate Allavi, and sent his head round the city upon the point of a spear, which put an end to this strange conspiracy.

Elich Chan sent to punish the rebels.

Elich Chan was in the mean time sent by the Sultan to Delhi, to punish all who were supposed to have had any hand in this rebellion. The sons of Malleck ul Omrah Fuchir ul dien, and the old Cutwal himself were put to death merely on suspicion, as the rebel had been one of their dependants. But the most probable cause was their great wealth, which was confiscated to the King.

Rintimpore taken.

Rintimpore had now been closely besieged for a whole year, and the Sultan, after trying all other means, fell upon the following expedient to take the place. He collected together a great multitude of people, and provided each of them with a bag, which they filled with earth, and having begun at some distance from the rock, with immense labour, formed an ascent to the top of the walls, by which
A D. 1300. Higer. 700.

the troops entered the place, and put Raja Amir Deo, his family and the garrison to the sword. This fort is esteemed the strongest in Hindostan.

Mier Mahummud Shaw, the Mogul general, who had taken refuge in Rintimpore, after the mutiny at Jallore, having lost most of his men in the defence of the fort, was himself lying ill of his wounds when the Sultan entered the place. Alla finding the unfortunate Mahummud in this condition, asked him in an insulting manner, "what gratitude would he express for his lord, should he command his wounds to be immediately cured." The Mogul fiercely replied, "I would put him to death for a tyrant, and endeavour to make the son of Amir Deo, to whom my gratitude is due, King."
Mahummud Shaw put to a cruel death.

The Sultan enraged at this reply, threw him beneath the feet of an elephant. But considering afterwards that he was a brave man, and one of whose gallant behaviour he himself had been often witness, he ordered his body to be put in a coffin, and interred with decent solemnity. The Sultan then commanded that the Raja's vizier, who had deserted over to him with a strong party during the siege, should, with all his followers, be massacred. Saying upon the occasion, that "those who have betrayed their natural Lord, can never be true to another!" Having bestowed the government of Rintimpore, with all the riches taken in it, upon his brother Elich Chan, he returned with his army to Delhi. But Elich Chan, about six months after, fell sick and died on his way to the capital.

The Sultan convenes a council of the Omrahs.

Alla ul dien being in the course of this year, apprehensive of conspiracies and insurrections, called together the Omrahs who were most renowned for their wisdom, and commanded them to give their opinion without reserve, how he should conduct matters, so as to prevent disturbances and rebellions in the empire. He at the same time desired them to explain what they thought were the principal
A D. 1300. Higer. 700.

causes of those disorders. The Omrahs, after consulting among themselves, replied, that there were many causes concurring in a state, from which the convulsions disagreeable in their consequences proceeded. That as those misfortunes could not be obviated at once, they would only mention, for that time, a few of those evils, from which danger to the empire must have arose.

The causes of disturbances in the empire.

"At the head of this list,"
said the Omrahs, "we must place the King's inattention to advance the good, or to redress the wrongs of the people. The public use of wine is the source of many disorders; for when men form themselves into societies for the purpose of drinking, their minds are disclosed to one another, while the strength of the liquor fermenting in their blood precipitates them into the most desperate undertakings. The connections formed by the great men of the court, are pregnant with danger to the state. Their numerous marriages, and the places in their gift, draw the strength of the government into the hands of a few, who are always able, by associating themselves together, to create revolutions in the empire. The fourth and not the least cause of disturbance is, the unequal division of property; for the wealth of a rich empire is circulated in a few hands, and therefore the governors of provinces are rather independent princes, than subjects of the state."

The Sultan begins to redress grievances.

The Sultan approved so much of the remarks of his Omrahs, that he immediately began to carry into execution the plan which they laid before him. He first applied himself to a strict inquiry into the administration of justice; to redress grievances, and to examine narrowly into the private as well as public characters of all men of rank in the empire. He laid himself out to procure intelligence of the most secret discourses of families of note in the city, as well as of every transaction of moment in the most distant provinces. He executed justice with such rigour and severity, that robbery and theft, formerly
A D. 1300. Higer. 700.

so common, were not heard of in the land. The traveller slept secure upon the public highway, and the merchant carried his commodities in safety from the sea of Bengal to the mountains of Cabul, and from Tilling to Cashmire.

Forbids the use of wine.

He published an edict against the use of wine and strong liquors upon pain of death. He himself set the example to his subjects, and emptied his cellars in the street. In this he was followed by all ranks of people, so that, for some days, the common sewers flowed with wine.

Prohibits marriages without licence.

He issued out orders that no marriage among the nobility should be ratified without a special licence from him: that no private meetings or conversation should be held among the Omrahs, which proved a severe check to the pleasures of society. This latter order was carried into such rigorous execution, that no man durst entertain his friends without a written permission from the vizier.

Seizes upon the effects of the wealthy.

He then lengthened the hand of violence upon the rich. He seized upon the wealth, and confiscated the estates of Mussulmen and Hindoos without distinction, and by this means he accumulated an immense treasure. Men, in short, were almost reduced to a level over all the empire.

Cuts off fees from the offices.

All emoluments were cut off from the different offices, which were filled with men whose indigence and dependence rendered them implicitly obedient to the dictates of government.

An equal land tax established.

He ordered a tax of half the real annual produce of the lands to be raised over all the empire, and to be regularly transmitted to the exchequer. He appointed officers to superintend the collectors, who were to take care that the Zemindars should take no more from the
A D. 1300. Higer. 700.

poor farmers, than in proportion to the estimate which they had given in of their estates; and in case of disobedience or neglect, the superintendants were obliged to refund the overplus, and to pay a fine for the oppression. The farmers, at the same time, were confined to a certain proportion of land, and to an appointed number of servants and oxen to cultivate the same. No grazier was permitted to have above a certain number of cows, sheep and goats, and a tax was paid out of them to the government.

Severity to the officers of the revenue.

So strictly did the Sultan look after the behaviour of the collectors and other officers of the revenue, that many of them, who formerly kept great retinues, were obliged to dismiss them, and to have all the menial offices of their families performed by their wives and children. Neither were they permitted to resign their employs, till they found others as capable as themselves to execute the duties of their office.

〈…〉

.These regulations were good, but they were arbitrary and severe. He broke through all laws and customs, which, according to the Mahommedan law, were left to the decision of the casis. Other Monarchs left state affairs to the common course of justice. Alla descended to all the inferiour departments of government. It was with him a common saying, "That religion had no connection with civil government, but was only the business, or rather amusement of private life; and that the will of a wise prince was better than the variable opinions of bodies of men."

The Sultan app
•

ie• h•…∣self to letters.As the Sultan was known to be illiterate, it became a maxim with the learned men at court, to talk upon no subjects which they knew must be beyond the King's knowledge. He was however so sensible of the disadvantages which he laboured under by his ignorance of letters, that he applied himself privately to study, and soon, notwithstanding
A. D. 1303. Higer. 703.

the difficulty of acquiring the knowledge of the Persian manner of writing, which generally requires ten or twelve years study, he soon read all addresses, and made himself acquainted with the best authors in the language. After he had proceeded so far as to be able to hold part in learned discourses, he encouraged literary subjects, and showed particular favour to all the eminent men of that age, particularly to Casi Zea ul dien Molana Zehirling, to Molana Murshid Corami and Cuzi Moiz ul dien Biana. He appointed the last of those learned men to explain the law to him; which he did according to the true spirit, in every point upon which he was consulted. He did not however do it without fear and trembling, where it differed from the King's violent maxims of government.

The Sultan reduces Chitor.

The Sultan, much about this time, sent an army, by the way of Bengal, to reduce the fort of Arinkil, which was in the possession of the Raja of Tilling. He himself moved the royal standard towards Chitor, which had never before been reduced by the troops of Islam. After a siege of six months he took the place, in the year 703, conferred the government of it upon his eldest son Chizer Chan, and called it Chizerabad. He at the same time bestowed upon Chizer regal dignities and authority.

The Moguls invade Hindostan.

Intelligence of this expedition arriving at Maver ul nere, Jirghi, who distinguished himself formerly against Ziffer Chan, thinking that the Sultan would be a long time absent, seized that opportunity for invading Hindostan. Alla hearing of this dangerous inroad, abandoned all his schemes against the Decan, and made what haste he could with his army to Delhi.

They advance towards Delhi,

Jirghi, with twelve tomans of Mogul horse, approached, in a few days, the city, and encamped upon the banks of the Jumna. The horse of the imperial army being absent on the expedition to
A. D. 1303. Higer. 703.

Arinkil, the Sultan was in no condition to face, upon equal terms, so powerful and warlike an enemy in the field. He therefore contented himself with entrenching his army in the plain beyond the suburbs, till he could draw the forces of the distant Subas together. But the Moguls having the command of the adjacent country, prevented the succours from joining the Sultan, and proceeded so far as to plunder the suburbs, in the King's presence, without his being able to prevent them.

In this situation stood affairs for two months; and then the Sultan, say some authors, had recourse to supernatural aid. He applied to a saint of those days, whose name was Shech Nizam ul dien Aulia.
but retreat.

The saint, in one night, without any visible cause, struck the Mogul army with a panic which occasioned their precipitate retreat to their own country. But we have no reason to ascribe the flight of the Moguls to so weak and superstitious a cause; as private order, intelligence, or the improbability of success, brought about their sudden departure more than the power of the saint. The Sultan, during this alarming period, was heard to confess, that his ideas of universal conquest were idle and ridiculous, for that there were many heads in the world as hard as his own.

Alla being relieved from the perils of this invasion, built a palace upon the spot where he had entrenched himself, and ordered the citadel of Delhi to be pulled down and built anew.
Alla levies a great army.

He then began to recruit his army, with an intention to retaliate upon the Moguls their repeated inroads. He encreased his forces to such a prodigious number, that upon calculating the expence, he found his revenues, and what treasures he had himself, could not support them above six years. He resolved therefore to reduce the pay, but it occurred to him that this could not be done with propriety, without lowering proportionably, the price of horses, arms and provisions.
A. D. 1303. Higer. 703.

This he did by an edict which he strictly enforced all over the empire, settling the price of every article at about half the common rate, which in fact, was just doubling his treasure and revenues.

The prices of grain regulated;

To establish this reduction of the price, with respect to grain, he ordered great magazines to be built upon the rivers Jumna and Ganges, and other places convenient for water carriage, under the direction of Malleck Cabuli. This collector received half of the land tax in grain; and the royal agents supplied the markets at a stated price. To prevent any monopoly in this article, every farmer was allowed to retain only a certain quantity, according to the number of his family, and send the overplus, as soon as it was threshed out, to market, for which he was obliged to take the standing price. The importation of grain was encouraged; but to export it or any other article of provisions, was a capital crime. The King himself had a daily report laid before him, of the quantity sold and remaining in the several royal granaries, and spies were appointed in the different markets, to inform him of abuses, which he punished with the utmost rigour.

and of cloth.

The Sultan also appointed a public office, and inspectors, who fixed the price of the various kinds of cloth, according to its quality, obliging the merchants to open their shops at certain hours every day, and sell their goods at the stipulated price. He at the same time opened a loan, by which they were enabled to procure ready money to import cloth from the neighbouring countries, where the poverty of the people rendered their manufactures cheaper. But what is somewhat unaccountable, the exportation of the finer kind of manufacture was prohibited, yet not permitted to be worn at home, except by special authority from the King, which favour was only conferred upon men of rank.

A. D. 1303. Higer. 703.

Of horses.

As horses had arose to an immense price, by an association of the dealers, who only bought up a certain number from the Persian and northern merchants to inhance the price; the King published an edict, by which they were obliged to register the prices paid for them, and to sell them at a certain profit within such a time, if that price was offered them, otherwise the King took them upon his own account. The price of the horse was at the same time according to his quality, and care was taken, by that means, that the merchants and dealers in those animals should not have an opportunity, by secret connivance, to raise the price. Many frauds being found out in this article some time after, a great number of horse dealers were whipt out of the city, and others put to death. Oxen, sheep, goats, camels, and asses, were also taken into consideration; and in short every useful animal, and all commodities, were sold at a stated price in the Bazars.

The Sultan having thus regulated the prices of things, his next care was to new model his army.
Settles the pay of the army.

He settled the pay of every horseman, for himself and horse, from 234 rupees a year, down to 80, according to the goodness of the horse; and, upon a muster, he found his cavalry to consist of four hundred and seventy-five thousand.

The Moguls invading Hindostan are overthrown.

In the mean time Ali Beg, the grandson of Chingez Chan, and Jirpal Chaja, with forty thousand horse, made an irruption into Hindostan, but the Sultan sending Malleck Tughlick, with a force against them, they were defeated, with the loss of seven thousand. Ali Beg, and Jirpal, with nine thousand of their troops, were taken prisoners. They were sent in chains to the Sultan, who ordered the chiefs to be thrown under the feet of an elephant, and the soldiers to be inhumanly massacred. He appointed Tughlick, for this service, viceroy of Punjab.

Alip Chan was about this time appointed Amir ul Omrah of Guzerat, and sent thither with a great force. Ain ul Muluck Moultani,
A. D. 1304. Higer. 704.

an Omrah of great fame, was at the same time ordered with a numerous army to the conquest of Malava.
Malava reduced.

He was opposed by Kokah, the Raja, with forty thousand Rajaput horse, and one hundred thousand foot. An engagement ensued, in which Ain ul Muluck proved victorious, and took the cities of Ugein, Mandu, Daranagurri, and Chanduri. He, after these successes, dispatched a Fatte Namma[*] to the emperor, who, upon receiving it, ordered a rejoicing of seven days throughout the city of Delhi. Kuntir Deo, the governor of the fort of Jallore, terrified by the conquests of Ain ul Muluck, gave up that place upon terms of capitulation.

The Raja of Chitor makes his escape,

The Raja of Chitor, who had been prisoner since the Emperor took that place, found in the mean time means to make his escape, in a very extraordinary manner. The Sultan having heard extravagant things in praise of the beauty and accomplishments of one of the Raja's daughters, told him, that if he would send her, he should, upon her account, be released.

The Raja, who was very ill treated in his confinement, consented, and sent for his daughter with a manifest design to prostitute her to the King. The Raja's family hearing this dishonourable proposal, concerted means of poisoning the Raja to save their own reputation. But the daughter being a girl of invention, proposed a stratagem to release her father, and at the same time to save her own honour. She accordingly wrote to her father to give out, that she was coming with all her attendants, and would be at Delhi upon a certain day, acquainting him with the part she intended to act.
by the contrivance of his daughter.

Her contrivance was this: She selected a number of enterprising fellows, who in compleat armour, concealed themselves in doolies or close chairs, in which the women are always carried; she provided for them a chosen retinue of horse and foot, as is customary to guard ladies of
A. D. 1305. Higer. 705.

rank. She herself, by this time, had, by her father's means, received the Sultan's passport, and the whole cavalcade proceeded to Delhi, and were admitted without interruption. It was now night, and by the Sultan's permission, they were permitted to see the Raja. The chairs being carried into the prison, and the attendants having taken their stations without; the armed men started out of the chairs, and putting all to the sword within the courts, carried the Raja out, and having horses prepared for him, he mounted, and with his attendants, rushed out of the city, before any opposition could be made, and fled to his own country.

In the year 705, Kabeik, an Omrah of Dova Chan, King of Maver ul nere, with design to revenge the death of Ali Beg and Jirpal, invaded Hindostan with a great army, and ravaging Moultan, proceeded to Sewalic.
The Moguls overthrown.

Malleck Tughlick, in the mean time, collecting his forces, cut off the retreat of the Moguls, before any troops arrived from Delhi, and defeated them with great slaughter. Those who escaped the sword, finding it impossible to force their way home, retired into the desart, where thirst and the hot winds which blow at that season, put an end to their miserable lives; so that out of fifty seven thousand horse, besides their attendants, who were still more numerous, only three thousand, who were taken prisoners, survived this horrid scene. The unhappy captives were only reserved for greater misery. They were sent to Delhi with their unfortunate chief, Kabeik, where they were all trodden to death by elephants, except some women and children, who were sold in the market for slaves.

These repeated misfortunes did not however discourage the Moguls. Aekbalmund, a chief of great reputation, soon after invaded Hindostan with a powerful army.
The Moguls again overthrown.

But Malleck Tughlick defeated him also, with great slaughter; and sent some thousand prisoners to
A. D. 1305. Higer. 705.

Delhi, who were dispatched by the customary inhumanity of Alla. Fear, from this time forward, took possession of the Moguls, and they gave over all thoughts of Hindostan for many years. They were even hard pressed to defend themselves: for Malleck Tughlick made incursions into their country every year, plundering the provinces of Cabul, Ghizni, Candahar, and Garrimsere, or laying them under heavy contributions.

The Sultan busy in settling the police of the empire.

In the mean time, the Sultan was employed in settling the internal policy and government of his empire; and with such fortunate perseverance in whatever he undertook, that the superstition of the times ascribed his success to supernatural power, amazed at the good effects that flowed from the strictness of his government.

Ram Deo, Raja of Deogire in the Decan, having neglected to send the revenues of that district, which he assigned over to the Sultan by treaty, Malleck Cafoor, with many Omrahs of renown, and a great army was ordered to conquer the Decan. This Cafoor was one of the Sultan's catamites, and originally a slave, taken by force from a merchant of Guzerat, as we have already mentioned. The Emperor's affection for Cafoor exceeded all the bounds of decency and prudence upon the present occasion. He gave him the title of Malleck Naib Cafoor[*], commanding the Omrahs who attended him, to pay their respects to him every day, as to a sovereign. This created among them great disgust, but they durst not murmur. Chaja Hadjee was appointed his lieutenant; a man much esteemed in those days, for his good principles.
The imperial army invades the Decan.

In the beginning of the year 706, they marched from Delhi, with an army of one hundred thousand horse, and were joined in their way, by Ain ul Muluck Moultani, Suba of Malava, and Alip Chan, Suba of Guzerat, with their forces.

A. D. 1306. Higer. 706.

Comladè's address to the Sultan.

One of the Sultan's wives, the fair Comladè, formerly mentioned, hearing of this expedition, addressed herself to the King, and told him, that before she was taken prisoner, she had two beautiful daughters to Raja Kirren. That one of them, she heard, had since died; but that the other, whose name was Dewildè, was still alive. She therefore begged that the Sultan should give orders to his generals to endeavour to get her into their possession, and send her to Delhi. The King consented, and gave orders accordingly.

Cafoor enters the Decan.

Malleck Cafoor, having passed through Malava, encamped upon the borders of the Decan. He sent the Sultan's order to Raja Kirren, to deliver up his daughter Dewildè, which was now urged as a pretext for commencing hostilities in case of a refusal. The Raja could by no means be brought to agree to this demand. Malleck Cafoor therefore marched from his camp at Nidderbar, while Alip Chan, with his forces from Guzerat, was taking the rout of the mountains of Buckelana, to enter the Decan by another pass. He was opposed by Raja Kirren, who defeated all his attempts for two months, in which time several undecisive actions were fought.

Singeldeo demands Dewildè in marriage.

Singeldeo, the son of Ram Deo, Raja of Deogire, who had been contracted to the young Dewildè, without consent of his father, sent his brother Bimedeo with presents to Raja Kirren, perswading him, that as Dewildè was the occasion of the war, if he should deliver her over to him, the troops of Islam, in despair of obtaining their ends, would return to their own country. Raja Kirren, who depended much upon the young prince's aid, consented to this proposal, and gave his daughter, then in her thirteenth year, in marriage to Singeldeo.

Alip Chan hearing this news, was greatly terrified lest the Sultan should impute this circumstance to his slowness, and was resolved, at
A. D. 1306. Higer. 706.

Alip Chan designs to intercept her,

all events, to seize her before her departure, as he was certain his own life depended upon his success. He acquainted all the Omrahs with his intentions, who readily seconded the attempt. He then entered the mountains with his army, and engaging the Raja, gave him a total defeat; upon which, Kirren fled to Deogire, leaving all his elephants, tents and equipage upon the field. Alip Chan pursued him through the hills for some days, but at length, entirely lost his track and all intelligence concerning him and his daughter. But in the end, accident threw this pearl in his way.

Halting to refresh his army two days among the mountains, some of his troops, without leave, to the number of three hundred, went from the camp to see a famous mountain in the neighbourhood of Deogire, from which city he was not then far distant. In their excursion they saw a great troop of horse, whom they apprehended to belong to Ramdeo, and to be in pursuit of them. As there was no safety in flight, they were determined to stand on their defence, and accordingly drew up to receive the enemy. This troop proved to be the retinue of Bimedeo, who was carrying the young bride to his brother.
seizes her by an accident.

The two parties, in short, engaged, and the Hindoos were put to flight, while an unfortunate arrow having pierced the horse of Dewildè, the unhappy fair one was abandoned in the field. The conquerors seeing her, gathered round her horse, and commenced a bloody scuffle about the prize. This might have proved fatal to the beautiful Dewildè, had not one of her female slaves told aloud her name and quality, conjuring them to carry her to their commander with that respect which was due to her rank and sex. Upon hearing this they knew the peril of treating her with any indignity; and while an express was dispatched with the news to Alip Chan, they conducted her with great care and respect to the camp.

A. D. 1306. Higer. 706.

He conducts her to Delhi.

Alip Chan, having obtained this prize, was exceedingly rejoiced, knowing how acceptable it would be to his prince, over whom the lady's mother had great influence. He therefore prosecuted his conquests no further, but returned to Guzerat, and from thence carried Dewildè to Delhi, and presented her to her mother. In a few days her beauty inflamed the heart of the Sultan's eldest son Chizer Chan, to whom she was given in marriage. The history of the loves of this illustrious pair, is wrote in an elegant poem, by Amir Chusero.

Cafoor's transactions in the Decan.

Let us now return to Malleck Naib Cafoor, whom we left entering the Decan. He first subdued the country of the Mahrattors, which he divided among his Omrahs, then proceeded to the siege of Deogire, since known by the name of Dowlat-abad. Ramdeo being in no condition to oppose this great army, prudently left his son Singeldeo in the fort, and advanced himself, with great presents, to the conqueror, to procure peace, which was accordingly settled between them. Malleck Cafoor, upon this, wrote a Fatee Namma to the King, and some time after brought Ramdeo, with rich presents and seventeen elephants, to pay his allegiance to him at Delhi, where he himself was received with the most extravagant marks of favour and distinction. Ramdeo had royal dignities conferred upon him, with the title of Rai Raian[*], and had not only the government of his own dominions restored to him, but others were also added, for all which he did homage, and paid tribute to the Sultan. The King moreover gave him the district of Nosari, near Guzerat, by way of Jagier, and a lack of rupees to bear his expences home. Thus he dismissed Ramdeo with princely generosity; having, in some measure, looked upon the wealth, of which he had formerly robbed him, as the foundation of all his own greatness. And he perhaps
A. D. 1306. Higer. 706.

thought that some grateful return was due to the Raja upon this account.

The Sultan besieges and takes Sewana.

During the absence of Cafoor on his expedition to the Decan, the King employed himself in taking a strong fort to the southward of Delhi, called Sewana, which had often been attempted in vain. When Jilleldeo the Raja of this place found he could hold out no longer, he sent his own image, which had been cast in pure gold, to the Sultan, with a chain round its neck, in token of obedience. This present was accompanied by a hundred elephants, and other precious effects, in hopes of procuring peace. The Sultan received the presents, but returned him for answer, that unless he came and made his submission in person, he could hope little from his dumb representative. The Raja finding the Sultan inexorable, threw himself upon his mercy, and delivered up the place. The Sultan plundered and again restored it. But he alienated a great part of the Raja's country to his favourite Omrahs, and bound him over to pay homage for the rest. The Sultan then proceeded to Jallire, which he took, and returned to Delhi.

Cafoor marches towards Arinkil.

The Sultan, much about this time, was informed that the expedition, by the way of Bengal, to Arinkil in the country of Tilling, had not succeeded, and that his army on that side had been obliged to retreat in great distress. In the year 709, he dispatched Malleck Cafoor with a great force to invade that country, by the way of Deogire; with orders, that if Lidder Deo, Prince of Arinkil, should consent to give him a handsome present, and promise an annual tribute, to return without prosecuting the war any further. When Malleck Cafoor and Chaja Hadjee had reached Deogire, Ram Deo came out to meet them with offerings, and carrying them home, entertained them with great hospitality, ordering his Bazar to the camp, with strict orders to sell every thing according to the Sultan's established price in his own dominions.

A. D. 1307. Higer. 707.

Enters Tilling.

Cafoor having marched from Deogire, appeared at Indore, upon the frontiers of Tilling, and issued orders to lay waste the country with fire and sword; which struck the unhappy people, who had never injured their wanton enemies, with great terror and consternation. In the mean time, the neighbouring Rajas hastened with all their forces to support Lidderdeo, in this alarming juncture. But as the imperial army proceeded with great expedition, he was forced, before the arrival of his allies, to shut himself up in the fort of Arinkil, which was a place of great strength. The allied Rajas, upon this, also took possession of divers strong holds round the country.

Besieges and takes Arinkil.

Malleck Cafoor immediately invested the place, and began his attacks, which were carried on and repelled with great slaughter on both sides. Notwithstanding the interruptions that Cafoor received from the Rajas without the place, Arinkil, after some months siege, was taken by assault, and the garrison massacred without mercy, for the citadel to which Lidderdeo had retired, was not sufficient to contain the whole. Lidderdeo, driven to this extremity, bought his peace with three hundred elephants, seven thousand horses, and money and jewels to a very great amount; agreeing at the same time, to pay an annual tribute. Malleck Cafoor, after this advantageous peace, returned with his army to Delhi. He dispatched before him the news of his victories, which was read from the pulpit, and a public rejoicing ordered. Upon his approach to the city, the King himself came out and met him at the Budaoon gate, and there the conqueror laid all the spoils at his feet.

Cafoor's expedition to the Decan.

In the year 710, The Sultan sent Malleck Cafoor and Chaja Hajee with a great army, to reduce Dhoor, Summund and Maber in the Decan, where he had heard, there were temples very rich in gold and jewels. When they had proceeded to Deogire, they found that
A. D. 1310. Higer. 710.

Ram Deo the old Raja was dead, and that the young Raja, Singeldeo, was not so well affected to them as they thought. They therefore left some Omrahs in a strong post upon the banks of the Ganges, and continued their march. When they had passed the Raja's territories, they began their inhuman cruelties, and after three months march from Delhi, arrived in the countries which they were commanded to subdue.
The Raja of the Carnatic overthrown.

They engaged Bellal Deo, Raja of the Carnatic, and defeating him, took him prisoner, and then ravaged his whole country. They found in the temples, prodigious spoils in idols of gold, adorned with the most precious stones; and other rich effects, consecrated to their worship. Here the conqueror built a small mosque, and ordered divine service to be read according to the Mahommedan faith, and the Chutba to be pronounced in the Emperor's name. This mosque remains intire in our days, for the Caffers[*] esteeming it a house consecrated to God, would not destroy it[†].

An immense treasure discovered.

Malleck Naib Cafoor having wearied his own inhumanity and avarice, in destroying and robbing an unfortunate people, resolved to return to Delhi with his spoils. The night before his intended march, a quarrel arose among some Brahmins who had taken protection in his camp from the plundering parties that scoured the country. Some body who understood their language, found the quarrel was about the division of some hidden treasure, which was immediately communicated to the Cutwal, who seized them and carried them to Malleck Cafoor to be examined. They were at
A. D. 1311. Higer. 711.

first very obstinate, but their lives being threatened, and each being questioned apart, they were afraid one would inform against the other, by which means they discovered all they knew. Seven different places were pointed out near the camp, where immense treasures were concealed. These being dug up and placed upon elephants, Malleck Cafoor turned the points of his spears to Delhi, where he arrived without any remarkable occurrence, in the year 711. He presented the Sultan with 312 elephants, 20,000 horses, 96,000 maunds of gold, several chests of jewels and pearls, and other precious things[*]. The Sultan upon seeing this treasure, which exceeded that of Baadawird or Pirvez, was greatly rejoiced, and opened the doors of his bounty to all.
The generosity of the Sultan.

He gave to each of the principal Omrahs ten maunds, and to the inferior five. The learned men of his court received one maund, and thus in proportion, he distributed wealth to all his servants, according to their rank and quality. The remainder was melted down, coined and lodged in the treasury. It is said, that during this expedition to the Carnatic, the soldiers threw the silver they found away, as too cumbersome, where gold was found in such plenty. No person wore bracelets, chains, or rings of any other metal than gold, while all the plate in the houses of the great, and in the temples, was of beaten gold; neither was silver money at all current in that country, should we believe the reports of those adventurers.

Soon after this accession of wealth, the tyrannical Alla exhibited a scene in the capital too dreadful to be varnished over by his great
A. D. 1311. Higer. 711.

abilities. The Mogul converts in his army having incurred his displeasure, he ordered them to be all discharged. Some of them engaged themselves in the service of the Omrahs, but the greater number remained at Delhi in great distress, in hopes that the Sultan would relent by seeing their wretched poverty.
His inhumanity to the Mogul mercenaries.

He however remained obdurate, and some daring fellows among them, forced by their misfortunes, entered into a conspiracy to murder the King. This plot being discovered, the Sultan, instead of punishing the conspirators, extended his inhuman rigour to the whole body. He ordered them all to be instantly put to the sword; so that fifteen thousand of those unhappy wretches lay dead in the streets of Delhi in one day. All their wives and children were enslaved. The Sultan was so inexorable and vindictive, that no one durst attempt to conceal, however nearly connected they might be, any of the unfortunate Moguls, so that not one of them escaped.

His pride and magificence.

The King, elevated by his good fortune, gave himself over to pride. He listened to no advice, as he sometimes condescended to do in the beginning of his reign, but every thing was executed by his irrevocable word. Yet the empire never flourished so much as in this reign. Order and justice travelled to the most distant provinces, and magnificence raised her head in the land. Palaces, mosques, universities, baths, spires, forts, and all manner of public and private buildings seemed to rise, as by the power of enchantment, neither did there in any age appear such a concourse of learned men from all parts. Forty five skilled in the sciences were professors in the universities. In poetry, Amir Chusero and Chaja Hassen Delavi held the first rank. In philosophy and physic, Molana Buddir ul dien Damiski. In divinity, Molana Shatabi. In astrology, Shech Nizam ul dien Awlia acquired much fame. Others distinguished themselves in music, morality, languages, and in all the fine arts then known in the world.

A. D. 1311. Higer. 711.

His impolitic proceedings.

But when the Sultan seemed to have carried every thing to the heighth of perfection, and to the extent of his wishes, he all at once adopted every measure that evidently tended to subvert the great fabrick which he had raised. He resigned the reins of government intirely into the hands of Malleck Cafoor, whom he blindly supported in his most impolitic and tyrannical actions. This gave great disgust to the Omrahs, and spread universal discontent over the face of the people. He neglected the education of his own children, who were let out of the seraglio when very young, and intrusted with independant power. Chizer Chan was made viceroy of Chitor when as yet a boy, without any person of wisdom to advise him or to superintend his conduct, while Shadi Chan, Mubarick Chan and Shab ul dien Chan, his other sons, had appointments of the same important nature.

The Raja of Tilling, about this time, sent some presents and twenty elephants to the King, with a letter, informing him that the tribute which he had agreed to pay in his treaty with Malleck Cafoor, was ready to be paid.
Malleck Cafoor proposes an expedition to the Decan.

Malleck Cafoor, upon this, desired leave of the King, to make another expedition into the Decan, promising that he would, not only collect the revenues which had fallen due, but bring the Raja of Deogire and others, who had with-held their allegiance and tribute, under due subjection. He was principally moved to this by his jealousy of Chizer Chan, the declared heir to the empire, whose government lay most convenient for that expedition; and whom he feared the Sultan intended to send.

He enters the Decan and reduces it.

The Sultan consented to Cafoor's proposal, and he accordingly proceeded the fourth time to the Decan with a great army. He seized the Raja of Deogire, and inhumanly put him to death; then ravaging the countries of Mahrat, Connir, Dabul, Giwil, Raijore
A. D. 1312. Higer. 712.

and Mudkil, took up his residence at Deogire. He raised the tribute from the Rajas of Tilling and the Carnatic, and in the year 712, dispatched the whole to the Emperor.

The King falls sick.

The Sultan by this time, by his intemperance in the seraglio, ruined his constitution, and was taken extremely ill. His wife Mallecke Jehan and her son Chizer Chan, neglected him entirely, and spent their time in riot and revelry, which added new strength to the King's disorder. He therefore ordered Malleck Cafoor from the Decan, and Alip Chan from Guzerat. He told them in private of the unpolitic, undutiful and cruel behaviour of his wife and son.
Malleck Cafoor aspires to the throne.

Cafoor, who had before aspired, in his mind, to the empire, now began seriously to form schemes for the extirpation of the royal line. He, for this purpose, insinuated to the King, that Chizer Chan, Mallecke Jehan and Alip Chan had conspired against his life. What gave colour to this wicked accusation was, that at this time, Mallecke Jehan sollicited the Sultan to get one of Alip Chan's daughters for her son Shadi Chan.
Pl
•

ts against Chizer Chan,This traitor did not fail to improve this circumstance to his own advantage. The King at length suffered suspicion to steal into his breast, and ordered Chizer Chan to Amrohe, and there to continue till he himself should recover. Though Chizer Chan was mad with the follies of youth, this command of his father made a deep impression on his mind, and at his departure he made a private vow, that if God should spare the life of his father, he would return all the way on foot. When he accordingly heard that his father's health began to return, he performed his vow, and waited upon him at Delhi.

The traitor Cafoor turned this filial piety entirely against Chizer. He insinuated that his behaviour, by such a sudden change, could be imputed to nothing but hypocrisy, and urged his disobedience, by coming without his father's leave, pretending, at the same time, that
A. D. 1312. Higer. 712.

he was intriguing with the Omrahs, about kindling a rebellion in the Empire. The Sultan could not give entire credit to these insinuations. He sent for Chizer Chan into his presence, embraced him to try his affection, and seeing him weep, seemed convinced of his sincerity, and ordered him into the Seraglio, to see his mother and sisters. But unhappily for this Prince, the flights of his youth made him deviate again into his former wild amusements. He neglected for several days to visit his father; during which time his subtle enemy bribed over to his own interest the Sultan's private servants, and called upon them to witness his aspersions against Chizer.
who is imprisoned.

He at length, by a thousand wiles and stratagems, accomplished his purpose, and prevailed upon the King to imprison his two sons Chizer Chan and Shadi Chan, in the fort of Gualier, and their mother in the old citadel. He at the same time procured an order to seize Aliph Chan, who was unjustly put to death, and his brother Nizam ul dien, Suba of Jallore, was assassinated by Seid Cummal ul dien Carrick, who assumed his place.

Disturbances in the empire.

Thus far the traitor's schemes advanced in the direct road of success. But now the fire which had long been smothered, began to flame, kindling first at Guzerat into a general insurrection. The Sultan, to suppress this rebellion, sent Cumal ul dien Currik thither with a great army; but the forces commanded by the friends of Alip Chan defeated him with great slaughter, and put him to a cruel death. In the mean time the Suba of Chitor threw the Sultan's officers over the wall, and assumed independence; while Hirpal Deo, the son in law of Ramdeo, stirred up the Decan to arms, and took a number of the Sultan's garrisons.

The Sultan dies.

Alla ul dien, upon receiving this intelligence, could do nothing but bite his own flesh, in resentment. His grief and rage served to strengthen his disorder, which would yield to no power of medicine.
A. D. 1316. Higer. 716.

On the evening of the sixth of Shawal, in the year 716, he gave up that life, which, like a comet, had spread terror and desolation, through an astonished world; but not without suspicion of being poisoned by the villain whom he had raised from the dust to power. He reigned twenty years and some months.

His character.

If we look upon the government and policy of Alla ul dien, a great King arises to our view. If we behold his hands, which are red, an inexorable tyrant appears. Had he come by better means to the throne, his abilities deserved it well; but he began in cruelty, and waded through blood to the end. Ambition was the favourite passion of his soul, and from it sprung forth like branches, injustice, violence, and rapine. Had fortune placed him at first on high, his glory would not perhaps be tarnished with meanness and deceit; but in whatever way that flame was to pass through the world, his tract, like that of a storm, must have been marked with ruin. He had some right as a warrior, to the title of Secunder Sani; but these two Princes resembled one another in nothing but in success and bravery. The first was polished and generous, the latter was dark and rude. They were both magnificent, and each of them might conquer the world, and could command it. The servants of his household amounted to seventeen thousand, and his pomp, wealth and power was never equalled by any Prince who sat before him on the throne of Hindostan.

SECTION XIV. The Reign of SHAB UL DIEN OMAR ben Sultan ALLA UL DIEN CHILLIGIE.

A. D. 1316. Higer. 716.

Shab ul dien placed upon the throne by Cafoor.

IN the history of Sidder Jehan of Guzerat, we are informed that the day after the death of Sultan Alla ul dien, Malleck Cafoor assembled the Omrahs, and produced a spurious testament of the deceased King, in which he had appointed Shab ul dien, the youngest son, his successor, and Cufoor himself regent, during his minority, setting aside the right of primogeniture in the person of Chizer Chan, and the other princes. Shab ul dien then, in the seventh year of his age, was placed on the throne, and Cafoor began his administration.
Cafoor's cruelty to the Princes.

The first step which the traitor took, was to send a person to Gualier, to put out the eyes of Chizer Chan and Shadi Chan. His orders were inhumanly executed; and the Sultana Malleke Jehan was put into closer confinement, and all her wealth seized. Mubarick Chan, the third son of Alla, was also taken into custody, with an intention to have his eyes put out, like his unhappy brothers.

Cafoor, tho' an eunuch, marries one of the Sultanas.

There is ridicule in what we are to relate. Cafoor, though an eunuch, married the mother of Shab ul dien, the Emperor's third wife. But the mother of Mubarick Shaw, Alla ul dien's second wife, having heard that the regent intended to put out the eyes of her son, acquainted Shech Nizam ul dien of her intelligence, and he gave her some hopes that the threatened misfortune should be prevented.

Sends to put out the eyes of Mubarick.

Malleck Cafoor, in the mean time, to cloak his wicked designs, placed the young King every day upon the throne, and ordered the
A. D. 1316. Higer. 716.

nobles to pay their respects, as usual, to the Emperor. He sent one night some assassins to cut off Mubarick Shaw; but when they entered the apartment of the Prince, he conjured them to remember his father, whose servants they were; then untying a string of rich jewels from his neck, which perhaps had more influence than his intreaties, he gave it them. They immediately abandoned their purpose; but quarrelling about the division of the jewels, when they had got out, it was proposed to carry them to the chief of the foot-guards, and acquaint him of what the Prince had said, and of their instructions, from Malleck Cafoor.

A conspiracy against Cafoor.

The Mubishir[*], who owed every thing to the favour of the deceased King, was shocked at the villainy of Cafoor, and finding his people of the same sentiments, he immediately formed a conspiracy against the tyrant,
He is assassinated.

and accordingly he and his lieutenant, the Bushier, entered his apartment, in a few hours, and assassinated him, with some of the principal eunuchs, who were attached to his interest. This happened thirty-five days after the King's death, and thus the world was rid of a monster too horrid to exist among mankind.

Mubarick Chan ascends the throne.

When, with the return of day, the transactions of the night became public, they gave general satisfaction. Mubarick Chan was released from his confinement, and had the reins of government placed in his hand. He however did not immediately assume the throne, but acted for the space of two months, as regent or vizier for his brother, till he had brought over the Omrahs to his interest. He then claimed his birthright to the diadem, deposed his brother, and acceded to the imperial dignity. But, according to the barbarous custom and policy of those days, he deprived Shab ul dien of his eyes, and confined him for life in the fort of Gualier, after he had borne the title of King for three months and some days.

SECTION XV. The Reign of CUTTUB UL DIEN MUBARICK SHAW CHILLIGE.

A. D. 1317. Higer. 717.

UPON the seventh of Mohirrim, in the year seven hundred and seventeen of the Higera, Mubarick Shaw mounted the throne.
Mubarick's cruelty and ingratitude.

The Mubishir who had saved his life, and raised him to the imperial dignity, as also the Bushire, were ungratefully and inhumanly put to death by his orders, under no better pretence than that they presumed too much upon the services they had done him. It is probable he was instigated to this base action by his fears, as, in some measure, appears by his immediately dispersing all the old Peons who were under their command, into different parts of the country. Mubarick began to dispense his favours among the Omrahs, but he disgusted them all by raising some of his slaves to that dignity.

Promotions at court.

Malleck Dinar Shenapil, was dignified with the title of Ziffer Chan. Mahummud Moula, the Sultan's uncle, received the name of Shere Shaw, and Molana Zea ul dien, that of Sidder Jehan. In the mean time Malleck Kerabeg was made one of the councillors of the Durbar; and Hassen one of his slaves, the son of a seller of rags at Guzerat, received the title of Chusero Chan, and through the King's unnatural affection for him, became the greatest man in the empire. He was appointed to the command of the armies of Malleck Cafoor and Shadi Chan, and at the same time to the honour of the Vizarit, without any one good quality to recommend him to those high employs.

The Sultan affects popularity.

The Sultan, whether to affect popularity, or in remembrance of his late situation, ordered all the prisons to be opened, by which
A. D. 1317. Higer. 717.

means seventeen thousand were blessed with the light of day, and all the exiles were by proclamation recalled. He then commanded to give to the army a present of six months pay, and conferred upon many, other private benefits. He at the same time issued orders to give free access to all petitioners. He eased the petitioners of some of their taxes; but by too much relaxing the reins of government, disorder and tumult arose, which threw down to the ground the great fabrick raised by Alla ul dien. He gave himself up entirely to wine, revelry, and lust. These vices became fashionable at court, from whence the whole body of the people were soon infected.

Guzerat reduced.

Mubarick, in the first year of his reign, sent an army under the command of Ain ul Mulluck Moultani, into the province of Guzerat, which had revolted. Moultani was an Omrah of great reputation. He soon defeated the insurgents, cut off their chiefs, and settled the country in peace. The King conferred the government of Guzerat upon Ziffer Chan, whose daughter he had taken in marriage. Ziffer Chan soon after marched his army to Narwalla, the capital of Guzerat, where some disturbances had happened, reduced the rebels, confiscated their estates, and sent their moveable wealth to the King.

Mubarick reduces the Decan.

Mubarick Shaw, in the second year of his reign, raised a great army, and marched towards the Decan, to chastise Hirpaldeo, the son in law of Ramdeo, who, by the assistance of the other Rajas of the Decan, had recovered his country. The Sultan at his departure appointed Shahin, the son of a slave, to whom he gave the title of Offa Beg, governor of Delhi, during his absence. When he arrived near Deogire, Hirpaldeo and the other Rajas, who were then besieging the place, fled. But some Omrahs being ordered to pursue Hirpaldeo, he was brought back prisoner, flead alive and beheaded. His head was fixed above the gate of his own capital. The Sultan
A. D. 1318. Higer. 718.

ordered his garrisons to be re-established as far as the sea, and built a mosque in Deogire, which still remains. He then appointed Malleck Ecklikki, one of his father's slaves, to command in the Decan. He, in imitation of his father, gave his catamite Chusero Chan the ensigns of royalty, sending him towards Malbar, with part of his army, then returned himself to Delhi.

A conspiracy.

Malleck Assid ul dien, son to the Sultan's grand uncle, seeing the King daily drunk, and negligent of all the duties of a king or commander, began to entertain thoughts of the empire, and formed a conspiracy against his life. This plot however was discovered by one of the conspirators, and Assid ul dien was condemned to death. Whether Mubarick had found proofs that his brothers were concerned in this conspiracy, we cannot learn,
The Sultan's cruelty.

but at that time he sent an assassin to Gualier, and these two unfortunate blind princes were inhumanly murdered, and the fair Dewildè brought to the royal Haram.

The Emperor abandons himself to every species of vice.

Mubarick finding himself in quiet possession of all the kingdoms of Hindostan, abandoned those popular manners which he at first affected, and grew perverse, proud, vindictive, and tyrannical, despising all counsel, ill treating all his friends, and executing every thing, however bloody or unjust, by his obstinate, blind, arbitrary will. Ziffer Chan, Suba of Guzerat, among others, fell a victim to his tyranny, as also Offa Beg, upon whom he had heaped such favours, without any plausible pretences against either. He was infamous, in short, in every vice that can taint the human mind, and descended so far from the royal character, as to dress himself often like a common prostitute, and go with the public women to dance at the houses of the nobility. At other times he would lead a gang of those abominable prostitutes stark naked along the terraces of the royal palaces, and make them play their fountains upon the Omrahs
A. D. 1318. Higer. 718.

as they entered the court. These and such other vices and indecencies, too shocking to mention, were the constant amusements of this monster in the form of man.

Several insurrections quashed.

After the death of Ziffer Chan, Hissam ul dien, uncle to Chusero Chan, who was also one of the Sultan's catamites, in the absence of the detestable slave, obtained the regency of Guzerat, where he had not been established long, till, in confederacy with a few Omrahs, he rebelled; but the other Omrahs of Guzerat rising in arms, defeated him, and sent him prisoner to Delhi, where he was not only pardoned, but permitted to resume his place in the King's favour; Malleck Odgi ul dien Toureshi being sent to Guzerat in his stead. About this time news arrived, that Malleck Ecklikki, governor of the Decan, had rebelled. The Sultan sent a great army to suppress that insurrection, who found means to seize the rebel and his principal adherents, and to send them to Delhi, where Malleck Ecklikki had his ears cut off, and the others were put to the torture. Ain ul Malleck Moultani was advanced to the viceroyship of the Decan.

Chusero Chan, who had gone to Malbar, stayed there about one year. He plundered the country of about one hundred and twenty elephants, a perfect diamond of 168 Ruttys, with other jewels and gold, to a great amount.
Chusero Chan aspires to the throne.

His ambition was increased by his wealth, and he began to aspire to the throne. Not being able to join to his interest any of the Omrahs of his army, he formed the means of their destruction. For this purpose he called Malleck Tilbigha from the government of the island of Koohe, Malleck Timur and Malleck Mullhe Affghan, who were on different services, and gave out that he had orders to return to Delhi. These Omrahs having intelligence of his intentions, disobeyed his commands, and wrote a remonstrance to the Sultan, accusing Chusero Chan of conspiracy against the state. The Sultan,
A. D. 1319. Higer. 719.

on this, ordered them to seize him and send him prisoner to Delhi, which accordingly they found means to execute. But when he came before the King, he pleaded his own innocence so artfully, and blamed his accusers with such plausibility of truth, that the Sultan believing the whole proceeded from the disgust of their being commanded by his favourite, he recalled them; and notwithstanding they gave undoubted proofs of their assertions, the Sultan was determined to listen to nothing against this vile catamite. He dishonoured them, confiscated all their estates, turned them out to poverty and the world. The other Omrahs seeing that the enemies of Chusero Chan, right or wrong, were devoted to destruction, the men of the best principles among them made excuses, and obtained leave to retire to distant parts of the empire: while the abandoned to all honour, joined themselves to the catamite, who was now the object of universal dread, as well as the source of all benefits and promotion.
Chusero continues his designs.

This slave, in the mean time, cherished his own ambitious views, and began again to form measures for his own advancement.

To accomplish his purpose, he told the King, "That as his own fidelity and services had been by his Majesty so generously rewarded, and as he might still have occasion for them in the conduct of his military affairs, while the Omrahs, from the pride of family, were seditious and disobedient to his commands, he begged that he might be permitted to call some of his relations from Guzerat, in whom he could more certainly confide." The Sultan agreed to this request; and Chusero Chan sent a great sum of money by some of his agents to Guzerat, who collected about twenty thousand of the dregs of the people, and brought them to Delhi. Every place of profit and trust were conferred upon those vermin, which bound them fast to Chusero's interest; and also upon all the
A. D. 1320. Higer. 720.

villains about the city, who were remarkable for their boldness and address.

Conspires against the Sultan's life.

The Sultan, in the mean time, going to hunt towards Jirsava, a plot was formed to assassinate him. But this was laid aside, on account of some difference in opinion among the conspirators: and therefore they resolved to perform their tragedy in the palace. The Sultan returned to Delhi, and, according to custom, gave himself up to his debaucheries. Chusero Chan was warm in his project, and took the opportunity of a favourable hour to beg leave of Mubarick to entertain his friends in the outer court of the palace. The Sultan not only consented, but issued orders, to give them free access at all times; by which means the courts of the palace became crouded with those vermin.

The Sultan informed of the plot.

In the mean time, Casi Zea ul dien, who was famous for his skill in astrology, though upon this occasion, we imagine, he consulted his own judgment and not the stars, ran into the presence and kissed the ground. "O King," said he, "Chusero Chan is concerning means for your assassination. If this should prove false his honesty will be the better established; if otherwise, caution is necessary, because life is the most inestimable jewel." The Sultan smiled at the old man, who had been one of his preceptors, and told him, he would make enquiry into that affair: while instantly Chusero Chan entered in a female dress, with all the affectations of a girl.
His infatuation.

The Sultan upon seeing the infamous catamite, repeated a verse to this effect. "If my beloved were guilty of ten thousand crimes, one smile from him and I forget them all." He then embraced Chusero, and actually did forget all that the Casi had said.

That night, as the Casi was suspicious of treason, he could not go to rest, but walked out about midnight, to see whether the guards were
A. D. 1321. Higer. 721.

watchful. In their rounds, he met Mundule, uncle to Chusero Chan, who engaged him in conversation.
The old Casi murdered.

In the mean time, one Jaherba came behind him, and with one stroke of a sword, stretched him upon the ground, having only strength to cry out, "Treason! Treason! Murder and treason are on foot!" while two servants who attended him, run off, screaming aloud, that the Casi was assassinated. The guards started up in confusion, but they were instantly attacked by the conspirators, and massacred before they could prepare for their own defence.

The Sultan alarmed by the noise, asked Chusero Chan, who lay in his apartment, the cause of it. The villain arose to enquire, and going out on the terrace, stood for some time, and returning told the King, that some of the horses belonging to the guard, had broke loose from their picquets, and were fighting, while the people were endeavouring to lay hold of them. This satisfied the Sultan for the present; but soon after, the conspirators having ascended the stairs, and got upon the terraces which led to the royal sleeping apartment, they were stopped by Ibrahim and Ishaac, with all the porters of the private chambers, whom they immediately put to the sword.
The Sultan assassinated.

The Sultan hearing the clash of arms and groans of dying men so near him, rose up in great terror and confusion, running towards the Haram, by a private passage. Chusero Chan fearing he might escape, rushed close after him, and seizing him by the hair in the gallery, struggled with him for some time. The Sultan being the stronger man, threw Chusero on the ground; but as he had twisted his hand in his hair, he could by no means disengage himself, till some of the other conspirators came, and with a stroke of a sabre, cut off his head and threw it down into the court, proclaiming the deed aloud to those below.

A. D. 1321. Higer. 721.

The conspirators in the court below, began to be hard pressed by the guards and the servants, who had crouded from all quarters, but upon hearing of the Sultan's fate, they all hastened out of the palace.
A general massacre in the palace.

The conspirators then shut the gates and massacred all who had not the good fortune to escape; particularly the younger children of Alla ul dien, Feredoon Chan, Ali Chan and Omar Chan. Then breaking into the Haram, committed all manner of violence upon the poor women.

Reflections upon the Sultan's death.

Thus the vengeance of God overtook and exterminated the race of Alla ul dien, for his ingratitude to Firose Shaw, and the streams of innocent blood which flowed from his hands. Heaven also punished Mubarick Shaw, whose name and reign are too infamous to have a place in the records of literature; did not our duty as a historian, oblige us to this disagreeable task. But notwithstanding, we have, in some places, been obliged to throw the veil of oblivion over circumstances too horrid to relate.

This massacre happened on the fifth of Ribi ul Awil, in the year 721.
Chusero Chan mounts the throne.

In the morning Chusero Chan, surrounded by his creatures, mounted the throne, and ridiculously assumed the title of Nasir ul dien, or the supporter of religion. He then ordered all the slaves and servants of Mubarick Shaw, who he thought had the least spark of honesty, to be put to death, and their wives and children to be sold for slaves. His brother was dignified with the title of Chan Chanan, and married to one of the daughters of Alla ul dien, while he took Dewildè, the widow of Mubarick Shaw, to himself. He disposed of all the other ladies of the Seraglio among his beggarly friends.

The army now remained to be bribed, who loved nothing better than a revolution; for they had always, upon such an occasion, a donation
A. D. 1321. Higer. 721.

of six months pay immediately divided from the treasury.
Brings over the army to his interest.

This trifle bought those dissolute slaves, who were lost to all sense of gratitude or honour.

Honours conferred upon the conspirators.

The son of Kimmerah Kimar, the chief of a gang of thieves, received the title of Azim Malleck Shaista Chan, and was made Ariz Mumalick, while Ain ul Malleck became Alim Chan, and was appointed Amir ul Omrah[*]. Malleck Fuchir ul dien Jonah had the title of Chusero Chan, and the appointment of master of the horse, with many other distinguishing favours, with an intention to gain over the allegiance of his father, Ghazi Malleck, governor of Lahore and Debalpoor, of whom the usurper was in great fear. Notwithstanding his promotion, Fuchir ul dien Jonah was touched to the soul, to see the empire ridden by a gang of villains.
Ghazi Malleck revolts from the usurper.

His father also, who was reckoned a man of great bravery and honour in those days, was discontented at the infamous proceedings at court, and roused himself to revenge. He acquainted his son of his purpose, and he took the first opportunity to fly from Delhi and join his father.

The usurper was in great perplexity upon the flight of Jonah, and began already to give his hopes to the wind. Ghazi Malleck immediately prepared for hostilities, and by circular letters, invited all the Omrahs to join his standard. A great many Subas put their troops immediately in motion; but Mogulti the Suba of Moultan, jealous of precedence, refused to join; upon which occasion, Byram Ibah, a chief of some note in those parts, was prevailed upon to assassinate him.

Malleck Ecklikki, Suba of Samana, notwithstanding the usurper had been the occasion of his losing his ears, transmitted the letter of Ghazi Malleck to court, informing him of the rebellion, and
A. D. 1321. Higer. 721.

The Suba of Samana defeated.

taking the field against the confederates, received a signal defeat, and in his flight to Delhi, was fallen upon by the Zemindars and cut to pieces. The usurper sent Chan Chanan his brother, and Sufi Chan, with all on whom he could depend, against the confederates.

Ghazi Malleck defeats the usurper's army, and marches to Delhi.

Ghazi Malleck, now joined by Byram Ibah, with the army from Moultan, and other Subas, advanced to meet the usurper's army, which he did upon the banks of the Sirusti. But as the troops of Ghazi Malleck were experienced in frequent wars with the Moguls, and those of Chusero enervated by indolence and debaucheries, and besides, lost to all sense of military honour, they were broke at the first onset, and all the public treasure, elephants and baggage were taken. This booty was divided in the field among the conquerors. They then continued their march in triumph towards Delhi.
Chusero marches out of the city.

The usurper, in great embarassment, marched out of the city, and took possession of a strong post near the great pond of Alahi, with the citadel in his rear, and many gardens with high walls in his front. He then opened the treasury, and gave three years pay to his troops, leaving nothing but the jewels, of some of which he also disposed. The confederates advancing in sight, an action was expected next morning. But that night, Ain ul Muluck Moultani drew off his forces from the usurper, and took the rout of Mindu. This struck great terror into Chusero's army. They however drew up in order of battle; and Malleck Tilbigha and Shaista Chan opposing the confederates with great bravery, as they advanced through the lanes, were at length overpowered and slain. But their situation gave such advantages to the usurper's army, that they maintained their post till the evening; when the infamous Chusero fled with a few of his friends towards Jilput.
He is overthrown, taken and slain.

In the way he was deserted by all his attendants, and obliged to conceal himself in a tomb, from whence he was dragged the next day, and ordered to be put to death, together with his brother, who was taken in a neighbouring garden.

A. D. 1321. Higer. 721.

The day after this action, being the first of Shaban, all the Omrahs and magistrates of the city came to pay their respects to the victor, and made him a present of the keys of the capital. He mounted his horse and entered Delhi in triumph. When he came in sight of the palace of a thousand pillars, he began to weep, crying with a loud voice!

Ghazi Malleck's moderation.

"O ye subjects of this great empire, I am no more than one of you, who unsheathed my sword to deliver you from oppression, and rid the world of a monster. My endeavours, by the blessing of God, have been crowned with success. If therefore any of the royal line remain, let them be brought, that justice may take place, and that we his servants may prostrate ourselves before his throne. But if none of the race of Kings have escaped the bloody hands of tyranny and usurpation, let the most worthy of the illustrious order be elected among you, and I shall swear to abide by your choice."

The people called out with one voice, that none of the princes were now alive; that as he had shielded them from the vengeance of the Moguls, and delivered them from the rage of a tyrant, none was so worthy to reign. Then seizing him, in a manner, by violence, they placed him upon the throne, and hailed him King of the world.
He mounts the throne by the name of Yeas ul dien.

But he assumed the more modest title of Yeas ul dien, or the reformer of the religion. The reign of Chusero Chan was five months. Nothing in history can exhibit such an example of the dissolute and infamous manners of any age or nation, as we are presented with in the accounts of this wicked and shameful usurpation.

SECTION XVI. The Reign of Sultan YEAS UL DIEN TUGLICK SHAW.

A. D. 1321. Higer. 721.

His pedigree uncertain.

WE have no true accounts of the pedigree of Tuglick Shaw. It is generally believed, that his father, whose name was Malleck Tuglick, had been, in his youth, slave to Sultan Balin. His mother was one of the tribe of the Jits. But indeed the pedigrees of the Kings of the Patan empire, make such a wretched figure in history, that we could wish to omit them, were it not to show how far the depravity and corruption of a people can plunge them into the sink of slavery, and subject them to the vilest of men.

A wise prince.

When Sultan Yeas ul dien mounted the throne, he began to regulate the affairs of government, which had fallen into the utmost disorder, by the most salutary and adviseable methods, which gained him general esteem. He repaired the palaces and fortifications, founded others, and encouraged industry and commerce. Men of genius and learning were called to court; institutes of laws and government were established and founded upon the Coran, and the antient usages of the empire.

Promotions at court.

Malleck Fuchir ul dien Jonah, the Sultan's eldest son, was declared heir apparent, with the title of Aligh Chan, and all the royal ensigns conferred upon him. His other four sons were entitled Byram Chan, Ziffer Chan, Mamood Chan, and Nuserit Chan. Byram Ibah, who had so effectually assisted him with the army from Moultan, was adopted his brother, by the title of Chusero Chan, and appointed viceroy of Sind, Outch and Moultan. Malleck Assid
A. D. 122. Higer. 722.

ul dien, his nephew, was appointed Barbeg, or lord of the presence, and Malleck Baha ul dien, his other nephew, Ariz Mumalick. Malleck Shadi, the Emperor's brother and son in law, was made vizier. Malleck Burhan ul dien had the vizarit of Deogire conferred upon him; and Tatar Chan the government of Zifferabad.

Troops stationed on the frontiers.

The Emperor in the mean time stationed troops upon the frontiers towards Cabul, and built forts to defend the country from the incursions of the Moguls, which he did so effectually, as not to be troubled by these invaders during his reign.

Aligh Chan marches against Arinkil.

In the second year from his accession, Aligh Chan, with some of the old Omrahs, and the troops of Chinderi, Budaoon, and Malava, was dispatched towards Tilling, to chastise Lidderdeo, Raja of Arinkil, who had, during the late disturbances, wrested his neck from the yoke, and refused to send his tribute, while the Raja of Deogire had also swerved from his allegiance. Aligh Chan having advanced into those countries, began a barbarous war with fire and sword. Lidderdeo opposed him with some vigour, but was in the end obliged to retreat into the city of Arinkil, which Aligh Chan immediately invested.

Lays siege to Arinkil,

The siege was carried on with great loss on both sides, till the walls were battered down, and a practicable breach made. The Mahommedan army, in the mean time, on account of the hot winds and bad water, were seized with a malignant distemper, that swept hundreds to their graves every day. Many became desirous to return home, and spread false reports through the camp, which threw universal consternation among the army. As there had been no advices for above a month from Delhi, Shech Zuda Dimiski, Obeid the poet, and some others, who were companions of Aligh Chan,
A. D. 1322. Higer. 722.

raised a report by way of jest, that Sultan Yeas ul dien was dead, and that a great revolution had happened in Delhi. Not content with this, they went to the tents of Malleck Timur, Malleck Mul Afghan, Malleck Cafoor Mordar, and Malleck Tiggi, who were the principal Omrahs in the camp, and told them, such and such was the state of affairs at Delhi, and that Aligh Chan, knowing them, as old Omrahs, to have an equal right with himself to the empire, had resolved to dispatch them.

which by the desertion of the Omrahs he is constrained to raise.

The Omrahs giving implicit belief to this false information, fled that night, with all their dependants, from camp. Aligh Chan, thus deserted, was under the necessity of retreating in great disorder, towards Deogire, whither he was pursued by the besieged, with great slaughter. In the mean time advices arrived from Delhi, that all was well, and Aligh Chan halted at Deogire, to collect his scattered army. The four Omrahs who fled, having disagreed among themselves, had each taken a separate rout, by which means they were fallen upon by the Hindoos, plundered of their elephants, camels, and baggage, and otherwise greatly harrassed in their march. Malleck Timur and Malleck Tiggi were both slain, while Malleck Mul and Malleck Cafoor were seized by their own troops, and brought prisoners to Deogire. An enquiry was made into their conduct, the authors of the disturbance seized, and all of them sent prisoners to Delhi. The Emperor ordered the propagators of the false intelligence to be buried alive, with this severe sarcasm: "That they had buried him alive in jest, but that he would bury them alive in good earnest."

Aligh Chan was obliged to retreat from Deogire, and brought only back three thousand horse of all his great army, to Delhi. He in two months, however, made great preparations, and, with a more
A. D. 1323. Higer. 723.

numerous army than the former, took the rout of Arinkil. He took in his way the city of Bedir, on the frontiers of Tilling, and other places, where he left garrisons.
Aligh Chan returns to Arinkil, and takes it.

He then advanced to the capital, renewed the siege, and in a short time, reduced it. Some thousands of the unfortunate Hindoos were massacred, and Lidderdeo, with his family, taken prisoners. Aligh Chan sent the prisoners, their treasure, elephants, and effects, to Delhi, under charge of Kuddir Chan and Chaja Hadgee. Upon their arrival great rejoicings were made in the new citadel, which the Sultan had built, by the name of Tughlickabad.

Takes Jagenagur.

Aligh Chan having appointed trusty Omrahs to govern the country of Tilling, proceeded in person towards Jagenagur[*]. In that place he took forty elephants from the Raja, and sent them to his father. Returning then to Arinkil, he staid there a few days, and continued his march to Delhi.

In the beginning of the year 724, complaints arrived from Lucknouti and Sonnargaum, of the great oppressions committed by the governors of those countries.
The Sultan marches towards Bengal.

The Sultan appointed Aligh Chan to the government of Delhi, and with a great army, marched towards Bengal. When he had reached Nahib, Sultan Nazir ul dien, the son of Sultan Balin, who had remained in that government since the death of his father, arrived in a respectful manner, from Lucknouti, with many valuable presents. He was confirmed in his government of Lucknouti, Sonnargaum, Koru, and Bengal, and honoured with royal dignities; and the Emperor prepared for his return.

Reduces Turhat.

When he was passing near the hills of Turhat, the Raja of those parts appearing in arms, he pursued him into the woods. Finding his army could no longer continue the pursuit, he alighted, and calling
A. D. 1325. Higer. 725.

for a hatchet, cut down one of the trees with his own hand. The troops upon seeing this, set to work with such spirit, that the forest seemed to vanish before them, till they arrived at a fort surrounded with seven ditches full of water, and a high wall. The King immediately invested it, and began the siege, filled up the ditches, and broke down the wall in three weeks. He took the Raja, his family and wealth, and conferred the government of Turhat upon Ahmed Chan, and returned with his army towards Delhi.

Killed by accident.

When the Emperor had reached Afghanpoor, he was met by Aligh Chan, with all the Omrahs of Delhi, to congratulate him upon his safe return. But his death was now approaching. His son had in that place raised a house in three days time, for his father's reception. The entertainment being over, the King was preparing to mount, and every body hastened out to be ready to accompany him. The roof of the building fell instantly in, and killed the Sultan, and five of his attendants, as he was rising to follow the Omrahs.

His death ascribed to various causes.

Some authors attribute this accident to the newness of the building, and the motion of the elephants that were preparing without. Others give it to design, with which they charge Aligh Chan, as the raising this unnecessary building seems indeed to indicate. But others ascribe it to lightning; so that the matter still remains in doubt. The death of Tuglich Shaw happened in the month of Ribbi ul awil, of the year 725, after a reign of four years and some months. Amir Chusero, who lived down to the end of this Sultan's reign, has favoured posterity with his history at large, by which it appears, that he was a great and virtuous prince.

SECTION XVII. The Reign of Sultan MAHUMMUD the son of YEAS UL DIEN TUGHLICK SHAW.

A. D. 1324. Higer. 725.

Aligh Chan, by the name of Mahummud Shaw, mounts the throne.

AFTER the King's funeral obsequies were performed, Aligh Chan ascended the throne, by the title of Mahummud Shaw, and proceeded from Tughlick Abad, to Delhi. The streets of that city were strowed with flowers, the houses adorned, the drums beating, and every demonstration of joy exhibited. The Sultan ordered some elephants, loaded with gold and silver, before and behind him, which was scattered among the populace.

His generosity.

Tatar Chan, whom the Sultan's father had adopted, and appointed to the government of Zifferabad, was now honoured with the title of Byram Chan, and presented with a hundred elephants, a crore of golden rupees, two thousand horse, and the government of Bengal. To Malleck Sinjer Buduchshi, Mahummud gave seventy lacks in silver. To Malleck ul Muluck, eighty lacks; and to Molana Azid his preceptor, forty lacks, all in one day. Molana Nazir ul dien Cumi, had an annual pension of one lack, and Malleck Ghizni the poet another to the same amount.

His generosity, in short, was, like his wealth, without bounds, which no man could well account for, there being no great sum in the treasury upon his accession. It is therefore probable that he had concealed the riches of the Raja of Arkilla, from his father, and that his liberality was supplied from the wealth of the Decan, which circumstance strengthens our suspicion that he was accessary to his father's death.
His learning.

Some writers, notwithstanding this suspicion, make long panegyrics upon his virtues and accomplishments. He, it must
A. D. 1326. Higer. 727.

be acknowledged, aimed at universal knowledge, was conversant in all the literature of the times, and a patron of learned men, giving them profusely pensions, for a magnificent subsistance.

His religion,

The Sultan was, at the same time, very strict with regard to public and private worship. He ordered prayers to be read in the mosques five times every day. He discouraged all intemperate pleasures, and set the example by his own rigid life.
and cruelty.

But it is to be suspected, that he acted the mean character of a hypocrite, for he was vindictive and inhuman, delighting in the blood of his subjects, and condemning them without distinction of right or wrong, to cruel and ignominious deaths.

The Moguls invade Hindostan.

In the beginning of the reign of Mahummud, before the empire was properly settled, Tirim Siri Chan, chief of the tribe of Chighitta, a Mogul general of great fame, invaded Hindostan, in the year 727, with an innumerable army, with a view to make an entire conquest of it. Having subdued Limghan, Moultan, and the northern provinces, he advanced towards Delhi, with incredible expedition, and invested it.
Retire with an immense treasure.

Sultan Mahummud, seeing he could not cope with the enemy in the field, and that the city must soon fall, began to sue for peace, sent an immense present in gold and jewels, to soften the Mogul chief, who at last consented, upon receiving almost the price of the empire, to return to his own country, taking Guzerat and Sind in his way, which he plundered of a world of wealth.

The Sultan's
〈◊〉

.Sultan Mahummud turned his thoughts to war, and the regulation of his army. He subdued by different generals, many distant countries, such as Door, Summudir, Maber, Compila, Arinkil, Lucknouti, Sonnargaum, and Chittagaum, some of which provinces had revolted, and others had never been subjected by the arms of the Islamites. He soon after reduced the Carnatic to the extremities of
A. D. 1326. Higer. 727.

the Decan, and from sea to sea, obliging all the Rajas to pay him tribute, by which means he again filled the treasury with money.

The cause of disturbances in the Empire.

But during the convulsions which soon after shook the empire, all these foreign conquests were wrested from the yoke. The causes of the disturbances were chiefly these. The heavy imposts, which were, in this reign, tripled in some provinces. The passing copper money for silver, by a public decree. The raising 370,000 horse for the conquest of Chorrassan and Maverulnere; the sending 100,000 horse towards the mountains of Himmachil or Kirrigil; the cruel massacre of many Mahommedans as well as Hindoos, in different parts of Hindostan; and many other lesser reasons, which, for the sake of brevity, we shall forbear to mention.

Heavy imposts upon the necessaries of life.

The imposts upon the necessaries of life, which were levied with the utmost rigour, were too great for the power of industry, and consequently the country was involved in distraction and confusion. The farmers were forced to fly to the woods, and to maintain themselves by rapine. The lands being left uncultivated, famine began to desolate whole provinces, and the sufferings of the people obliterated from their minds every idea of government, and subjection to authority.

Copper mo¦ney.

The copper money, for want of proper regulations, was productive of no less evils than that which we have already specified. The King, unfortunately for his people, adopted his ideas upon currency, from a Chinese custom of using paper upon the Emperor's credit, with the royal seal appended, for ready money. Mahummud, instead of paper, struck a copper coin, which being issued at an imaginary value, he made current by a decree throughout Hindostan. The mint was under very bad regulations. Bankers acquired immense fortunes by coinage, whilst the merchants made their payments
A. D. 1329. Higer. 730.

in copper, to the poor manufacturers, at the same time that they themselves received for their exports, silver and gold.
Villainies in the mint.

There was much villainy also practised in the mint; for a premium to those who had the management of it, the merchants had their coin struck considerably below the legal value; and these abuses were overlooked by the government.

But the great source of the misfortunes consequent upon this debasement of the coin, was the known instability of government. Public credit could not long subsist in a state so liable to revolutions as Hindostan; for how could the people in the remote provinces, receive for money the base representative of a treasury that so often changed its master?

The Sultan obliged to call in the copper money.

From these evils general murmurs and confusions arose throughout the Empire. The Sultan, to ease the minds of the people, was obliged to call in his copper currency. But there had been such abuses in the mint, that after the treasury was emptied, there still remained a heavy demand. This he was forced to strike off, and thousands were ruined. The Emperor himself was so far from winning by this indigested scheme, that he lost all he had in his treasury; and the bankers accumulated immense fortunes, on the ruin of their sovereign and the people.

The army not being paid, commit outrages.

Mahummud, by the advice of Amir Norose, a Mogul chief, who, with thousands of his tribe, had entered into the service, raised a great army. The Mogul buoyed up the Emperor's mind with the facility of reducing both Iran and Turan; but before these mighty projects could be put in execution, he fell in arrears to his forces. They, finding they could not subsist without pay, dispersed themselves over the empire, and carried pillage, ruin, and death, to every quarter.

A. D. 1337. Higer. 738.

The Sultan forms a scheme to fill his treasury.

These misfortunes comprehended the domestic transactions of many years. The public treasury being squandered by impolitic schemes and follies of various kinds, the King entered into a project to repair his finances, equally absurd with that by which they were principally ruined.

The Sultan's scheme to conquer China.

Having heard of the great wealth of Chin[*], Mahummud formed a resolution to subdue that kingdom; but to accomplish his design, it was first necessary to conquer the country of Himmatchil, which lies between the borders of Chin and Hindostan. He accordingly, in the year 738, ordered one hundred thousand horse, under the command of his sister's son Chusero Malleck, to subdue the mountainous country of Himmatchil, and six garrisons as far as the frontiers of Chin. When this should be done, he proposed to advance in person with his whole force, to invade that empire.

The Omrahs endeavour to dissuade him from it.

The Omrahs and counsellors of state, went so far, as plainly to tell him, that the troops of Hindostan never yet could, and never would advance a step within the limits of that mighty empire, and that the whole was a visionary project. The Sultan insisted upon making the experiment, and accordingly this army was put in motion, and having entered the mountains, began to build small forts on the road, to secure a communication;
The Sultan's army advance to the frontiers of China.

proceeding in this manner to the boundaries of Chin, where a numerous army appeared to oppose them. As their numbers were by this time greatly diminished, and much inferior to that of the enemy, the troops of Hindostan were struck with universal dismay, upon considering their distance from home, the rugged ways they had passed, and the rainy season which was now approaching; besides the scarcity of provisions, which now began to be severely felt. In this consternation they bent their march towards the foot of a mountain, where
A. D. 1337. Higer. 738.

the savage inhabitants of the hills poured down upon them, and plundered their baggage, while the Chinese army lay in their front.

Their distressful situation.

In this dreadful situation they remained for seven days, suffering the extremities of famine without knowing how to proceed. At length such a heavy rain fell, that the cavalry were up to their bellies in water, which obliged the Chinese to remove their camp to a greater distance. Chusero Malleck then determined to endeavour to make his retreat, but the low country was quite covered with water, and the mountains with impervious woods. Their misfortunes now came to a crisis. Having lost the road, they found themselves in such an unfortunate situation, that they could find no way out but that by which they entered, which was now possessed by the enemy.
They are destroyed to a man.

This whole army in short, in the space of fifteen days, fell a prey to famine, and a victim to false ambition; scarce a man coming back to relate the particulars, except those who were left behind in the garrisons. A few of them escaped indeed the rage of the enemy, but could not escape the more fatal tyranny of their Emperor, who ordered them to be put to death, upon their return to Delhi.

Kirshasib rebels in the Decan.

Baha ul dien, the Sultan's nephew, an Omrah of great reputation, known more generally by his original name Kirshasib, who possessed a government in the Decan, called Saghir, began to turn his thoughts upon the empire, and gained over many of the Omrahs of the Decan to his party. By their influence and the great riches which he had accumulated, his power became very formidable. He then attacked some Omrahs who continued firm in their allegiance, obliging them to take refuge in the sort of Mindu.

The Sultan having intelligence of the revolt, commanded Chaja Jehan, with many other Omrahs and the whole power of Guzerat,
A. D. 1338. Higer. 739.

to chastise the rebel.
He is overthrown.

When the imperial army arrived before Deogire, they found Kirshasib drawn up in order of battle to receive them: but, after a gallant contest, he was defeated.
Flies to the Carnatic.

He fled towards Sajur; but not daring to remain there, he carried off his family and wealth to Campala in the Carnatic, and took protection in the dominions of the Raja of that place, with whom he had maintained a friendly intercourse.

The Sultan, in the mean time, took the field, and arrived soon after at Deogire.
His allies defeated.

He sent from thence Chaja Jehan with a great force against the Raja of Campala, by whom the imperialists were twice defeated: but fresh reinforcements arriving from Deogire, Chaja Jehan engaged the Raja a third time, and carried the victory. He took the Raja prisoner, but Kirshasib fled to the court of Bellaldeo, who fearing to draw the same misfortunes upon himself, seized upon him, and sent him bound to the general, and acknowledged his subjection to the empire.
He is taken and flead alive.

Chaja Jehan immediately dispatched the prisoner to court, where the Sultan ordered him to be flead, and shewn a horrid spectacle, all around the city; while the executioner proclaimed aloud, "Thus shall all traitors to their King perish."

The Sultan making Deogire his capital, calls it Dowlatabad.

The Sultan was so much pleased with the situation and strength of Deogire, that, considering it more centrical than Delhi, he determined to make it his capital. But, upon proposing this affair in his council, the majority were of opinion, that Ugein was a more proper place for that purpose. The King, however, had previously formed his resolution.
Destroys Delhi.

He therefore gave orders that the city of Delhi, which was then the envy of the world, should be rendered desolate, and that men, women, and children, with all their effects and cattle, should make a grand migration to Deogire. To add magnificence to the migration, he commanded trees to be tore up by the roots, and planted in regular rows along the road, to yield the emigrants a
A. D. 1338. Higer. 739.

shade, and that all who had not money to defray their charges should be maintained at the public expence. He ordered that for the future Deogire should be called Dowlatabad; raised noble buildings, and dug a deep ditch round the walls, which he repaired and beautified. Upon the top of the hill upon which the citadel stood, he formed large reservoirs for water, and made a beautiful garden. This change however greatly affected the empire, and distracted the minds of the people. But the Sultan's orders were strictly complied with, and the ancient capital left desolate.

The Sultan having effected this business, marched his army against the fort of Gundana, near Jinner. Nack-naig, who was chief of the Colies, opposed him with great bravery, but was forced to take refuge within his walls. As the place was built upon the summit of a steep mountain, inaccessible but by one narrow pass cut in the rock, the Sultan had no hopes of reducing it but by famine. He accordingly ordered it to be blockaded, and at the same time, made some ineffectual attacks, in which he was repulsed with great loss.
Gundana taken.

The garrison becoming straitened for provisions, and having no hopes of the Sultan's retreat, delivered up the place at the expiration of eight months; and the Sultan returned to Dowlatabad.

The viceroy of Moultan revolts.

He had not been long in his capital, when he heard that Malleck Ibah, the viceroy of Moultan, had rebelled, and was then reducing the country of Punjaab with a great army. The cause of the revolt was this: The Sultan having sent an order to all his Omrahs to send their families to Dowlatabad, the messenger who was dispatched to Moultan, presuming too much upon the King's authority, upon observing some delay, proceeded to impertinent threats. He one day told Byram Shaw's son in law, that he believed his father was meditating treason against the King. High words upon this arose between them, which in the end proceeded to blows; and the
A. D. 1340. Higer. 741.

messenger had his head struck off, by one of Byram Ibah's servants. Byram Ibah, knowing the vengeful disposition of the Sultan, was sensible that this disrespect to his authority, would never be forgiven, and resolved to seek refuge in arms.

He is overthrown and slain.

The Sultan upon these advices, put his spears in motion, and hastened towards Moultan; and Byram Ibah, with an army numerous as the ants or locusts, prepared to dispute the field. Both armies at last met, and, eager for victory, engaged with great resolution; but after the dust of the field was laid with blood on both sides, misfortune darkened the standards of Byram Ibah, and his troops turning their backs upon glory, abandoned the field. The Sultan immediately gave orders for a general massacre of the inhabitants of Moultan; but Shech Rukun ul dien interceded for them, and prevented the effects of this horrible mandate. Byram Ibah was taken in the pursuit, and his head brought to the King, who returned towards Delhi.

The Sultan resides at Delhi two years.

At sight of their native country and city, all those who had been forced to Dowlatabad, began to desert the Sultan's army, and to disperse themselves in the woods. The Emperor, to prevent the consequences of this desertion, took up his residence in the city; whither he invited them, and remained there for the space of two years. But then he again revolved in his mind, the scheme of making Dowlatabad his capital. He removed his family, obliging the Omrahs to do the same, and carried off the whole city a second time, to the Decan; leaving that noble metropolis a habitation for owls, and the wild beasts of the desart.

Oppressions, and unheard-of cruelty of the Sultan.

About this time, the taxes were so heavily imposed, and exacted with such rigour and cruelty, by the officers of the revenue, that the whole extent of that fertile country, between the two rivers,
A. D. 1341. Higer. 742.

Ganges and Jumna, were particularly oppressed. The farmers, weary of their lives, in one day, set fire to their own houses, and retired to the woods, with their families and cattle. The tyrant having received intelligence of this circumstance, ordered a body of troops to massacre these unhappy people if they resisted, and if they should be taken, to put out their eyes. Many populous provinces were, by this inhuman decree, laid waste, and remained so for several years. The colony of Dowlatabad was also in great distraction; the people, without houses, without employment, were reduced to the utmost distress.

Instances of it.

The tyrannies of the execrable Mahummud exceeded, in short, any thing we have met with in history, of which the following is a horrid instance. When he remained at Delhi, he led his army out to hunt, as is customary with princes. When they arrived in the territory of Birren, he plainly told them, that he came not to hunt beasts but men; and without any obvious reason, began a general massacre of the wretched inhabitants. He had even the barbarity to bring home some thousands of their heads, and to hang them over the city walls. He, upon another occasion, made an excursion of the same nature towards Kinnoge, and massacred all the inhabitants of that city, and the adjacent country for many miles, spreading terror and desolation wherever he turned his face.

A rebellion in Bengal.

But to return to the chain of history: During this time, Malleck Fuchir ul dien, after the death of Byram Chan, rebelled in Lucknouti, having slain Kudder Chan, and possessed himself of the three provinces of Bengal[*]. The Sultan, at the same time, received advices, that Seid Hassen had rebelled in Maber. He ordered Ibrahim the son of Seid Hassen, and all his family, to prison; then marched in the year 742, from the sacking of Kinnoge, towards
A. D. 1342. Higer. 743.

Maber. When he had reached Dowlatabad, he laid a heavy tax upon that city and the neighbouring provinces, which awakened the people into rebellion; but his numerous army soon reduced all the unhappy insurgents to their former slavery. From that place the Sultan sent back a part of his army and Chaja Jehan to Delhi, while he himself marched with another force towards Maber, by the way of Tilling.

When Mahummud arrived before Arinkil, there happened to be a plague in that city, by which he lost a great part of his army. He himself had a violent struggle for his own life, and was obliged to leave Amad ul Malleck to command the army, and return towards Dowlatabad.
The Sultan buries, with great solemnity, one of his teeth.

On the way he was seized with a violent tooth-ach, and lost one of his teeth, which he ordered to be buried with much ceremony at Beir, and a magnificent tomb to be reared over it, which still remains a monument of human vanity and folly. Having arrived at Patan he found himself better, and halted to take medicines for some days. In this place he gave to Shahab Sultani, the title of Naserit Chan, and the government of Bidder, with its dependencies, which yielded annually, a revenue of one crore of rupees. He, at the same time, conferred the government of Dowlatabad and Marhat upon Cuttilich Chan his preceptor.

He returns to Delhi.

He proceeded from Patan in his palankie to Delhi, having heard of some disturbance among the Patans. He, at this period, gave leave to such of the inhabitants of Dowlatabad as were willing to return to Delhi, to follow him. Many thousands returned, but they had almost perished on the way by a famine, which then desolated the countries of Malava and Chinderi.
The misery of the inhabitants.

When they came to Delhi, they found that the famine raged with redoubled violence in that city, in so much that very few could procure the necessaries of life. Mahummud, for once, seemed affected with human miseries.
A. D. 1342. Higer. 743.

He even for some time entirely changed his disposition, and took great pains to encourage husbandry, commerce, and all kinds of industry. He opened the treasury, and divided large sums to the inhabitants for these purposes. But as the people were really in great distress, they expended the money in the necessaries of life, and many of them were severely punished upon that account.

Rebellion of the Afgans,

Shahoo, a chief of the Afgans, about this time, commenced hostilities to the northward, pouring down like a torrent upon Moultan which he laid waste, and killed Begad the Sultan's viceroy, in battle, and put his army to flight.
quelled.

The Sultan having prepared an army at Delhi, moved towards Moultan, but Shahoo, upon the king's approach, wrote him a submissive letter, and fled to the mountains of Afganistan. The Sultan perceiving that it was idle to pursue him, returned to Delhi.

Dreadful famine at Delhi.

The famine continued still to rage in the city so dreadfully, that men eat one another. He ordered, in this distress, another distribution of money towards the sinking of wells, and the cultivation of lands, but the people weakened by hunger, and distracted by private distresses in their families, made very little progress, while the drought continued, and rendered their labour vain. At the same time, the tribes of Mindahir, Chohan, Miana, Batti, and others who inhabited the country about Samana, unable to discharge their rents, fled into the woods. The Sultan marched forthwith against them with his army, and massacred some thousands of these poor slaves.

The Gickers invade Punj
•

ab.In the year 743, Malleck Chunder, chief of the Gickers, invaded Punjâb, and killed Malleck Tatar the viceroy of Lahore in action. Chaja Jehan, upon this, was sent against him. The Sultan, in the mean time, began to entertain a ridiculous notion, that all the misfortunes
A. D. 1343. Higer. 744.

of his reign, proceeded from his not having been confirmed in the empire, by the Caliph of Mecca.
An embassy sent to Mecca.

He therefore dispatched presents and ambassadors to Arabia, and struck the Caliph's name in the place of his own, on all the current coin, and prohibited all public worship in the mosques, till the Caliph's confirmation should arrive. In the year 744, Hadgee Seid Sirsirri returned with the ambassador, and brought the Caliph's confirmation, and a royal dress. He was met without the city by the King in person, who advanced to receive him on foot, putting the Caliph's phirman upon his head, and opening it with great solemnity. Returning into the city, he ordered a grand festival to be celebrated, and public service to be read in all the mosques, striking out every King's name from the Chutba, who had not been confirmed from Mecca. Among the number of those degraded monarchs, was the Sultan's own father. He even carried this whim so far as to write the Caliph's name upon his houses, robes, and furniture.
Ridiculous behaviour of the Sultan.

These, and some other ridiculous actions of the life of Mahummud, may reasonably make us suspect the soundness of his head. The Arabian ambassador, after being royally entertained, was dismissed with a letter to his master, full of respect, and with presents of immense value, and accompanied by Malleck Kabire, chief of the life guards.

Schemes for a revolt, formed in the Decan.

This year Kinsanaig, the son of Lidderdeo, who lived near Arinkil, went privately to Bellaldeo, the Raja of the Carnatic, and told him, "That he had heard the Mahommedans, who were now very numerous in the Decan, had formed a design of extirpating all the Hindoos; that it was therefore adviseable to prevent them in time." What truth there might be in this report we know not, but Bellaldeo acted as if he was convinced of such a scheme. He called a council of his nobles, in which it was resolved, that Bellaldeo should first secure his own country, by fixing his capital in a pass among the mountains, to exclude the followers of Mahommed from
A. D. 1344. Higer. 745.

all those kingdoms. Kisnanaig in the mean time promised, when matters should be ripe, to raise all the Hindoos of Arinkil and Tilling to his assistance.

The Decan lost to the empire.

The Raja accordingly built a strong city upon the frontiers of his dominions, and called it Bigen, from the name of his son, to which the word Nagur or city is now added. He then began to raise an army, and sent part of it under the command of Kisnanaig, who reduced Arinkil, and drove Malleck Amad ul Muluck, the Sultan's viceroy, to Dowlatabad. Bellaldeo, and Kisnanaig, having joined their forces with the Raja of Maber and Doorsummund, who were formerly tributaries to the government of the Carnatic, they seized upon those countries, and drove the Mahommedans before them on all sides. In short, within a few months, the Sultan had no possessions in the Decan, except Dowlatabad.

The Sultan's tyranny, and distractions in the empire.

The tyrannical Mahummud, upon receiving intelligence of those misfortunes, grew vengeful, splenitic, and cruel, wreaking his rage upon his unhappy subjects, without crime, provocation, or distinction. This conduct occasioned rebellion, robbery, and confusion, in all parts of the empire. The famine became daily more and more dreadful, insomuch that the Sultan, not able to procure provisions, even for his household, was obliged to abandon the city, and to open the gates, and permit the starved inhabitants, whom he had before confined, to provide for themselves. Thousands crowded towards Bengal, which, as we have before observed, had revolted from the Empire. The Sultan encamped his army near Cumpula, on the banks of the Ganges, and drew supplies from the countries of Oud and Kurrah. He ordered his people to build houses, which at length became a city under the name of Surgdewarie.

Insurrections quashed.

In the year 745, Nizam Bain, a Zemindar, possessed of some lands in the province of Oud, and a fellow of an infamous character,
A. D. 1345. Higer. 746.

collected a mob of the discontented farmers, and assumed the royal umbrella, with the title of Alla ul dien. But before the Sultan marched against him, Ain ul Muluck, Suba of Oud, raised his forces, and defeating him, sent his head to the King. Nuzerit Chan in the same year, who had taken the whole province of Bidder, at one crore of rupees, finding himself unable to make good that contract, rebelled; but Cuttulich Chan being ordered against him from Dowlatabad, expelled him from that government.

Rebellion at Kilbirgah quashed.

During this period, Ali Shaw, who was sent from Dowlatabad to collect the rents of Kilbirgah, finding that country destitute of troops, assembled his friends, raised an army with the collections, and in the year 746, erected his rebellious standards, and took possession of Kilbirgah and Bidder. The Sultan, on this occasion, sent a reinforcement to Cuttulich Chan to suppress him. Cuttulich Chan arriving on the confines of Bidder, Ali Shaw came out and gave him battle; but being defeated, he shut himself up in the city. He was however soon obliged to capitulate, and was sent prisoner to the King, who banished him and his brother to Ghizni.

Ain ul Muluck meditates a rebellion.

Ain ul Muluck having paid great attention to the King, and entirely gained his favour, was appointed to the viceroyship of Dowlatabad and Arinkil, in the room of Cuttulich Chan. But Ain ul Muluck himself looked upon this appointment as an impolitic step in the King, considering the services Cuttulich Chan had done to his affairs in the Decan, and the power he then enjoyed. And therefore thought it a snare laid to draw him quietly from his own Subaship, and then to deprive him of both. In the mean time a number of the clerks of the revenues being convicted of abuses in their office, were ordered to be put to death. Some of those who survived found means to escape to Ain ul Muluck, and endeavoured to confirm him in his former opinion of the King's intentions.

A. D. 1345. Higer. 746.

Takes arms.

He accordingly disobeyed the King's order, and erected the standard of rebellion, sending a detachment of horse under the command of his brother, who, before the Sultan received any intelligence of his designs, carried off all the elephants, camels, and horses, that were grazing or foraging near the royal camp. The Sultan, in great perplexity, called the troops of Kole, Birren, Amrohe, Saman, and other districts adjacent, to his assistance; while Chaja Jehan joined him, with an army from Delhi. The Sultan moved his standards, for Ain ul Muluck and his brothers had now crossed the Ganges, and were advancing towards him, in great hopes that the Sultan's army, tired and disgusted with his tyrannical behaviour, would join them.

The Sultan engages and overthrows him.

The Sultan, enraged at their presumption, mounted his horse, and, engaging them, after a short conflict, put them to flight. Ain ul Muluck was taken prisoner, and his brother Shoralla drowned in the Ganges, as he was swimming across, having been wounded in the action, while another brother was slain in the field.
Pardons him.

The Sultan was so prejudiced in favour of Ain ul Muluck, that he pardoned him, and restored him to his former dignities, saying, that he was certain that Muluck was a loyal subject, though he had been instigated to this rebellion by the malice and falsehood of others.

The Sultan returns to Delhi.

The Sultan marched from thence to Barage, to pay his devotions at the tomb of Sallar Musaood, one of the family of Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, who had been killed there by the Hindoos in the year 557. He distributed great sums among the Fakiers, who resided at Barage, and then returned to Delhi. Another ambassador arrived at that time from the Caliph, and was received with the same distinguishing marks of respect as the former, and dismissed with rich presents. Not long after, a prince of the house of Abassi, arrived at Delhi, and was met by the Sultan, at the village of Palum, and he presented him with two lacks of rupees, a large tract of territory, a
A. D. 1346. Higer. 747.

palace and fine gardens. By way of respect to the Caliphat, he placed him upon his right hand, and even sometimes ridiculously condescended to sit down upon the carpet before him, and pay him obeisance.

Cuttulich Chan recalled from the Decan.

Some of the courtiers calumniated Cuttulich Chan, governor of the Decan, accusing him of oppressions and other abuses in his government, though a man of justice and integrity. The King recalled Cuttulich Chan to Delhi, ordering his brother Molana Nizam ul dien, to whom he gave the title of Alim ul Malleck, and placed at Burudge, to take charge of what remained to the empire of the Decan, till he should send some person from court. When the King's order arrived, Cuttulich Chan was digging a great pond or reservoir, which he begged his brother to compleat, and prepared to return to Delhi, with all the revenues of the Decan, which he had previously secured in a fort called Daragire, upon a mountain close to the city.

The Sultan determines to reconquer the Decan.

The Sultan, after the arrival of Cuttulich Chan, appointed four governors for the Decan, having divided it into four provinces, and determined to reduce it as before, to his obedience. To accomplish his purpose, he ordered a numerous army, under the command of Amad ul Malleck, an Omrah of great reputation, to march to Dowlatabad, and entered into articles with him, that he and the other chiefs should pay into the treasury seven crores of rupees annually for their governments. To make up this sum, and to gratify their own avarice, they plundered and oppressed that unfortunate country. At the same time the Sultan conferred the government of Malava upon Aziz, a mean fellow formerly a vintner, and told him, that the Amirs of Sidda[*] were dangerous persons in that country, therefore to endeavour to extirpate them.

A. D. 1346. Higer. 747.

Encourages husbandry.

The Sultan then marched back to his old cantonments at Surgdewarie, and began to encourage cultivation, upon a new plan which he himself had invented. He appointed an inspector, for the regulation of all that related to husbandry, by the name of Amir Kohi, who divided the country into districts of 60 miles square, under a Shickdar, who was to be answerable for its cultivation and improvement. Above one hundred Shickdars received their appointments at once, and seventy lacks of rupees were issued out of the treasury, to enable them to carry on this work.

A cruel massacre at Bedar.

Aziz Chumar, when he arrived at Bedar, invited the Amirs of Sidda, to an entertainment, and assassinated eighty of them, with their attendants. He wrote to the Sultan an account of this horrible massacre, who sent him back a present of a dress and a fine horse, for his loyal services. Such were the morals of those wretched days!
The Sultan promotes men of low birth.

The tyrannical Mahummud had now taken it into his head, that he would be better served by people of low birth, than by the nobility. He accordingly promoted Litchena a singer, Pira a gardener, Munga his son, Shech Baboo a weaver, Muckbil a slave, and other low fellows, to the degree of Omrahs, and gave them the command of provinces and high offices at court. He in this, forgot the advice of the poet, who writes, that "He who exalts the head of a beggar, and hopes great things from his gratitude, inverts the nature of things, and nourishes a serpent in his bosom." This resolution of the tyrant, was occasioned by a noble refusal of the Omrahs, to put his cruel orders in execution.

Disturbances in Guzerat.

In the mean time, Malleck Muckbil, entitled Chan Jehani, vizier of Guzerat, with the treasure, and the Sultan's horses, set out for Delhi. The Siddas of those parts, hearing of his intentions, waylaid him with a body of horse, and, having robbed him, retired to Narwalla. The Sultan hearing of this robbery, in a great rage prepared
A. D. 1347. Higer. 748.

for Guzerat, leaving Malleck Firose his nephew, governor at Delhi, and, in the year 748, marched to Sultanpoor, about 30 miles without the city, where he waited for some reinforcements. An address came from Aziz Chumar, begging leave to go against the Siddas, being nearer, and having a sufficient force, as he imagined, for that purpose.
Cowardice, defeat, and death of Aziz Chumar.

The Sultan consented to his request, at the same time expressing much doubt of his success, knowing him to be a dastardly and unexperienced officer. Aziz Chumar advanced towards the rebels; but in the beginning of the action, he was struck powerless with terror, and fell headlong from his horse. He was taken, and suffered a cruel death; his army being defeated with some loss.

Zeai Birni's reply to the Sultan.

The Sultan being informed of this disaster, marched from Sultan-poor. It was on this march that Mahummud is said to have asked Zeai Birni the poet, what crimes a King ought to punish with severity? The poet replied, that seven sorts of criminals deserved severe punishments; these were, apostates from their religion, shedders of innocent blood, double adulterers, rebellious persons, officers disobeying lawful orders, thieves and perverters of the laws.
The rebels totally defeated.

When he had reached the hills of Abu, upon the confines of Guzerat, he sent one of his principal Omrahs, Chan Jehan, against the rebels, who met them in the districts of Bai, and gave them a total defeat. The Sultan having halted at Baruge, sent Malleck Muckbil after them, who coming up with them as they were crossing the Nirbuda, put the greatest part to the sword. The few who escaped, taking protection with Madeo, Raja of Buckelana, were all plundered of their wealth.

The Sultan's cruelty in Cambait and Guzerat.

The Sultan, upon this occasion, massacred many of the Siddas of Baruge, and plundered Cambait and Guzerat of every thing valuable, putting all who opposed him to the sword. He then sent Zein Dund Mugid ul dien to Dowlatabad, that he might seize
A. D. 1347. Higer. 748.

upon all the Siddas of those parts, to bring them to punishment. Alim ul Malleck, according to orders, summoned the Siddas from Raijor, Mudkil, Kilbirgah, Bidder, Bijapoor, Genjouti, Ruibaug, Kollchir, Hukeri, Berar, Ramgire, and other places. The Siddas, conformable to those orders, prepared for Dowlatabad, and when they were all collected, Alim ul Muluck dispatched them under a guard of fifteen hundred horse, to the royal presence.

The imprisoned Siddas forming a conspiracy;

When the Siddas were arrived upon the frontiers of Guzerat, fearing that the Sultan had a design upon their lives, they entered into a conspiracy for their own security. They, with one accord, fell upon their guard, slew Ahmed Latchin their chief, with many of his people, while the rest, under the command of Malleck Ali, fled to Dowlatabad.
surprize and take Dowlatabad.

The Siddas pursued them, and, before any advices could arrive to put the place in a posture of defence, they took it by assault, being favoured by the troops within, who became seditious. Alim ul Muluck, with whose behaviour they were satisfied, was spared, but all the rest of the Emperor's officers were put to death, and the treasure divided among the conspirators.

Proclaim Ismaiel Muche King.

The Siddas of Guzerat, and other parts, who were skulking about in the woods and mountains, hearing of the success of their brethren, joined them. Ismaiel Muche, one of the Amirs of their faction, was proclaimed King, by the name of Nasir ul dien.
Sultan Mahummud marches against him.

Sultan Mahummud hearing of this revolution at Dowlatabad, left Baruge, and hastened towards that city. The usurper having drawn out his army, waited to give battle to the King.
A drawn battle.

The two armies accordingly met, and the Siddas, though greatly inferior in number, roused by their danger and wrongs, assaulted the imperial troops with such violence, that the right and left wings were beat back, and the whole army upon the point of flight. But many of the chieftains who fought in the van being killed, four thousand of the Siddas fled; and night
A. D. 1347. Higer. 748.

coming on, left the victory undecided, so that both armies lay on the field of battle.

The impolitic conduct of the Siddas.

A council of war being in the mean time called by the Siddas, who had suffered greatly in the engagement, it was determined that Ismaeil Muche should retire into Dowlatabad, with a good garrison, and that the remainder should shift for themselves, till the Sultan should leave the Decan; when they resolved to assemble again at Dowlatabad. This wretched conduct was accordingly pursued. The Sultan ordered Amad ul Muluck, who was then at Elichpoor, to pursue the fugitives, while he himself laid siege to the city.

An insurrection in Guzerat.

In the mean time advices arrived, that Malleck Tiggi, the slave of Suffder ul Muluck, heading the Siddas of Guzerat, was joined by many of the Zemindars, by which means he had taken Narwalla, and put Malleck Muziffer, the Naib of Guzerat, to death; imprisoned Shech Moaz ul dien the viceroy, and was now marching to lay waste Cambait, having in his rout blockaded Baruge.

The Sultan marches against the insurgents.

The Sultan upon this, left Kawman ul dien to carry on the siege of Dowlatabad, and with the greater part of his army, marched with great expedition to Guzerat. He was plundered in his way of many elephants, and a great part of his baggage, by the Hindoos: he lost also a great many men in defending himself. The Sultan having arrived at Baruge, Tiggi retreated to Cambait, and was pursued by Malleck Eusiph Buckera, whom the Sultan had detached after him.
Part of his army defeated.

Tiggi having engaged the pursuers at Cambait, turned the chace upon them, killed Eusiph Buckera and many other Omrahs, while the rest retreated to the Sultan. The rebel ordered all the prisoners taken in the action, as well as those whom he had formerly in confinement, to be put to death; among the latter was Moaz ul dien, viceroy of Guzerat.

A. D. 1347. Higer. 748.

The Sultan pursues.

Mahummud, hearing of this cruelty, breathed revenge. He hastened to Cambait, and Tiggi, unable to oppose him, retreated to Assawil, but was closely pursued thither by the Sultan. The rebel continued his flight to Narwalla, and in the mean time, the Sultan, on account of a prodigious rain, was obliged to halt at Assawil a whole month. Advices were brought him at Assawil, that Tiggi, having recruited his army at Narwalla, was returning to give him battle. The Sultan immediately struck his tents and met the rebel at Kurri. Tiggi, having injudiciously ordered his men to intoxicate themselves with strong liquors, they attacked the Sultan with the fury of madmen;
and overthrows the rebels.

but the elephants in front, soon repressed this borrowed valour, and repulsed and threw into confusion the rebels. An easy conquest was obtained: five hundred prisoners were taken and put to death; and an equal number fell in the field. The Sultan immediately detached the Son of Eusiph Buckera in pursuit of the runaways, by the way of Tatta, whither Tiggi had fled; while the King went in person to Narwalla, and employed himself in settling Guzerat.

A rebellion in the Decan.

News, in the mean time, arrived from the Decan, that the Siddas had assembled again under Hassen Cacu, had defeated Amad ul Malleck, who had fallen in the action, and had driven all the imperial troops towards Malava: That Ismaiel Muche had resigned his regal dignity, which Hassen Cacu had assumed, under the title of Sultan Alla ul dien. Mahummud was excessively chagrined, upon receiving this intelligence, and began to consider his own tyranny as the cause of all those disorders. He therefore resolved to govern with more mildness and humanity for the future. He called Malleck Firose, Chaja Jehan, Amir Kiah, Malleck Ghizni, and Sidder Jehan from Delhi with their troops, in order to dispatch them against Cacu.

A. D. 1349. Higer. 750.

The Sultan resolves to march in person against the rebels.

Before those Omrahs arrived, the King was informed that the usurper's army was prodigiously encreased. He therefore determined first, to settle Guzerat and Carnal[*], and then to march in person to the Decan; but this business was not so soon accomplished, as he at first imagined; for he spent a whole year in regulating Guzerat, and in recruiting his army. The next year was also spent in besieging the fort of Carnal, reducing Cutch, and the adjacent territories. Some authors affirm, that Mahummud took the fort of Carnal; but others, of better authority, say, that he desisted from that attempt, upon receiving some presents from the Raja.

Asks advice of Zeai Birni, the poet,

Zeai Birni informs us, that the Sultan, one day, about this time, told him, that the diseases of the empire were of such a malignant nature, that he had no sooner cured them in one place, than they broke out in another. He would therefore be glad to know what remedy now remained, to put a stop to this contagion.

who advises him to resign the crown to his son.

The poet replied, that when disaffection and disgust had once taken root in the minds of the people, they were not to be exterminated, without tearing up the vitals of the state: that the Sultan ought to be, by this time, convinced, how little was to be hoped from punishment. That it was therefore his opinion, in this case, that the King ought to invest his son with the government, and retire; which would obliterate all former injuries, and dispose the people to peace and tranquillity.
He rejects the advice.

The Sultan, says Birni, answered in an angry tone, "That he had no son whom he could trust, and that he was determined to scourge his subjects for their insolence, whatever might be the event."

Falls sick,

The Sultan, soon after this conversation with Zeai Birni, fell sick at Kondal. He had previously sent Chaja Jehan and Amad ul Muluck to Delhi, on account of the death of Malleck Kabire, the
A. D. 1351. Higer. 752.

viceroy, and called most of the principal men of the empire, to the royal camp.
Recovers and marches towards Tatta.

Having recovered a little from his disorder, he mustered his army, and sent to collect boats at Debalpoor, Moultan, Ouch and Sewistan, which he ordered towards Tatta. Marching then from Kondal, he arrived on the banks of the river, which he crossed in spite of Tiggi; and was on the other side joined by five thousand Mogul horse. From thence he took the rout of Tatta, to chastise the Sumrahs, for giving the rebel protection. Arriving within thirty crores of that city, he halted to pass the first days of the Mohirrim; and when that fast was over, having eat fish to excess, he was seized with a fever.
Dies.

He would not however be prevailed upon to stop, but, getting into a barge, he proceeded to within fourteen crores of Tatta, and upon the banks of the Sind, on the twenty first of Mohirrim, in the year 752, this tyrant was conquered by death, and shut up in the dark dungeon of the grave.
His execrable character.

He reigned twenty seven years; during which time, he seems to have laboured with no contemptible abilities, to be detested by God, and feared and abhorred by all men.

SECTION XVIII. The Reign of Sultan Moazim Mohizzib FIROSE SHAW, the son of Sallar Rigib.

Firose Shaw.

FIROSE Shaw was nephew to the Emperor Yeaz ul dien Tughlick Shaw; and the late Sultan Mahummud, having conceived great friendship for him, designed to make him his successor, and for that purpose, recommended him upon his death-bed, to the Omrahs. Upon Mahummud's demise the army fell into the utmost
A. D. 1351. Higer. 752.

confusion. Firose Shaw having gained over the majority of the Omrahs to his party, prevailed, with presents, upon the Mogul mercenaries to move to some distance from the camp, to prevent disturbances, till he should reduce the rest of the army to obedience.

Designs of the Mogul mercenaries.

Amir Norose, an Omrah who commanded a great body of the imperial troops, deserted that night, and, having joined Altu Chan, the general of the Mogul mercenaries, told him, that now was the time to plunder the late Emperor's treasure, and to retreat to their native country. Altu Chan was easily prevailed upon to adopt this lucrative scheme. They therefore returned next morning to the camp, which was still in very great confusion, and after a very sharp skirmish, loaded some camels with treasure. Firose Shaw, to secure himself from further depredations, led the army to Sewan, and took every possible means to defend himself against the avarice of the mercenaries.

Firose Shaw mounts the throne.

The Omrahs, the day after this movement, waited upon Firose Shaw, and intreated him to mount the throne. After many pretended excuses, he favoured the Omrahs with his consent, and was accordingly proclaimed Sultan.

He, the very first day of his reign, gave orders to ransom many prisoners, who, during the late confusion, had fallen into the hands of the people of Tatta:
Defeat the Mogul mercenaries.

and upon the third day, he marched against the Mogul mercenaries, took many of their chiefs prisoners, and forced the rest to fly towards their own country.

The Sultan, soon after, directed his march to the sort of Bicker, and gladdened the face of the court with princely presents, and gave
A. D. 1351. Higer. 752.

His liberality,

very liberally to the Zemindars of Bicker and Sewistan. He from thence sent Amad ul Muluck and Amir Ali Ghori against Tiggi, with a part of his army, and marched himself towards Outch,
benevolence, and charity.

where he did many acts of benevolence and charity.

Chaja Jehan sets up, at Delhi, his own adopted son.

At Outch the Emperor received advices from Delhi, that Chaja Jehan, a relation of the late Sultan, now about ninety years of age, had placed upon the throne, a boy whom he had adopted, by the name of Sultan Yeas ul dien Mahummud, and had massacred a number of the citizens who had refused to pay him allegiance.

The Sultan sends to expostulate with him.

Firose Shaw sent Seif ul dien Shanapil, to expostulate with the old man, who, he thought, was now in the dotage of years, with promises of forgiveness and favour, if he would relinquish his ridiculous scheme. The Emperor himself in the mean time remained with the army, to regulate the territory of Outch. He was soon after joined by Malleck Muckbul Amud ul Muluck vizier of the empire, who received a Chelat and a confirmation of his former dignity.

Chaja Jehan sends an embassy to the Sultan,

Firose Shaw having reached Hassi on his way to Delhi, met an ambassador from Chaja Jehan, acquainting him, that now the empire was in the hands of Sultan Mahummud's family, and therefore, that it would be no more than justice in him, to acknowledge the title of the young King, and act as Regent, during the minority. The Sultan immediately convened the Omrahs before the ambassador, and asked them whether they knew any of the male issue of Mahummud. They all declared, that unless Malana Cumal ul dien, an Omrah then present, knew of any, they were perfectly strangers to any surviving issue of Mahummud. Molana made answer, that though one should remain of the issue of the former Sultan, it was now adviseable
A. D. 1351. Higer. 752.

to stand by what was already done. We have reason to believe from this circumstance, that the youth who was set up at Delhi, was actually a son of Sultan Mahummud, though it was, at that time, prudent in the Omrahs not to acknowledge him.

who desires to accommodate matters amicably.

The Emperor, after the council, sent Daood Molana Zada the ambassador back to acquaint Chaja Jehan of what had passed, and to advise him to accommodate matters in an amicable way. When Daood arrived in the city, a number of the principal men in the place hastened to the camp of Firose Shaw, and made their submission. Much about the same time, advices were received from Guzerat, that Mahummud Tiggi was defeated by Amud ul Muluck: and that very day, a son was born to the Emperor, whom he named Fatte Chan. These fortunate circumstances concurred to strengthen the Sultan's interest.

Chaja Jehan submits.

Chaja Jehan, perceiving that he could not support the young King, made overtures towards an accommodation, to Firose Shaw. He sent some respectable Omrahs to intercede with the Sultan for his pardon, and to solicit leave to pay his respects in person. The Sultan consented, and accordingly the old man, with his head bare, and his turban hung round his neck, came, accompanied by some of the principal men of his party, to make his submission. The King, according to his promise, gave him his life, but ordered the Cutwal of Hassen to take him under his care, which was a kind of imprisonment. Malleck Chattab, one of Chaja Jehan's associates, was banished to Karkinda, and Sheck Zadda Gustami expelled the court.

Firose Shaw arrives at Delhi.

Upon the second day of Regib, in the year 752, Firose Shaw marched into Delhi, and mounted the imperial throne. He immediately
A. D. 1352. Higer. 753.

began to administer impartial justice to his people, who flocked from all quarters, with their petitions. He, in the mean time, conferred offices and titles upon his Omrahs.

Hunts at Sirmore.

Upon the fifth of Siffer, in the following year, he, in order to hunt, removed his court towards the hills of Sirmore, and reduced several Zemindars to obedience. He, in the mean time, had a son born to him at Delhi, whom he named Mahummud Chan, and ordered great rejoicings to be made upon the occasion; distributing his favours with a liberal hand.

Builds a palace.

In the year 754, the Sultan hunted at Callanore. He ordered, upon his return, a palace to be built upon the banks of the Sursuti; and towards the end of the year, appointed Chan Jehan to the viceroyship of Delhi.
Rebellion in Bengal.

He himself, in the mean time, marched towards Lucknouti, to subdue Elias Hadgee, who had assumed the title of Sultan Shumse ul dien, and possessed himself of all Bengal and Behar, even to Benaris. When he had arrived in the neighbourhood of Gorukpoor, the Zemindars of that place, Odeysing and Rai Capoor, having brought proper presents, were admitted to his presence.

The Sultan having penetrated as far as Punduah, one of the residences of the princes of Bengal, Elias Hadgee retreated to a strong post at Ackdalla, whither the Sultan pursued him. An action ensued, but Elias Hadgee secured himself in his post, which obliged the Sultan to surround him, the place being almost inaccessible.
The Sultan having in vain tried to force the rebels to battle,

Things having continued in this situation for twenty days, Firose Shaw, intending to change his ground, and to encamp on the banks of the Ganges, went out to reconnoitre. The enemy imagining that he meditated a retreat, advanced out of their post, and drew up in order of battle. But when they saw that the Sultan was preparing to attack them, they again retreated within their works, but with
A. D. 1353. Higer. 754.

such precipitation and confusion, that 44 elephants, and many standards, fell into the Sultan's hands. The rainy season coming on with great violence, a kind of peace was patched up between them, and the Sultan returned disappointed to Delhi.

Firose Shaw employs himself in public works.

In the year 755, the Sultan built the city of Firoseabad, adjoining to that of Delhi; and in the following year marched to Debalpoor, where he made a canal 100 miles in length, from the Suttuluz to the Jidger. The King, in the year 757, between the hills of Mendouli and Sirmore, cut a channel from the Gion or Jumna, which he divided into seven streams; one of which he brought to Hassi, and from thence to Beraisen, where he built a strong castle, calling it by his own name. He drew soon after, a canal from the Cagar, passing by the walls of Sirsutti, and joined it to the rivulet of Kerah, upon which he built a city, named after him, Firoseabad. This city he watered with another canal from the Gion or Jumna. These public works were of prodigious advantage to the adjacent countries, by supplying them with water for their lands, and with a commodious water-carriage, from place to place.

Bengal and the Decan become independant.

An embassy about this time arrived, with presents and new conditions of peace from Bengal, which the Sultan accepted, and soon after ratified the treaty. Bengal became in a great measure independent of the empire, paying only a small acknowledgment annually, by way of present. He exacted no other terms of the Decan; so that these two great members were now lopt off from the government of Delhi.

In the year 759, the Sultan of Bengal sent a number of elephants and other rich presents, to Delhi, which was amply repaid in Arabian and Persian horses, jewels, and other rich curiosities. But when
A. D. 1357. Higer. 759.

the imperial embassy arrived at Behar, they received news of Shumse ul dien's death, and that his son Ascunder Chan had acceded to the throne. They thought proper not to proceed further, and returned to Delhi.
Invasions of the Moguls.

The Sultan, being in the same year encamped at Semana, received advices that the Moguls had made an incursion as far as Debalpoor. He forthwith ordered Malleck Kabool, with a great army, against them; but the Moguls, before his arrival, had laden themselves with spoil, and had retreated towards their own country.

The Sultan invades Bengal.

Notwithstanding of the treaty of 757, the Sultan, in the year 760, resolved upon another expedition into Bengal. Having arrived at Zifferabad, he cantoned there his army, during the rains. When he lay at this place, Shech Zadda Bustami, who had been banished, returned embassador from the Caliph of Misser, with a chelat; for which he was graciously received, and dignified with the title of Azim ul Muluck. An embassy having been, in the mean time, dispatched to Ascunder Chan, Sultan of Bengal, returned with another on his part, and with rich presents. The King not being satisfied with these concessions, marched, after the rains were over, towards Lucknouti, and on his way conferred the ensigns of royalty upon the Prince Fatte Chan his son. He gave him masters for his instruction, to whom the royal youth gave great attention.

A peace with Aescunder, Sultan of Bengal.

The Sultan having arrived at Pundwah, Aescunder, after the example of his father, retreated to Ackdalla, and shut himself up in that place. Being however closely invested, and reduced to great straits, he sent 48 elephants, and other presents, to the Sultan, with overtures of peace. In a few days the terms were agreed upon, and the Sultan marched to Jionpoor, where he cantoned his army for another season, and then moved down behind the mountains, towards Jagenagur.

A. D. 1358, Higer. 760.

Firose Shaw ravages Jagenagur.

Firose Shaw having crossed the river Mendri, arrived at the capital of the Raja of Jagenagur, which was also called Benaris. The Raja, upon the Emperor's approach, fled towards Tilling. Having plundered the country, Firose Shaw returned, and, upon his way, was met by the Raja of Beerbhan, who presented him with 37 elephants, and other valuable presents, upon consideration of not ravaging the country. The Sultan having received the presents, changed his rout, and, as he passed through the woods of Puddmawitti, which abounded with elephants, he caught 33 of them, and killed a few in the chace. He then continued his march, and arrived at Delhi, in the year 762.

Scheme for improving the lands of Sirhind.

Firose Shaw, who had much at heart the improvement of his country, was informed, that near Hirdar there was a mountain from which there issued a great stream of water, which fell into the Suttuluz; and that beyond that place there was a small rivulet called Selima, divided only by a rising ground, from the large stream which we have just mentioned. The Sultan considered, that by making a cut through this eminence, the great stream might be carried into the rivulet, and so form a river to water the countries of Sirhind and Munsurpoor, from whence it might be carried to Sunnam, and so render great tracts of land fertile. He therefore marched immediately that way, and ordered fifty thousand labourers to be collected together to cut the passage. When the workmen were in this place employed in digging to great depth, they found some immense skeletons of elephants in one place, and in another, those of a gigantic human form, the arm bones of which measured guzes. Some of the bones were in their natural state, and others petrified.

Firose Shaw reduces Nagracut.

The Sultan having finished this great work, built a fort at Sirhind, which he called Firosepoor. He from that place marched towards the mountains of Nagracut, where he was overtaken by a storm of
A. D. 1360. Higer. 762.

hail and snow. He however reduced the Raja of those parts, after sustaining some loss on his side, and confirmed him again in his dominions; changing the name of Nagracut, to that of Mahummud abad, in honour of the former Sultan. Firose Shaw was told here, that the Goddess, whom the Hindoos worshipped in the temple of Nagracut, was the image of Noshaba, the wife of the great Secunder, which that conqueror had left with them. The name of the idol is now changed to that of Jewallamuckie. In the temple there was also at that time, a fine library of the books of the Brahmins, consisting of one thousand and three hundred volumes.

The Sultan ordered one of those books, which treated of philosophy, astrology, and divination, to be translated into the Persian language, and called it Dellael Firose Shawi[*]. The Sultan, after the conquest of Nagracut, moved down by Sind towards Tatta, where Jambani, who had been always a subject of Delhi, had rebelled and fortified himself.
Invests Tatta,

The Sultan invested the city; but as provisions and forage became excessively scarce, and the rains had set in with great violence, he was obliged to raise the siege, and march to Guzerat. He there spent the season in hunting, and after the rains, he conferred the government of Guzerat upon Ziffer Chan, and returned again to Tatta.
which he reduces.

Jambani capitulated, and delivered himself up to the Sultan, who carried him, and the principals of his faction, to Delhi; but after some time, he took him again into favour, and sent him to resume his former government.

A. D. 1372. Higer. 774.

The Vizier and Prince Royal die.

In the year 774, Malleck Muckbool Chan Jehan[†] died, and his son was honoured with his titles. Nothing remarkable happened, till two years after, when the Sultan was plunged into the gulf of affliction, by the death of his favourite son Fatte Chan, a prince of great expectations.

Ferose Shaw, in the year 778, was informed that the revenues of Guzerat were greatly deficient of the collections. This induced him to listen to the proposals of Chaja Shumse ul dien Wamaghani, who offered to give one hundred elephants, forty lacks of rupees, four hundred Abassinian slaves, and forty Arabian horses, every year, over and above the present payment, should he be appointed to that government. The Sultan replied, that if the present viceroy, whose name was also Shumse ul dien, the successor of Ziffer Chan, who was dead, would consent to give as much, he should be continued. But to this the viceroy would not agree, and therefore the Sunnuds were granted to Wamaghani, and he forthwith set out for Guzerat.
Rebellion in Guzerat quashed.

Not being able the next year to perform his promise, he withheld the revenue, and rebelled, which was a just punishment upon the Sultan for his folly and avarice. The rebel however, having greatly oppressed the people of his province, a conspiracy was formed against him, and, by the assistance of the Siddas, they seized him, and sent his head to Delhi. This was the only rebellion which happened during this Sultan's reign. The government of Guzerat was conferred upon Malleck Musirrah, with the title of Firhit ul Muluck.

〈…〉

Attava.There was a petty insurrection among the Zemindars of Atava, in the year 779. It was however soon crushed, and the insurgents brought to punishment, while sorts were built to keep them in proper subjection.
The Sultan's progress to the mountains of Saitoor.

In the year 781, the Sultan marched towards Samana,
A. D. 1379. Higer. 781.

Amballa, and Shawabad, as far as the foot of the mountains of Saitoor, and after demanding his tribute from the Rajas of the hills, which they paid him, he returned to his capital.

Revenges too severely the death of Seid Mahummud.

Much about this time information was brought to the Emperor, that the Zemindar of Kitter, whose name was Kirgu, had invited Seid Mahummud, Suba of Budaoon, and a number of his family, to his house, where he basely assassinated them. The Sultan enraged at this villainy, marched immediately that way, and took severe vengeance upon the associates and kindred of the assassin, putting them without distinction to the sword, and levelling their houses with the ground. The murderer himself made his escape to the mountains of Cumaoon, and was protected by the Rajas of those parts. The Sultan ordered a detachment of his army against them. They brought back near thirty thousand of those unhappy mountaineers, who were all condemned to slavery. The Sultan's justice in this case, degenerated into extream severity. Neither did the misfortunes brought upon those miserable captives, satisfy his thirst for revenge. He returned, every year, under pretence of hunting, to that unhappy country; but the people, and not the beasts of the forest, were his prey. He by degrees cut off all the inhabitants, and converted whole provinces into a wilderness.

The Sultan becomes aged and infirm.

Age and infirmity began, in the year 787, to press hard upon Ferose Shaw. Chan Jehan the Vizier, having the sole management of affairs, became very powerful in the empire.
Hi
•

son falsely accused of a design against his life.The Sultan was so much under his direction in all things, that he had the effrontery falsely to accuse Mahummud Chan, the King's son, of a design against his father's life, in conjunction with Ziffer Chan, Malleck Eacoob, Malleck Summa ul dien, and Malleck Kummal ul dien. He brought the old man firmly to credit this accusation, and obtained his authority to secure the supposed conspirators. Ziffer Chan was accordingly recalled from Mahoba, and confined.

A. D. 1385. Higer. 787.

The Prince's contrivance to undeceive the Sultan.

A party was sent to seize the Prince, who having previous intelligence of the design against him, began to provide for his security, placing guards, and fortifying himself in his own palace. In this situation he remained shut up for some days; and at last, having obtained leave for his wife to visit the King's Zinnana, he put on his armour, went into the close chair, and was carried into the Seraglio. When he discovered himself in that dress, the frightened women ran screaming into the Sultan's apartment, and told him, that the Prince had come in armour with a treasonable design. The Prince having followed them, presented himself to his father, and falling at his feet, told him with great emotion, "That the suspicions he had entertained of him were worse than death itself. That he came therefore to receive it from his own hands. But first he begged leave to inform him, that he was perfectly innocent of the villainous charge which the Vizier had purposely contrived to pave his own way to the throne."

The Vizier punished.

Ferose Shaw, sensible of his son's sincerity, clasped him in his arms, and weeping, told him he had been deceived; and therefore desired him to proceed as his judgment should direct him, against the traitor. Mahummud upon this went out from the presence, and ordered twelve thousand horse to be in readiness. With this body he surrounded the Vizier's house that night, who upon hearing of the Prince's approach, put Ziffer Chan to death, and collecting his friends, came out to engage him in the street. Upon the first on set, the traitor was wounded, and drew back to his house. He fled immediately towards Mewat, and the Prince seized all his wealth, and cut off his adherents.

The Sultan resigns the crown to his son.

Ferose Shaw, immediately after these transactions, resigned the reins of government into the hands of his son, and abdicated the
A. D. 1387. Higer. 789.

throne. The Prince assuming the title of Mahummud Shaw Nazir ul dien ul Dunia, ascended the throne in the month of Shaban 789; and immediately ordered the Chutba to be read in his own and his father's name. He settled the offices of state, and distributed Chelats among the Omrahs. Malleck Eacoob, an Omrah in great repute, was promoted to the government of Guzerat, with the title of Secunder Chan.

The Vizier delivered up and slain.

Secunder Chan having arrived at Mavat, upon his way to his government, Goga Chohan, with whom Chan Jehan the Vizier had taken refuge, fearing the Sultan's resentment, seized him, and sent him bound to Secunder Chan, who cut off his head, and sent it to Delhi.

The Sultan hunts at Sirmore.

Mahummud Shaw went with his army, in the year 790, towards the mountains of Sirmore, to hunt, according to the custom of sovereigns.
Rebellion in Guzerat.

When he was employed in the diversion of the chace, advices were received, that Firrhit ul Muluck, at the head of the Siddas of Guzerat, had risen in rebellion, defeated and slain Secunder Chan. The Sultan hastened to Delhi; but, as if all at once infatuated, he gave himself up entirely to pleasure, and seemed to be insensible of the loss which he had sustained, and of the dangers in which his conduct had involved him. When his old Omrahs attempted to rouse him from his lethargy, he turned them from his presence, and filled their employs with pimps and court flatterers.

Bha ul dien conspires against the Sultan.

The Sultan's nephew, Bha ul dien, resolved to rush upon him in the midst of his dream of pleasure. He, for this purpose, conspired with the disgraced Omrahs, and arming one hundred thousand slaves, erected the standard of rebellion. The Sultan immediately dispatched Malleck Zehir ul dien Lahori, to treat with the rebels. When he came to their camp, which was pitched
A. D. 1387. Higer. 789.

without the city, the mob pelted him with stones, and obliged him to retire, very much bruised and wounded. Mahummud seeing no hopes of a peaceable accommodation, began, at length, to bestir himself, and advanced with his army against the conspirators, and, after a bloody contest, drove them into the city. They immediately possessed themselves of the palace, and again renewed the fight.
A dreadful massacre in the city.

The city became now a horrid scene of slaughter and confusion. During the space of two days and two nights, there was nothing but death in every street: friends and foes, victors and vanquished, were jumbled together without any possibility of distinction.

The old King being placed between the combatants,

The slaves, upon the third day, brought out the old King, in his Palakie, and set him down in the street between the combatants.
both parties go over to him.

When the young Sultan's troops saw their former master, their affection returned, and, imagining that this was a voluntary deed of his, they, at once, deserted the prince, and crouded with shouts of joy to Firose Shaw. Mahummud fled instantly, with a small retinue, to the mountains of Sirmore. Both parties looking up to the aged Monarch, settled themselves into peace in his presence.

Ferose Shaw places his grandson on the throne.

Ferose Shaw, unable to govern, on account of the infirmities of age, placed, by advice of the Omrahs, Tughlick Shaw, the son of Fatte Chan, and his own grandson, upon the throne. The slaves, in the mean time, assassinated Amir Hassen, the Sultan's son in law, for having endeavoured to support Sultan Mahummud: and even the first orders issued by Tughlick Shaw, when he mounted the imperial throne, was to kill all the adherents of Mahummud, wherever they should be found.

Ferose Shaw dies. His character.

Ferose Shaw, who had arrived at the age of ninety, died in the year 790. Though no great warrior in the field, he was, by his
A. D. 1388. Higer. 790.

excellent qualities, well calculated for a reign of peace. His severity to the inhabitants of Cumaoon, for the assassination of the governor of Samana, is a great blot in his reputation. But to this he, perhaps, was prompted by a religious zeal and enthusiasm: for, the persons murdered were Seids or descendants of the prophet.

His publick works.

He reigned thirty eight years and nine months, and left many memorials of his magnificence in the land. He built fifty great sluices, forty mosques, thirty schools, twenty caravanseras, an hundred palaces, five hospitals, an hundred tombs, ten baths, ten spires, one hundred and fifty wells, one hundred bridges; and the pleasure gardens he made were without number.

SECTION XIX. The Reign of YEAS UL DIEN, TUGHLICK SHAW, the son of Fatte Chan, and grandson of Sultan Firose Shaw.

Tughlick Shaw mounts the throne.

TUGHLICK SHAW having mounted the throne in the palace of Firoseabad, ordered, according to custom, the Chutba to be read, and the currency to be struck in his own name. He appointed Malleck Firose Alli, his Vizier, by the title of Chan Jehan, and confirmed Firrhit ul Muluck in the government of Guzerat.

Sends a force against his uncle Mahummud,

He soon after sent an army under Chan Jehan and Bahadre Nahir Mewali, to expel his uncle Mahummud Shaw from Sirmore, and that prince, upon the approach of the imperial army, fled to the mountains. He there took possession of a strong post, and, securing
A. D. 1388. Higer. 790.

the wives and children of his adherents, waited to give the imperialists battle.
who takes refuge in Nagracut.

He was however beat from post to post till he arrived at Nagracut, and shut himself up in that place. That fortress being very strong, his enemies did not think proper to besiege it, and therefore returned to Delhi.

Male administration of the Sultan.

Tughlick Shaw giving reins to his youthful passions, and neglecting the affairs of state, vice, luxury and oppression began to rise up on every side. He was not blind to those misfortunes, but he mistook the cause, and admitted jealousy and mistrust within his mind. He confined and treated cruelly, his own brother, Sallar Shaw:
A conspiracy.

and, his cousin Abu Bicker Shaw, having reason to dread the Sultan's resentment, fled the court, and to secure himself, stirred up a faction against him. The conspirators consisted of Malleck Rukun ul dien, the Vizier's deputy, and many other Omrahs of high repute, with all the imperial slaves, many of whom, were in the highest offices at court.

Matters being ripe for execution, the conspirators rushed into the Divan, and assassinated Malleck Mubarick Kabir, the captain general of the forces. Tughlick Shaw being thus surprized, fled by the Jumna gate.
He is slain.

Rukun ul dien pursued him, and having taken him and Chan Jehan the Vizier, they were immediately put to death. This event happened on the twenty first of Siffer, in the year 791: Tughlick Shaw, after a reign of five months and a few days, having fallen by the effects of the folly of youth.

SECTION XX. The Reign of ABU BICKER SHAW, the son of Ziffer Chan, and grandson of Firose Shaw.

A. D. 1389. Higer. 791.

Abu Bicker Shaw mounts the throne.

THE conspirators having assassinated the King, raised Abu Bicker Shaw, the grandson of Firose Shaw, by a third son, to the Empire. Malleck Rukun ul dien, being appointed Vizier, took the reins of government in his own hands. But his ambition was not satisfied with that high employ.
A conspiracy.

He formed schemes to cut off the new King, and to usurp the throne.
discovered.

Abu Bicker Shaw, having timely information of his intentions, was before hand with him, and ordered him and many of the principal slaves concerned in the conspiracy to be put to death.

An insurrection in Samana.

In the mean time, the Sidda chiefs of Samana assassinated the viceroy, Malleck Sultan Shaw, the fast friend of the reigning Emperor, and sent his head to Mahummud Shaw at Nagracut. They earnestly solicited him to come and assert his right to the empire.
Mahummud Shaw, marches from Nagracut. Enters Delhi.

Mahummud Shaw accordingly, having collected his friends, advanced by the way of Jallendar to Samana, and proclaiming himself King at that place, advanced with a great army towards Delhi. After some repulses, Mahummud, as we shall see in the sequel, proved victorious, and sent Abu Bicker Shaw to his grave upon the twentieth of Zihige, in the year 792, when he had reigned one year and six months.

SECTION XXI. The Reign of NASIR UL DUNIA UL DIEN MAHUMMUD SHAW, the son of Firose Shaw.

A. D. 1389. Higer. 792.

Mahummud Shaw,

MAHUMMUD, as we have already seen, mounted the throne in his father's life time, in the year 789. How he was deposed and expelled by Baha ul dien and the other Omrahs, in confederacy with the Siddas of Guzerat, and the slaves of the household, and his transactions till he shut himself up in the fort of Nagracut, has been also related.
marches from Nagracut.

When the chiefs of the Siddas had assassinated Malleck Sultan in Samana, Mahummud Shaw, according to their invitation, marched with great expedition from Nagracut, calling all his friends from Delhi. He soon found himself at the head of twenty thousand horse, with which he advanced towards the capital.

Enters Delhi,

Upon the fifth of Ribbi ul Achir, in the year 792, he entered Delhi, and lighted at the palace of Jehan Numa. Abu Bicker Shaw, in the other quarter of the city, called Firoseabad, prepared himself for battle; and on the second of Jemmad ul Awil, the two armies engaged in the streets of Firoseabad.
Is driven from the city with great slaughter.

In the mean time Bahader Nahir, with a strong reinforcement, arrived, and joining Abu Bicker, they marched out of Firoseabad next morning, and drove Mahummud Shaw, with great slaughter, quite out of Delhi.

Mahummud retreated with two thousand horse only, over the Jumna; and immediately dispatched Humaioon Chan his son, and
A. D. 1389. Higer. 792.

He sends to raise forces.

several Omrahs to Sammana to recruit his army. He himself, in the mean time, remained in the town of Tillasar upon the banks of the Gang. Having experienced from first to last, that the slaves of Firose Shaw were his declared enemies, he gave orders to plunder all their estates in the neighbouring country, and to slay them wherever they should be found. The Zemindars fell upon some thousands, who had possessions in other parts of the empire, and massacred them; while the farmers in general, disgusted with Abu Bicker's government, which had been very oppressive, withheld their rents, and listed themselves under Mahummud Shaw.

Being joined by some Omrahs of note, he marches to Delhi,

In the mean time, the viceroy of Moultan, Chawas ul Muluck Suba of Baha, Raï Sir, and many Omrahs of note having joined Mahummud with their forces, he collected, in a few days, an army of fifty thousand horse, made the usual appointments in the empire to please his friends, and advanced, a second time, towards Delhi. Abu Bicker Shaw had remained inactive in that city, ever since his late victory.
and is again overthrown.

He, however, drew out his army at a village called Hindali to oppose Mahummud, and was so fortunate as to come off victorious once more. He drove Mahummud Shaw towards Tillasar, but contented himself with pursuing him three crores, and with taking his baggage, and then returned to his capital.

Humaioon Chan defeated.

Humaioon Chan, not many days after the battle of Hindali, with the troops he had raised at Samana, made another attempt upon the capital, but succeeded no better than his father, being defeated at Panniput, and obliged to retreat towards Samana. But after all these successes, Abu Bicker Shaw thought it unsafe to leave the capital, being suspicious of a faction in the city, in favour of Mahummud Shaw. Having at length punished some of the most disaffected, he ventured to march about twenty crores towards Tillasar, where Mahummud Shaw was again collecting an army.

A. D. 1389. Higer. 792.

The letter having, by this time, concerted measures with his faction in the city, left the body of his army, with all his baggage, at Tillasar, and advanced with four thousand chosen horse, towards Abu Bicker.
Mahummud, by a forced march,

When Abu Bicker had drawn up his army, Mahummud made a quick motion to the left, and passing the enemy's line, pushed forward to the capital. He there engaged the troops of Abu Bicker who guarded the walls, and having set fire to the Budaoon gate, forced his way into the city.
enters Delhi.

He immediately entered the imperial palace, whither the citizens flocked to pay him their respects.

Is again driven out by Abu Bicker.

But Abu Bicker Shaw, having closely pursued Mahummud, arrived the same day before the city; and having forced the guards which Mahummud Shaw had placed at the gates, advanced to the palace, and drove Mahummud Shaw, whose troops had dispersed themselves, quite out of the city. He was obliged to retreat again to Tillasar, where he joined his army, having lost the major part of his detachment in the action.

The chief of the slaves invites Mahummud to Delhi.

Some time having thus passed, without any decisive action, Mubushir Hagib, chief of the imperial slaves, known by the title of Islam Chan, disgusted with Abu Bicker, wrote to Mahummud, that if he would make another attempt upon the city, he would support him with the greatest part of the slaves, who were under his direction.
Abu Bicker abandons Delhi.

Abu Bicker hearing that Mahummud was again in motion, and having also discovered the disaffection of the slaves and others in his army, shamefully abandoned the capital, and fled with a small retinue to Mewat.

Mahummud Shaw, in the month of Ramzan, entered Delhi and ascended the imperial throne. He gave the vizarit to Islam Chan,
A. D. 1390. Higer. 793.

to whom he principally owed his restoration. When he found himself firmly established, he ordered all the elephants which belonged to the slaves of Firose Shaw, to be taken from them, and converted to his own use. The slaves, inraged at this injustice, fled the city that night, and hastened to join Abu Bicker.
Mahummud expels the slaves.

Mahummud, upon this desertion, turned out a few who remained, and ordered them upon pain of death, never to appear in the city, where they had acquired such dangerous influence. Notwithstanding of this decree, many slaves, unwilling to leave Delhi, concealed themselves: a search was ordered to be made, and such as were found, were massacred. Some of those poor wretches, upon this occasion, cried out for mercy, affirming that they were originally Turks. They were, upon this, ordered to pronounce the word Gurragurri, by which they were immediately distinguished. All who sounded it with the accent of Hindostan, were put to death.

Humaioon, marching against Abu Bicker,

Mahummud Shaw, after having expelled the slaves, began to recruit his army, and sent Humaioon Chan his son, with a considerable force against Abu Bicker.
is attacked in his camp.

When this army arrived at Kotluh, Abu Bicker, by advice of Bahadr Nahir, surprized Humaioon Chan in his camp. The prince, however, exerted his utmost efforts in opposing the enemy, being gallantly supported by Islam Chan, drove Abu Bicker, after a brave resistance, quite off the field. Mahummud Shaw marched at the same time, with great expedition, towards Mewat,
Abu Bicker surrenders himself.

where Abu Bicker Shaw, seeing no hopes left, surrendered himself, and was sent prisoner to the fort of Merat, where he died some years after.

Rebellion in Guzerat.

Mahummud Shaw, returning to Delhi, received advices that Malleck Muffirru Sultani, governor of Guzerat, rebelled. Ziffer Chan was immediately dispatched with an army to suppress the
A. D. 1391. Higer. 794.

rebellion; but for the particulars of this expedition, we must refer the reader to the history of the province of Guzerat[*].

Some Hindoo chiefs revolt,

In the year 794, intelligence was brought to Delhi, that Rai Nirsingh, Sirvadhone of Rhator, and Bireban of Bessu, chiefs of the Hindoos, had rose in arms against the Empire.
and are reduced.

Mahummud ordered Islam Chan, with a considerable force against Narsingh, the most powerful of the insurgents. Narsingh was defeated, made peace, and attended his conqueror to Delhi. The other two chiefs were subjugated at the same time.

Rebellion in Attava quelled.

The Zemindars of Attava, upon account of some grievance, rose at the same time in arms, and ravaged Bittaram and the adjacent Pergunnahs. The Sultan marched against them in person, and chastised them. The fort of Attava was levelled with the ground, and Mahummud took the rout of Kinnoge and Tillasar, in the last of which cities, he built a fort, which, from his own name, he called Mahummud-abad.

The Vizier falsely accused of treason.

Advice came to the Sultan from Delhi, that Islam Chan the Vizier, was preparing to fly to Lahore and Moultan, to kindle in those provinces the flames of rebellion. Mahummud hastened to the capital, and charged Islam Chan with his treasonable intentions. The Vizier absolutely denied the fact, but Jaju, a Hindoo and his own nephew, swore falsely against him.
Is put to death.

The Sultan being either convinced of his Vizier's guilt, or instigated by a jealousy of his power, condemned him to die. Chaja Jehan, who was perhaps a no small promoter of the Vizier's fall, was advanced to his office. Muckurrib ul Muluck was, at the same time, appointed governor of Mahummud-abad.

A. D. 1392. Higer. 795.

The Hindoo chiefs rise again in arms.

In the year 795, Sirvadhone of Rhator, and Bireban of Bissu, appeared in arms; and Muckurrib was ordered, with the troops at Mahummud-abad, against them.

The Sultan falls sick.

Sultan Mahummud, about this time, marched to Mewat, to quell some disturbances in that place. Upon his return to Mahummud-abad, he was taken ill of a dangerous fever, which rendered him delirious for some days. When he was in this condition, news was brought, that Bahadr Nahir[*] had plundered the country to the gates of Delhi. The Sultan, though far from being recovered of his illness, hastened to Mewat.
Defeats Bahadr Nahir.

Bahadr Nahir, who headed the rebels, drew up his army at Kottilah, and gave Mahummud battle; but he was defeated, and fled to Jidger.

The Sultan dies.

Mahummud, after this victory, returned to Mahummud-abad, and in the month of Ribbi ul awil of the year 796, sent his son Humaioon Chan, to crush Shicha Gicker, who had rebelled, and possessed himself of Lahore. But before the prince had left Delhi, news was brought to him of his father's decease; for the Sultan having relapsed into his former disorder, expired on the 17th of Ribbi ul awil, at Mahummud-abad. He reigned about six years and seven months, and his body was deposited at Delhi, with his fathers.

Humaioon ascends the throne.

Sultan Mahummud being mixed with the dead, his son Humaioon Chan ascended the throne, by the name of Secunder Shaw.
Dies.

He continued or confirmed all his father's officers; but being in a few days taken with a violent disorder, he went the way of his fathers, after a reign of forty-five days.

SECTION XXII. The Reign of NASIR UL DIEN MAMOOD SHAW, the son of Mahummud Shaw.

A. D. 1393. Higer. 790.

Mamood Shaw an infant, placed on the throne.

WHEN Secunder Shaw yielded to the power of his fate, violent disputes arose among the Omrahs, about the succession. They at last fixed upon Mamood, an infant son of Sultan Mahummud, whom they placed upon the throne, by the name of Nasir ul dien Mamood Shaw; while Chaja Jehan remained in the Vizarit, and absolute government of the state.
Promotions at court.

The title of Muckirrib Chan was conferred upon Muckirrib ul Muluck, with the high employ of Amir ul Omrah, or Captain-General. Sadit Chan was appointed Barbeck[*], Saring Chan governor of Debalpoor, and Dowlat Chan Debire, nominated to the office of Aziz Mumalick[†].

Distractions in the empire.

The apparent debility of the Empire, arising from the King's minority and dissentions of the Omrahs, encouraged all the Hindoos around to kindle the flames of rebellion; particularly those of the eastern provinces. Chaja Jehan, upon this occasion, assumed the title of Sultan Shirki[‡], and proceeded towards Behar, with a great army. He soon reduced that country to obedience, and having at the same time, forced the Prince of Bengal to pay him the customary tribute, he returned, and fixed his residence at Jionpoor.

The Vizier establishes himself at Jionpoor.

While Chaja Jehan thus established himself, in opposition to his master, in the East, Saring Chan began to form an independency in the West. Having, as Suba of Debalpoor, collected the troops of the province of Moultan, and the north-west division of the empire, he advanced against Shicha Gicker, who waited for him at Adjodin, about twelve crores from Lahore.
The Gickers defeated.

A battle immediately ensued, and the Gickers being defeated, were obliged to take refuge among
A. D. 1394. Higer. 797.

the mountains of Jimbo. Saring Chan, after this victory, left his brother Adil Chan in the government of Lahore, and returned himself to Debalpoor.

The Sultan marches to Biana and Gualier.

Sultan Mamood this year, having left Delhi in charge of Muckirrib Chan, marched towards Gualier, and Biana, accompanied by Sadit Chan and many of the chief Omrahs. When the King had arrived in the neighbourhood of Gualier, Mubarick Chan, the son of Malleck Raja, Mullu Eckbal Chan the brother of Raja Saring Chan, and Malleck Alla ul dien, conspired against the life of Sadit Chan. But Sadit having timely information of the plot, slew Mubarick Chan and Malleck Alla ul dien, while Eckbal escaped to Delhi. Though the conspiracy was thus quashed, the confusions which were the consequences of it, obliged the Sultan to return to the capital, without prosecuting the scheme of reducing those territories to obedience.

The gates of Delhi shut against him.

The distractions in the empire began now to multiply exceedingly. The Sultan arriving in the neighbourhood of Delhi, Muckirrib Chan came out to pay his respects. But having on his way understood, that Sadit Chan had sworn vengeance against him, for affording protection to Mullu Eckbal Chan, he fled back to the city, and shutting the gates against the Prince, prepared to make a resolute defence.
He goes over to the besieged.

The city in short was besieged for three months, till the King being assured that the war was commenced and continued on account of Sadit Chan, accommodated matters with Muckirrib, and in the month of Mohirrim 797, was admitted into Delhi.

Another Sultan set up by Sadit Chan.

Muckirrib, encouraged by the coming over of his Prince, marched the next day out of the city, with all his force, against Sadit Chan; but he was beat back with great loss. The rains had now come on, and it being impossible for Sadit Chan to keep the field, he struck his tents, and marched into Firose-abad. He immediately sent for
A. D. 1393. Higer. 796.

Nuserit Chan, the son of Fatte Chan, and grandson of Firose Shaw, from Mewat, and set him up in opposition to Mamood, by the title of Nasir ul dien Nuserit Shaw. Under the name of this prince Sadit Chan began to manage the affairs of the Sultanit.

A faction expels Sadit Chan from Firose-abad.

But a new faction breaking out in his government, disconcerted his measures. The slaves of Firose Shaw, disgusted with his behaviour towards them, prevailed upon the keepers of the elephants to join them. They forcibly placed Nuserit Shaw upon an elephant, advanced against Sadit Chan, and drove him quite out of the city of Firose-abad, before he had time to prepare for his own defence. To avoid one danger, the unfortunate Sadit fell into another;
He is slain.

for having sought protection under Muckirrib Chan, he was by him put to death.

The uncommon misfortunes of the empire.

The misfortunes of the state daily encreased. The Omrahs of Firose-abad, and of some of the provinces, espoused the cause of Nuserit Chan. Those of Delhi, and others, supported the title of Mamood. The whole empire fell into a state of anarchy, confusion, and distraction. A civil war was kindled in every corner, and, a thing unheard of before, two Kings in arms against one another, resided in one capital. Things however remained in this unfortunate situation for three years, with a surprising equality on both sides; for if one monarch's party had at any time a superiority over the other, it was in singularity of misfortunes. It was not a state of war, but a continued battle between the two cities: Thousands were killed almost every day, and the place of the slain was constantly supplied by reinforcements from different parts of the empire. Some of the Subas of the provinces took no part in this civil war. They hoped to see the empire so weakened by public calamities, that they themselves might become independant; and to lay a foundation for their future power, they withheld the customary revenues.

A. D. 1396. Higer. 798.

Transactions in the north-west provinces.

In the year 798, Saring Chan, governor of Debalpoor, having some differences with Chizer Chan, governor of Moultan, made war upon him. After several engagements with various success, victory declared for Saring. He immediately seized Moultan, became very powerful, and in the year following, advanced with a great army to Samana, which he reduced to his obedience. Nuserit Chan dispatched Tatar Chan, Suba of Panniput, and Malleck Almass, with an army against him. They engaged Saring on the first of Mohorrim, in the year 799, gave him a signal overthrow, and obliged him to fly to Moultan.

The grandson of Amir Timur passes the Indus,

Saring Chan received in that city, intelligence that Mirza Pier Mahummud Jehangire, the grandson of Amir Timur[*], had built a bridge over the Sind[†], and that, having crossed that river, he invested Outch. Saring immediately dispatched Malleck Tagge ul dien, his Naib, with other Omrahs, and the best part of his army, to reinforce Malleck Ali, Naib to the governor of Outch. Pier Mahummud hearing of this army, advanced to the Bea, fell upon them by surprize, just as they had crossed that river, defeated and drove them back into the stream; so that more were drowned than fell by the sword. A few of the discomfited army made the best of their way to Moultan.

Takes Moultan.

Pier Mahummud kept close at the heels of the runaways, and obliged Saring Chan to shut himself up in Moultan. After a siege of six months, he was obliged, for want of provisions, to surrender at discretion; and being imprisoned, with all his army, Mahummud took possession of the city. Saring, in a few days, found means to escape: but the country remained in subjection to the Moguls.

Transactions at Delhi.

But to return to the transactions at Delhi. Mullu Eckbal Chan being disgusted with Mamood, deserted him. He sent a message to
A. D. 1397. Higer. 799.

Nuserit Shaw, to desire leave to join him with his party. This offer was very readily accepted; they met, went to the palace of Seri, and, upon the Koran, swore mutual friendship, at the tomb of Chaja Cuttub ul dien Kaki. During these transactions, Mamood with Muckirrib remained in the old city.

Eckbal Chan's perfidy.

The perfidious Eckbal, about three days after his desertion, quarrelled with Nuserit Shaw, and not regarding his oath, began to form a conspiracy against him. Nuserit Shaw being informed of the plot, found himself constrained to quit the palace of Seri. The traitor fell upon him in his retreat, and took all his elephants, treasure and baggage. The unfortunate prince, being in no condition to keep the field, fled to his Vizier at Panniput.

A treaty between him and Sultan Mamood.

Eckbal took immediately possession of Firoseabad. His power daily increased, and he now employed it to expel Mamood and Muckirrib from the old city. At length, by the mediation of some Omrahs, peace was concluded between the parties. But Eckbal, peculiarly perfidious, broke through all the sacred ties of the treaty; and setting upon Muckirrib in his own house, by surprize, slew him. He immediately seized the young Sultan, and left him nothing but his life and the name of Emperor.

Ruins the affairs of Nuserit Shaw.

Eckbal, in the same year, marched from Delhi with Sultan Mamood, against Nuserit Shaw, and Tatar Chan at Panniput. Tatar Chan, leaving his elephants and baggage in the fort, passed, by forced marches, the army of Eckbal, arrived before Delhi and invested it. Eckbal trusting to the strength he left in Delhi, advanced and attacked Panniput, and took it the
A. D. 1398. Higer. 800.

third day, by escalade. He then hastened back to Delhi, and Tatar Chan having failed in his attempt upon that place, fled to his father in Guzerat. Eckbal entering the city, began to regulate the government, which had fallen into the utmost confusion. In the mean time, to compleat the miseries of the unhappy city and empire, news arrived, that Amir Timur had crossed the Sind, with an intention to conquer Hindostan.

Notes

*
That is to fall upon their knees.
↵

*
The country beyond the Ganges, N. E. from Delhi, now possessed by the Rohil as.
↵

*
The historian alludes to another work which he wrote concerning the transactions of the principalities of Hindostan.
↵

*
MA signifies Great in the Indian language; and KAL Time, or sometimes Death.
↵

†
Flattery.
↵

*
This office of Vakeel Sultanit, or Vakeel Mutuluck, was the first in the empire; his business was to issue all orders from the closet to the Vizier or other officers of state, who were to take measures for executing them.
↵

*
Aristotle, the Philosopher.
↵

†
Halacu Chan was grandson to the famous Zingis Chan, was a great conqueror himself, and King of Persia.
↵

*
The lesser Asia, so called from being long a part of the Roman Empire.
↵

†
Syria.
↵

†
A town in Orissa, near Cattack.
↵

*
The Turks and Tartars here mentioned, were mercenaries in the imperial army.
↵

†
Japhet, the son of Noah.
↵

†
Lord of Lords.
↵

*
Chief magistrate of the city.
↵

†
Each of these was obliged to read the Coran over once a day.
↵

*
Grandson of Zingis Chan, and King of Persia.
↵

†
A Toman consisted of 10,000 men.
↵

†
That is the Mahommedans.
↵

‡
The maund of the Decan is 25lb. avoirdupoise.
↵

*
He reigned seven years and some months.
↵

†
Alexander the second.
↵

*
An office somewhat similar to that of our Lord high Chancellor.
↵

†
Principal Secretary of state.
↵

‡
Chief magistrate of the city.
↵

§
The same with our Lord Chief Justice of the pleas.
↵

‖
Intelligencer of the empire.
↵

†
The Mahommedans.
↵

‡
Alexander the Second.
↵

‖
The same with our Lord Mayor.
↵

*
Zingis Chan.
↵

†
Aristotle.
↵

‡
Alla ul dien was himself the nephew and son in law to Firose Shaw, whom he murdered.
↵

*
A writing of victory. Pompous accounts of his actions, according to their custom.
↵

*
That is, a viceroy; with all the ensigns of royalty.
↵

*
Prince of Princes.
↵

*
The Mahommedans give the name of Cassers or Infidels to all the nations who do not profess their own faith.
↵

†
This observation of our author sets the two religions in very opposite lights, and is perfectly consistent with the principle of the universal charity of the Hindoos, who think that the same God is the object of all religions, however much they may differ in ceremonies and tenets.
↵

*
This treasure may appear to exceed all belief in the eyes of Europeans: But if we consider the Hindoos as a mercantile people, and not disturbed perhaps by wars for thousands of years; and add to this, that it is the invariable custom of that race, to live with the abstinence of hermits in the midst of wealth, our wonder will cease, and the credit of our author remain intire. The gold alone amounts to about one hundred millions of our money.
↵

*
Chief or commander of the foot-guards
↵

*
Captain General.
↵

*
Now Cattack in Orissa.
↵

*
China.
↵

*
Bengal, at this time, was divided into three governments.
↵

*
Mogul captains, who entered into his service with Amir Norose.
↵

*
Now Joinagur.
↵

*
Dellael Firose Shawi signifies the arguments of Firose Shaw. Some authors relate, that the image now worshipped at Nagracut, is not that of Noshaba, which, say they, Firose Shaw sent to Mecca, where it was buried before the door of the great mosque. It is not improbable, but Alexander, who penetrated to the Indies, might have left an image of one of the Grecian Goddesses, upon the frontiers of his conquests. The Brahmins might have, with less absurdity, converted this foreign Goddess into one of their own growth, than those holy persons at Rome, who have changed the statue of Jupiter Tonans into one of St. Peter; disgracing with a parcel of keys, that hand which formerly held the thunder.
↵

†
The Vizier.
↵

*
Our author's second volume in the original Persian, treats of the particular history of all the provinces of Hindostan.
↵

*
An adherent of Abu Bicker.
↵

*
Lord of the Audience.
↵

†
Representative of the provinces.
↵

‡
King of the East.
↵

*
Tamerlane.
↵

†
The Indus.
↵

Information about this book

Title statement

The history of Hindostan: from the earliest account of time, to the death of Akbar; translated from the Persian of Mahummud Casim Ferishta of Delhi: ... With an appendix, containing the history of the Mogul empire, from its decline in the reign of Mahummud Shaw, to the present times. By Alexander Dow. ... [pt.1]

Tārı̄kh-i Firishtah. English

Firishtah, Muḥammad Qāsim Hindū Shāh Astarābādī.

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http://ota.ox.ac.uk/id/4759

ID [isbn10]

1106017587

ID [isbn13]

9781106017581

ID [TCP]

K074278.001

ID [BIBNO]

CW3303119160

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0828000201

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— The history of Hindostan: from the earliest account of time, to the death of Akbar; translated from the Persian of Mahummud Casim Ferishta of Delhi: ... With an appendix, containing the history of the Mogul empire, from its decline in the reign of Mahummud Shaw, to the present times. By Alexander Dow. ..., Tārı̄kh-i Firishtah. English, Firishtah, Muḥammad Qāsim Hindū Shāh Astarābādī., Dow, Alexander, d. 1779.. 2v.,plates : map ; 4⁰. London :: printed for T. Becket and P. A. de Hondt,. 1768.. [Vol.3, 'The history of Hindostan, from the death of Akbar, to the complete settlement of the empire under Aurungzebe. .. By Alexander Dow, .. ', London, 1772, is an original work by Dow.] [Reproduction of original from the British Library.] [English Short Title Catalog, ESTCT91573.] [Electronic data. Farmington Hills, Mich. : Thomson Gale, 2003. Page image (PNG). Digitized image of the microfilm version produced in Woodbridge, CT by Research Publications, 1982-2002 (later known as Primary Source Microfilm, an imprint of the Gale Group).]

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