Common-place arguments against administration: with obvious answers, (intended for the use of the new Parliament.).

Table of contents

- [halftitle]

- [titlepage]

- ADVERTISEMENT.

- CONTENTS.

- THE LATE AND THE NEW PARLIAMENT.

- ANSWER.

- COMPLIMENTARY INVITATIONS TO BE SCATTERED AMONG THE YOUNG MEMBERS.

- ANSWER.

- PROPHECIES OF OPPOSITION.

- ANSWER.

- ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS.

- ANSWER.

- BEST OFFICERS DRIVEN FROM THE SERVICE.

- ANSWER.

- OPINION OF THINGS IN GENERAL, OR, CONVERSATION POLITICS.

- EQUIVOCAL ANSWER BY A TRIMMER.

- THE PRAISE OF PARTY.

- ANSWER.

- THE LAST CAMPAIGN AND GENERAL STATE OF THE NATION.

- ANSWER.

- MISCELLANEOUS ELOQUENCE, OR, COLLATERAL RHETORIC FOR THE GALLERY.

- ANSWER.

- CHANGE THE MINISTRY.

- ANSWER.

COMMON PLACE ARGUMENTS.

FINIS.

COMMON-PLACE ARGUMENTS, &c.

COMMON-PLACE ARGUMENTS AGAINST ADMINISTRATION, WITH OBVIOUS ANSWERS, (INTENDED FOR THE USE OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.)

LONDON: PRINTED FOR R. FAULDER, NEW BOND STREET, M DCC LXXX.

ADVERTISEMENT.

IN most of the Arts and Sciences, Professors have formed general outlines of the plan, method, and arrangement, to be followed by the pupils who study them.

Some sort of analysis might be of equal service to young proficients in parliamentary eloquence—A multitude of words, delivered with rapidity and vehemence, puzzle and confuse those who are unacquainted with the technical trick of debate—It will be of use therefore to prepare for our juvenile senators, a compendious outline of such arguments as may most probably be employed at the opening of the approaching Session.

And, in order to detect the fallacy of much popular rhetoric, brief observations will be annexed to each of the Commonplace topics; by which means, when any of the old Opposition Orators begin to flourish away on these trite arguments, the young members may, by recurring to the proper section in the Analysis, immediately find most of the thoughts, and many of the words, that will be used, for, or against the Question; with this main difference, that each will be much shorter, and probably both more intelligible.

The Author is aware, that nothing can be simpler than this plan; it being much of the same nature with an Exhibition Catalogue, which merely describes the subjects of the several compositions presented to public criticism; and possibly some readers may think it might have been well, to complete the simile, by subjoining in this instance, as well as in the former, the names of the several Artists; but, though something of that dramatic kind, was rather successfully attempted in a pamphlet, called Anticipation, it seems more advise-able to avoid the least appearance of personality, on the present occasion:—The ridicule that was then, with some propriety, directed against the tediousness, or the pedantry, or the droll dotage, that characterized some individual speakers; would now be wholly unnecessary: it never was a task of difficulty to expose the folly of mock eloquence; once atchieved, the repetition would be as disgustful as the subject.

But sophistry assumes new shapes, and acts under various disguises; like the malicious enchanter in romance, to be finally overcome, it must be attacked in all its transformations; yet he who engages in this war of words, can be but little exposed to any charge of presumption; it is a combat far more tiresome, than perilous; and however severely his patience may be exercised, he will have but few occasions to exert his strength; so that as his utmost triumph can be only proportionable to so inferior a contest, he may be secure at least from the imputation of vanity in undertaking it.

CONTENTS.

- THE late, and the new Parliament 9

- Answer 11

- Complimentary Invitations to the young Members 14

- Answer 17

- The Prophecies of Opposition 22

- Answer 24

- Annual Parliaments 28

- Answer 34

- Best Officers driven from the Service 35

- Answer 39

- Conversation Politics 46

- Answer 49

- The Praise of Party 51

- Answer 55

- The last Campaign, and State of the nation—Comprizing—The Captures—Rhode Island and Monsieur de Ternay—Lord Cornwallis's Victory—Danger of Jamaica and Hallifax—Portuguese Perfidy—Army and Navy—Petitions and Association 58

- The Answer 66

- Miscellaneous Eloquence for the Gallery 78

- Answer 86

- Change the Ministry 90

- Answer 93

THE LATE AND THE NEW PARLIAMENT.

THE late parliament was the most infamous, slavish, base, sordid, venal, mean, inconsistant, despicable parliament, that ever existed.—It betrayed the rights of the people, trampled on their privileges; violated their majesty; servilely crouched to prerogative; and wasted the blood and treasure of the public, to satiate private ambition and avarice.

Hence national resentment was universally rouzed; the elective body, to a man, despised the representative, and all ranks and orders of people anxiously expected the happy moment of the dissolution. At the approach indeed of that awful crisis, political frailty felt a sort of death-bed penitence; it was the hectic virtue of a moment: the panic however soon subsided; and, flushed with new hopes of a protracted existence: the old septennial methodist rose, like Voltaire from sickness, impatient for deeper vices, and anxious for more aggravated profligacy.

"Such was your parliament—Look you now what follows"—A young phoenix rising from the ashes of the old!—the best of all possible parliaments!—a pure, uncorrupt, delegation from the true source of all real power, the people: unfettered by connections; unclogged with errors; free to consult; to deliberate; to determine; for the public safety! "Such is your parliament."

ANSWER.

IT is difficult to give a just idea, of the animated stile of opposition invectives; particularly on such a theme as the present, where the free indulgence of them, is unchecked by any of those awkward restraints, which some young men have of late, so unconstitutionally thrown on them.—A deceased parliament is one of those immaterial objects, that every one may attack with perfect impunity; and indeed, under the present restrictions, it is no small convenience to the component parts of such a corporate body, to have in the very nature of their constitution, a safe resource for the exercise of their wildest rancour, and most fanciful asperity. It is however uncommonly whimsical, that almost the very same set of men, who actually composed the subject of this invective, should be themselves the auditors of it; and at the same moment that they are stigmatized in their late capacity, they should receive so premature a panegyric in their new one; yet such is almost precisely the case.

The last parliament and the present parliament being very nearly one, and the same.—It is true indeed, there have been some exchanges, and different branches of particular families have taken their rotation in election honours; but still both parliaments are essentially and effectually alike: so that, with a few inconsiderable exceptions, the returns and re-elections incontrovertibly prove, that all the imputations of national odium and contempt, so industriously thrown on the last parliament, must at least have been grossly exaggerated, if not entirely false.

As to the penitential vote, so often, and so vauntingly relied on, it will always be remembered, that the House at large, refused to report the abstract proposition so fearfully passed, by a committee of inferior numbers—It was indeed a florid weakness; the hectic effort of exhausted sedition; that "Like the faint offer of a latter spring, served but to usher in the fall, and withered in an affected bloom."

COMPLIMENTARY INVITATIONS TO BE SCATTERED AMONG THE YOUNG MEMBERS.

AS it is scarcely possible that any gentleman of spirit, or independence, can support the ministry, without forfeiting all pretensions to virtue, justice, honor, and common sense, there can be still less doubt, that those, who are least hackneyed in the ways of public life, and consequently most accutely sensible of the allurements of popularity, will instantly join the present constitutional, upright, consistent, generous, just, opposition.

What can be so flattering to youthful ambition, as being immediately enrolled in a band of genuine patriots, and registered among the only British worthies of the age! what ampler field can the world afford for the display of genius, learning and eloquence, than that glorious contest of America with England, of freedom against tyranny!

In the most prosperous times, the support of ministers is an inglorious and vulgar task, compared to the control of them. There is little, or no scope for rhetoric, in plain statements, regular calculations, legal precision, and such other trite and plain modes, as men in office must necessarily pursue. On the contrary, opposition, has inexhaustible themes of eloquence—suspicions, alarms, menaces, and predictions, (not to mention impeachments, which cannot well recur so regularly) are rich and constant sources of popular declamation. Besides, one of the chief benefits that arise from new parliaments, is the accession of fresh supplies of genius and cultivated abilities. And perhaps, there never was a time, when such immense quantities of both were introduced into the House of Commons as upon the present occasion—young gentlemen, not only endowed with prodigious abilities, but who have been for many years back, in training for debate, abound on all sides.—What an infinite pity would it be then, were such improved talents obscured and shrowded from public admiration, in the dull details of official politicians!—In the moment of peril and dismay, it is happy for this nation at large to have selected men, formed, as it were, for the salvation of their country.—It is no less fortunate for those, who possess such talents, to have them called into action, at so aweful a crisis.—Indeed, it is one of the great benefits arising from the present calamities, that gentlemen have now much finer opportunities and more numerous subjects, for displaying their talents, than they could possibly have enjoyed in more quiet times; and which too, if not immediately taken advantage of, may irretrievably escape by some unlucky change, to prosperity abroad, or humanity at home.

ANSWER.

WHAT antidote can reason provide against such potent incantations?—The cold suggestion of more temperate advice would feebly resist the Syren voice of popular allurement; and vainly is judgment addressed, where the subtle appeal is more fancifully made to vanity and inexperience. To examine and analize the several properties of real debate, in distinction to those of wild declamation, would appear too refined: to ridicule the prevailing passion for oratory, too trite: still less would it be proper, under this division, either to enquire into the merits of Minority, or to discuss the justice and sincerity of their claims to public confidence.

To raise new levies for the service of Opposition, is so entirely the interest of that set of men who command the old troops, that it cannot fail to create some flight doubts of the perfect sincerity and pure zeal of their complimentary invitations. But (without considering such an adventurous junction in the more serious light of a desertion from every solid and substantial interest of our country) it may not be wholly unuseful to suggest how impossible it is for the Opposition, in its present state, to afford those numerous and happy occasions for the display of genius and eloquence, which its advocates so speciously hold out as the strongest incentives to youthful ambition.

The Minority has long been directed, and controuled, by a few leading orators; who, after years of fatiguing service, are most justly entitled to rank as veterans in their profession; and are now too reasonably jealous of their established precedence, to participate in fame with the raw recruits they are so anxious to enlist—One of their leaders has expressly published the Articles of Party; with much fairness and candour, avowing the necessity of obedience to a common leader, and of acting in due subordination to his commands. With more zeal, indeed, than policy, this champion of party very frankly decried and ridiculed all separate exertions and individual efforts, as attempts of equal inefficacy and presumption; and rather rashly discovered so much more of this degrading system than former politicians had thought it wise, or decent to reveal, that many men of proper pride and spirit were disgusted with the Rockingham service, and beg'd leave to resign their commissions — Others of subtler talents, laboured with more art and casuistry to explain away these dangerous articles: but still, however speciously they argued, they always had the precaution to maintain their rank in eloquence, by the exclusion of every new competitor, and to secure the credit, by monopolizing the time, of debate.

—No young man of talents has, for years back, met with the patronage of Opposition; every succeeding session was the echo of the former; the same quantity of time has been annually devoted to the same tediousness and protraction of debate; even stated hours seemed almost appointed for each particular orator; nor was it ever a very difficult calculation to imagine who was actually speaking, at any given time, by only looking what o'clock it was; for the daily movements of their rhetoric were as mechanically exhibited, by a periodical succession of figures, as those of the famous Strasburg clock; except indeed, when some rough unmanageable country-gentlemen would start out, like the savages of St. Dunstan's, to give a hasty stroke, or two, and then retire again, to rest in peace on their unpolished clubs.

But above all, the particular stile of abilities, which characterize the present manager of Opposition, renders all inferior exertions in eloquence, almost useless and ridiculous—There is a magnitude in extraordinary talents, that contrasts, and caricatures the comparative inequality of those who are placed in competition with them. Qualities, which, carried to an extreme, are striking from their enormity, (such as desperate vehemence and outrageous acrimony) become ridiculous in imitation, and impotent by inferiority. They resemble theatrical thunder compared with real; and serve only to burlesque an original, that can never be successfully imitated. The minor malcontents, and mimic republicans of the present day, would do well therefore to reflect, how very contemptible the petty partizans of faction have been, in all ages and countries. There were dozens of duodecimo Catilines, who buzzed conspiracy in every corner of the Forum, though history has scarcely stooped to name them; Ravaillac had his monk committees and holy associations, whose debates and resolutions have been charitably consigned to oblivion: nor has there ever been any desperate leader, from the rank of Catiline to Cade, who has not boasted a gang of followers, officious, and obscure; busy, and forgot.

PROPHECIES OF OPPOSITION.

IN stating contingent events, and deducing the future consequences of any measure now in agitation, Opposition should always be deemed infallible—They are intitled to this dependance on their present predictions, because all their former prophecies are fully accomplished.—Lest a point of such consequence to their credit should have remained unrecorded, a copious list of these divinations was published in a periodical paper devoted to their service; and, to authenticate more indubitably the evidence of this political foresight, any gentleman, who will be so obliging as to refer to the list, will find the date of each prediction accurately subjoined, the place of utterance in a marginal note, and the full accomplishment in the opposite column. It will be equally apparent, that the ministry in several instances, received and treated these prophecies with most irreverent scepticism: with great justice and propriety therefore, no circumstance is more perpetually, and more successfully, urged, than the Prophecies of Opposition; and hence it is most fairly inferred, that their past sagacity, invests them with an indefeasible and perpetual infallibility in future.

ANSWER.

THE gipsey Fortune-teller "takes a bond of Fate." and to ensure her skill, most generally perpetrates the mischiefs she predicts.—To this judicious policy it may be chiefly owing, that Egyptian divination has so long surviv'd all other oracles and supernatural inspirations of antiquity—The Pythian priestess became suspected, or unintelligible, from evasion, or ambiguity; and was equally stigmatised by Philip's gold, or the chains of Craesus.—Even our homespun witches "palter'd in such double sense," that, by their own equivocation more than any terrors of law, they forfeited the credulous veneration they had so long usurped.—In short, the gipsey pursues the best system for all human prophecies. This ensuring Sybil, boldly corrects the uncertainty of time, and chance, and with great prudence relies on her own dexterity, for the securest voucher of her prescience.

—A similar wisdom has guided the prophets of Opposition.

‘I pledge myself to this House (says one of them) that the confidence which America may justly repose in the sympathetic ardor, that inspires a very great part of this nation, will make her scorn your menaces, and fly to arms, to vindicate her rights.’—Here is one instance among a thousand others of a patriotic prediction, that, by the liberal encouragement it holds out, goes great lengths to effect the event it foretells, and is, in fact, the leading cause of its own accomplishment.—‘Away with the idle notion (says another prophet) of success in your Northern expedition! I am bold to say, (and I wish my words to be taken down) that miscarriage and ruin, will attend that devoted army.’—Not to comment too harshly on the very extraordinary precision and accuracy of these terms, it is fair to observe thus much on all predictions of this nature, That they act with a double influence: first, by dispiriting our friends, and then by encouraging the enemy; consequently, if they are not condemned as principals, they may at least be arraigned as active accomplices, in producing the calamity they foretell.

But as many people have thought, that too large a portion of debate has been employed of late years in recounting the utterance, and expounding the final completion of these prophecies; it might tend to abbreviate this article of oratory, if a committee of parliamentary prophets, invested with the ensigns of augural authority, were ordered forth with to prepare and bring in a kind of Political Almanack, or Patriots Calender, for the use of the current year; wherein all minor victories and defeats, should be set down as feasts, and fasts, and red-letter days set apart for more important losses.

It might enrich a work of this nature, to interleave each month with pages of collateral philosophy, opposite to its subjects; such as refutations of several vulgar errors too commonly enterained, relative to some military misdeeds in the late campaigns; by comparing them, to the retrogade motion of the planets; which every more enlightened observer can easily prove to be quite contrary to appearances, and merely arising from our vast distance from the objects, and the gross medium through which we view them; so too, any tediousness in crossing the Delaware, or obscurity in the Saratoga business, might receive great light from the philosophy of transits, and eclipses; while the doctrine of Comets would furnish infinite analogy to all kinds of excentricity, civil, military, or naval.

These, together with proper tables for calculating the influence of the moon on the rise and fall of stocks, would form a very compendious and handy diary in state-affairs, and, in a short time, must become as infallible a guide in politics, as Partridge's predictions formerly were in astrology.

ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS.

IN the moment of most general danger to the very existence of a state, from a rebellion, and a foreign war, it becomes all wise, good, and prudent men, to devote their whole time to the concerting measures, not to overcome the common enemy, but to new model and patch up the constitution; just as, in a closely besieged town, every clever fellow should leave it to his inferiors to repell the assailants from the walls, and busy himself, and his neighbours, in drawing plans to repair, and beautify the old town-hall, the assembly-rooms, and other buildings of the city. And this, not from any paradoxical confusion, or ideal refinement, that the inside of the town is to all intents and purposes the outside; or that the said edifices are virtually the fortifications; but for a much simpler and more substantial reason; namely that the day of distress and danger is the true time to frighten the magistrates into receiving their terms: which, if the siege is raised, will set them up for ever in fame and fortune; and if it be not, will serve at least to recommend them to the victorious enemy as very shrewd and notable projectors.

Now, in a state like ours, it is clear that the constitution of parliament must always form the grand subject of political theory. Hence various schemes have been propounded, to purify, and refine it from all corruptions; and many tedious preparations, in the nature of chymical processes, have been occasionally invented, to exalt it to what it really should be, a kind of compound elixir of popular spirit.

In the course of these experiments, some professors insisted, that its whole efficacy must depend on the ingredients, that compose it, being brought from their several native soils, free of all charges.—Others held, that larger quantities of its most wholesome simples, should be gathered out of the richest, and best cultivated lands, and not picked up, like mushrooms, from old wastes and barren commons. But, however composed, sifted, and refined, several concurred in opinion, that it never could keep its spirit above three years, because formerly they only made it up for that time.

But the last, and far most important discovery of all, is, that it never possibly can be fit for use, or good for any thing at all, above a twelvemonth after it is first put together.—Or (to release the metaphor before it's quite exhausted) that annual parliaments are the grand arcanum, and sovereign panacea, for all the distempers of our decayed and perishing constitution. And, in order to establish this important point; first, they affirm, that the virtue of that restricted duration beyond a triennial one, is very clearly proved by a converse ratio of the old homely adage, "There can never be too much of a good thing," which, being inverted, very fairly carries the question by three to one, against triennial in favour of annual parliaments—And next, the ingenious advocates of this improvement, as clearly prove the undoubted use and pleasure, that would naturally result both to constituents and representatives, from this annual revolution of intercourse; by shewing how infallibly it must promote the health and spirits of the former, to be under a sort of pleasing necessity, to keep up a visiting acquaintance, with their constituents in the purer air of the country; to whom, in their turn it would prove equally beneficial and delightful, by encouraging the briskness of trade, and cheapness of provisions, at such constant repetitions of election festivity, and convivial fellowship.—But these, and many secondary motives, are lost in the beauty, depth, and curiosity of the main argument, that is the foundation of this plan, which is briefly this; The mysterious excellence of the number TWELVE, that limits the months in this constitutional period: a cabalistical idea, which, tho' too subtle and complex to be dwelt on minutely in this place, cannot fail to strike every impartial mind with sufficient force, on the mere mention of a few instances, among the millions which exist, wherein this number of TWELVE predominates: with which short enumeration the subject shall be closed.

First then, all the world knows, that the earth revolves in twelve months, round the twelve signs of the Zodiac; and this too, (as Monsieur Gebelin very critically expounds,) was typically illustrated, in Pagan mythology, by the twelve labours of Hercules; all which, like our corporate and parochial offices, were performed exactly in the good, even, space of a twelvemonth. Next, all petty juries are composed of twelve, and grand juries, of twice twelve, good men and true; so too there are twelve judges; and, tho' the bishops (exclusive of the two metropolitans) are just twice that number, yet there is a relative proportion even in this difference, which was certainly designed to signify the double glory of ecclesiastical, united with temporal dignities; as well as the exact increase of piety in these latter, compared to the primitive times; when, in truth, as every one knows, there were but twelve apostles.—Add to these therefore the twelve candlesticks in the revelations, the twelve tribes of Israel, the twelve Caesars, and dozens of other duodecimo examples, and you will then have the very essence of all the arguments, in favour of parliaments for twelve months.

ANSWER.

PREVIOUS QUESTION.

BEST OFFICERS DRIVEN FROM THE SERVICE.

MINISTERS have the art to connect contrarieties of baseness; they dismiss without cause, or employ to no end, our best officers.—Examples of the former have appeared in the militia: the latter has been equally instanced both in our army, and navy.—There is something of Pagan craft in this crooked policy—The virtue and valour of Theseus were too formidable to a feeble and suspicious tyrant to be overlooked with affected contempt, or openly degraded: it was a safer, and subtler cruelty to exhaust this dangerous heroism, in remote and perilous enterprizes; which, if atchieved, would give credit to the wisdom of those who projected them, but, if attended with shame and disappointment, might lower, if not entirely destroy, the reputation of their conductors.

The hero of antiquity indeed, defeated this pernicious system, and returned in triumph, to greet his insidious employers with unwelcome successes, and offensive victory. But, however fatally imperfect the parallel of devoted valour must appear in modern annals, every generous mind will equally abhor the same base and mean policy, which, in both instances, veiled ruin beneath its bounty, and exalted, only to destroy.

Such has been the odious system of government towards those, whose professional eminence, joined to their popular attachments and connections, pointed them out as the fittest objects for temporary banishment, at least, if not shameful captivity abroad, or more degrading impotence at home.

Nor has the executive power been less busily oppressive in the domestic arrangements of our great internal and constitutional defence, the militia.—It is the extreme of tyranny to controul the freedom of thought—Sidney lost his life for his written principles.—With more cautious injustice, the patriots of the present day, are deprived of their hereditary honours, for daring to speak their independent opinions.—To release the mind from the oppressive awe of of authority, the patriotic parliament of Charles the First's reign claimed, and exercised, their just right of appointing the Lord Lieutenants, and other officers, that array and command, our militia.—It was too well foreseen that a right of so extensive a nature might, in the hands of regal caprice, become a convenient instrument to check the spirit of liberty, or to punish its generous exertions.—Could it have been imagined that the time would arrive, when the highest and most important ranks of that very armament should be rashly invaded, and revengefully violated by prerogative, if, on any occasion, their established possessors dared to exercise the right of thinking for themselves, it might have damped the zeal of precipitate loyalty in resigning so important a right to the discretion and virtue of a monarch. Unfortunately however this very right was as rashly surrendered by the parliament of Charles the Second, as it was manfully maintained in the reign of his tyrannical predecessor.

What has been the consequence?—We have lived to see the day when a ruinous and wretched administration (that administration, which has invariably pursued the wicked system of division; that administration, which has set friend against friend, relation against relation, and connection against connection; that administration, which has robbed us of thirteen colonies, and plunged us in a shameful and calamitous war, with the whole world) has insolently dismissed the accomplished descendants of two of the noblest, and most ancient families, from those commands, to which their superior rank and property had most justly elevated their ancestors and themselves; for — only happening to vote in opposition to the minister of the day.

ANSWER.

THERE is but little necessity to consider the fabulous allusions, and ideal parallels, of declamation. The legendary tale of Demagogues, had its use in the decline of Athenian freedom: but if its boasted hero had surrendered to his worst and basest antagonist, without fighting, and, in a short time after, some happier hero had fought, and conquered the very same combatant; probably, no Grecian orator would afterwards have much insisted on the visionary speculation of an army's being devoted to sacrifice an individual.

It is necessary to treat the latter part of this argument with some degree of seriousness and solidity. Least however too much time may appear to be wasted on it, it may be prudent to premise, that objections, founded on popular notions and prejudices, are easily conveyed in few words, and, so conveyed, make strong impressions; but whoever answers those objections must encounter all the notions to which they are allied, and to which they owe their strength; and it is well if any words find admittance to remove the first impression.

The appointment of party men to places of trust, and power, was indeed a very hazardous policy: it must however be remembered, that this policy was founded on a very liberal and generous hope, that, however the forms of opposition might be kept up, and even the technical licentiousness of debate persevered in, yet that every man of honor, at so awful a period, would divest himself of all the little prejudices and passions of party, and feel his mind actuated by the noblest impulse, to suspend at least all private resentment, if not to form a truly glorious coalition, founded on public principle, and national honor.—Certainly the accomplishment of so noble a purpose, would have been crowned with far different success, from that which has actually attended its attempt.

But, to avoid these painful, and vain reflections; in proceeding to answer the charge of violent and unconstitutional dismission, it must first be remembered that removals are not punishments.—It would be absurd to imagine, that a meer private prejudice in political measures, however vague and fancifull, or even pernicious in its tendency to the general welfare of the state, can become an object of penalty: But it is indeed a very different question, with what propriety those persons, who not only avow such opinions with the fond attachment of innovation, but also disseminate them with most active zeal, should be continued in those very stations, which afford most frequent and most extensive opportunities, to spread them with all the weight of influence and authority.—And next, as to the right of dismission, it is obvious that the same power, which appoints to offices, must necessarily remove from them: both are exercises of that plain discretionary trust necessarily reposed in all governments, to the end that every delegation of their authority may be lodged in such hands as shall seem best affected to those who employ them.—Nor is this preventive policy of guarding against dissaffecton less congenial with the spirit of our constitution.—The prerogative of appointment to offices was originally unlimited; but, at the Restoration, the parliament most expressly declared the necessity of guarding with jealous vigilance against the introduction of those persons into places of power and trust, whose opinions and prejudices rendered them dangerous servants for the state to employ.

Hence the corporation and test acts; which (tho', at first, they may seem rather formed to guard the mitre, than the crown) were in fact, more really directed against the civil than the religious principles of the dissenters.

These disabling statutes very clearly prove two points, both of which are material to this question.

First, that it is perfectly constitutional to exercise the prerogative of appointment to offices, with a strict and cautious attention to the principles of those who are to be employed in them: and next, that in every other instance, except in these statutable disqualifications, this prerogative is entirely unlimited, and absolutely discretionary; for it is plain, that the very restriction in those excepted cases, virtually establishes its independance in every other. But so anxious were the restoration parliament to remove all possibility of any future encroachment on the discretionary prerogative of militia appointments, that an act was unanimously passed, expressive of the national abhorrence of that recent usurpation of them, which had fatally given arms to innovation, and overturned the constitution, under the specious pretence of amending it.

By the same act also, it was directly declared, that those very appointments had ever been, and for ever should continue, the unalienable and uncontrouled right of the crown.

Such then being both the letter and the spirit of the law on this point, it is but mere matter of curiosity, to consider the plain principles, on which this power is founded, both in natural and civil society.

In the former, tho' all men were originally on an equality, yet the distinction of abilities set the first bounds.—It required wisdom and courage for council and arms—and it was necessary of course to exclude from each, such as were respectively deficient in either.

So far forth therefore there was a natural limitation.—But in civil society it is equally important, in all delegations of power, to connect affection to the government, with the other leading qualifications; for (as has been too often proved) a courageous man, who hates his employers, is at least as unfit to be trusted, as a coward; and wisdom, connected with enmity, would only serve to aggravate treachery in council.—The plain consequence of which, is this; that either, no government has a right to preserve itself against the disaffection of a subject; or else that every government has a right to exclude from offfices of power and trust, such as render themselves suspected of disaffection.

OPINION OF THINGS IN GENERAL, OR, CONVERSATION POLITICS.

EVERY thing is as bad as bad can be!—Indeed it's now my only comfort that any change, must be for the better—It can't be for the worse!—As to America, the game is up—It was always a mad, visionary, scheme; without an object, or an end—Poor Sir Robert Walpole (who, after all, was a very great man) used always to say "He would never set that stone a rolling."—France is amazingly populous!—It's nonsence to talk of a rebellion in South America—Spain has all that immense wealth under her thumb—So, we are to fight them, and all the world, for what I see!

And how?—We have no men at home—And how are we to get them?—I'm sure, we have no money.

Formerly we had friends abroad to apply to.—The old king of Prussia for one.—But surely, we can't go on, as we have, year after year, with loan upon loan and tax upon tax!—Why if a gentleman's going post now, he can't sleep in peace in his chaise—He's sure to be, woke by the turnpike man, hollowing for the new tickets indeed!—What will they tax next?—Not air, I hope—Then, there are these northern power—I don't know what they mean—I repeat it, I haven't an idea, what they would be at—Let me tell you, it's a very black cloud, hovering over us; and bodes no good.

Why don't we employ new men?—We want some great original genius like a Chatham, to come forward, and act—Then we should get on—We don't get on—Such a monstrous fleet as ours, should have push'd into Brest water at once—or bombarded Cadiz—Why did not they convoy all the ships we have lost?—All I see that they are ever about, is victualling.—They are taking in fresh provisions, and water, from morning till night.

Yet they are always sick too.—Lord Sandwich mistook his line—I want to see a seaman at the head of the navy.—I doubt there's some mystery at the bottom of those captures—People shake their heads in the city—Depend on it, there has always been an over-ruling influence in the cabinet—A'nt every thing given to Scotch-men?—We should set the axe to the root—In short, I fairly own, things are come to such a pass, that—I really don't know what to advise.

EQUIVOCAL ANSWER BY A TRIMMER.

COME, come, my dear sir; now, you go too far—As long as you confined yourself to wit and humour, it was all very fair—but don't be too severe—Not that I absolutely differ from you, in what you assert; for I have, by no means made up my mind on any of these matters—I own, I wish to see, a little more, what turn things may take, before I declare myself—This country has certainly very great resources—But, at the same time, we are in a mighty hazardous way—Yet America is a great game—Heaven only knows tho', what should be done—It is very true, I have mostly voted with ministry—Indeed I did live in habits with a good many of them—But I never will commit myself to any set of men—I own, I always thought, the lessening the burthens of the landed interest a very fine object—And, to be sure, it was my opinion, that our colonies should bear a part in redeeming the debts, we incurred for their defence—But I don't know, that every thing has been carried on right in America—Yet, I don't throw blame any where—Though there may have been faults—on both sides—However we shall see—I must talk with ministers about these things—But thus much I will say—I don't at all disapprove of the conduct of the States General; nor indeed of any of the northern powers; for they act only with proper precaution; and it's quite right for nations, as well as individuals, to be on their guard, and take care of themselves.

THE PRAISE OF PARTY.

INdependance is a wild, unsocial idea—even a monk confessed, that, to absolutely enjoy this mental solitude, man must change his nature to that of angels, or demons.

In the progress of civilization, every approach to perfection is founded, on relinquishing this solitary pride of thinking, or acting, for ourselves alone—The rudest savages have their clans, and chiefs; the freest republics their heads, and statholders.

From different degrees of strength, courage, or abilities, subordination arises.—To the boldest, or hardiest, or wisest, the supreme command in war, or in peace, is confided—and the natural equality of each is prudently resigned for the benefit of all—but chiefly on the spur of necessity, and the pressure of complex operations, is the encrease of dependance originally grounded, and ultimately established—The former createa Roman dictatorship; by the latter, it was perpetuated.

Thus then, as it appears, that all natural independance has been exchanged as the barter for social happiness, so it is equally evident, that, in the perfection of a civil state, combinations and confederacies must be encouraged, and perfected; and finally, that in the conflict of opposite contentions, the decisive weight and efficient force of party must depend on its disciplin'd submission to the controul of one common leader.

Nor let it be objected that the avowed hostilities of party, may, in the present times, provoke a closer union of ministerialists, than might otherwise subsist among so divided a body—It is true, indeed, there is a gloomy cloud of discord and dissention, that overspreads those common foes of Opposition, and of their country—Auspicious may it prove; and happy be the presage of their dispersion, and their ruin!—But let it not inspire a sanguine and premature confidence, which, by relaxing the ardour of pursuit, may in the end defeat our hopes, and rob us of the glorious object of all our toils—Besides, at this crisis, there are those, who are yet free to choose their political line—And, if properly incited, what doubt can long remain, in favour of which they will decide?—Is not the support of ministry but another term for meanness and venality? Are not Opposition, and party, the very echoes of virtue and genius? The former is indeed a phalanx of baseness—the latter, the sacred league of wisdom and of honour.—If then the lists of parliamentary fame must be martialed for the combat, who is there, can a moment hesitate, what arms to wield, whence the champion should begin his bold career, or what is the enterprize his courage should atchieve, to win the immortal guerdon of renown?

Minions of power! your's be the inglorious task, in tinsel pomp, and flimsey pride, to wave your silken banners in the sunshine of a courtly pageant!

Labour, and vigilance, and patience, are the badge of all the patriot tribe!—But reputation is the palm!—and if they perish in the cause of liberty, welcome be the stroke that consecrates their doom, with more than martyr's glory, and transmits their fame, from age, to age, with undiminished honour.

ANSWER.

THOUGH nothing is more certain than that public spirit is equally abhorrent from credulous adherence, or cowardly indecision, yet to define the precise limits of either extreme would be to renew the commonest of all common-place theories.—It may be more useful to state a few points admitted by the disputants on both sides.—It is allowed then, that fixed principles, and general maxims, should be the established guides of all bodies of men, whose office it is, to act together.

This conformity is restricted however to opinions; tho' it naturally inclines to a consistence in public conduct.—But leagues, and confederacies, founded on private attachments only, lead to mean, and degrading subservience; for more personal association is little better than conspiracy-Hence, to desire a body of English gentlemen, (who are chosen by the nation to consult, deliberate, and then determine) to herd at once, under any individual leader, and follow, wherever he calls, is equally absurd, and insolent.

It must be repeated however, that established principles and unequivocal maxims, are great, and proper guides.—To act consistently with them, is sense, and honour.—How contradictory to this system are the language and the conduct of Opposition?—"I boast myself a party-man, and, therefore, will oppose the minister," are the very words perpetually repeated in the House of Commons by the greatest advocates of minority.—Thus the badge and livery of faction are ostentatiously displayed on one side of the house.—On the opposite, ask one of the equivocal politicians, how he means to act, and he will answer you (and with perfect honor) that "he is no party-man, but will freely tell you, his general principles, and avow his former line of conduct."—And so far forth, he acts up to the spirit of the constitution.—But if afterwards his conduct is a desertion of those principles, and totally inconsistent with what he himself declares it to have formerly been; if, in short, it is evasive, shuffling, and mean; if he hangs aloof in the lobby; takes an impartial dinner in the adjoining coffee-houses; or happens unluckily to be called out, on very particular business, just before the division; and then sails up, and down, the passages; cruises in the committee-rooms; bears away for the court of requests; or steers directly home in his coach, with his light out; then indeed, the previous acknowledgment of his former principles, and conduct, is equally useless, and ridiculous; and he must be content to rank in future, with those home-hollanders or domestic dutchmen, whose cold ungrateful caution, and armed neutrality, is nearly as pernicious, and far more despicable, than the bolder hostilities of open enmity.

THE LAST CAMPAIGN AND GENERAL STATE OF THE NATION.

AFTER the ruinous experience of a ten year's war, the moment is arrived, when a New Parliament are to deliberate and determine on the expediency of prosecuting, or relinquishing, of accomplishing, or abandoning, American subjugation.—Let the Last Campaign, and the present State of the Nation, be the fair and substantial grounds of argument to decide upon this extensive and important question.

First then, As to the Latte Campaign, it is apparent to the whole world, that the daring spirit of enterprize, which once distinguished the councils, and elevated the valour of this country above her ancient enemies, is now fatally changed to cold and ignominious caution, to narrow and temporary prudence.—It is no longer conquest or death — It is lingering shame, and protracted disgrace.—That fleet, which once commanded the homage of nations, is become now, the object of pity or contempt—Those arms, that for ages snatched uncertainty from Fortune, are at length the splendid pageant of defensive pride, and wasteful inactivity.—On the contrary, what is the situation of our enemies in both these respects?—To the accident of an epidemical disease alone, it is owing that Count D'Estaign, at the head of the combined fleets, did not drive us from the Channel—Yet the moment he had steered from Spain, by the ignorance and folly of our Admiralty, and the miserable meanness of the convoys, two of the most valuable fleets, that ever sailed from this country, were instantly captur'd; to the aggrandizement and glory of our enemies, to the disgrace and ruin of ourselves—In the West Indies, such is the decided superiority of the French and Spaniards, that it may be boldly predicted, Jamaica must immediately be the victim of Spanish avarice, and Halifax become the support and resource of the ambition of France. Nor have their arms been less successful by land. Monsieur de Ternay is in complete possession of Rhode Island; an acquisition, in itself fatally accommodated to impede every enterprize of England; but still more ruinous by facilitating and hastening the entire loss of Canada.—Unlike the slight and single advantage which has been dearly acquired by our army; and which indeed will too probably become more ruinous to this country, that its fatal surrender or captivity could possibly have proved: by madly encouraging the further prosecution of destructive temerity, and by deluding the giddy unthinking multitude to a longer endurance of this accursed war.

Such being the comparative state of the last campaign, let us in the next place consider the situation of continental politics.

Commodore Johnstone has been driven from Portugal—That nation is crouching to Spain—There is an officer in the House of Commons, who may be appealed to, to tell his experience of the duplicity and meanness of Portugal—Indeed the conduct of Portugal is now but a proper return for our additional impositions on her trade, as well as the unparallel'd audacity of seizing American vessels laden with her produce—It is a similar perfidy that has provoked the resentment of all the nothern nations;—The Portuguese are not more our enemies, than the Russians, the Swedes, the Danes, and the Dutch—Turks, Jews, and Infidels conspire to drive us from the Mediteranean—With our trade, our possessions also in those seas, must inevitably perish.—Minorca cannot long escape. Gibraltar was saved last year, by an experiment, and preserved only by the indolence of Spain.—A ridiculous embassy indeed has been secretly undertaken, and the literary West Indian translated to the Spanish Fryer.—But while political credulity consults its Delphic Oracle, or weakly trusts the visionary hope of a congenial rebellion in South America, our vigilant and determined enemies are somewhat more seriously employed.—France has sent troops to Holland, and the Dutch must be compelled to go to war with us—In short, the whole continent of Europe is united in one common and equal league against this devoted country.

To oppose so powerful a confederacy, what are our resources?—There are none, that the ablest financier could invent, sufficient to contend with the whole world. But the nation is already exhausted and ruined—The spirit of commerce is for ever annihilated by our recent, irreparable calamities: nor can the most adventuring industry any longer confide in the despicable conductors of our naval strength, to hazard any new enterprize.—But supposing the possibility, that added burthens of imposts and taxes could be explored, what force have we to oppose the matchless superiority of our enemies?—Young, undisciplined regiments, must be sent to baneful climates; while our old establishments are confined at home, and excellent officers are either necessarily detained with them, or insolently superseded by adventurers, without a claim, or pretension to so dangerous an innovation.

And this too, while the Commander in Chief in America calls for new supplies of men, which it is impossible to provide, and yet without which, those already there must be totally ineffectual—Such is our miserable inability in arms, resources, officers and men, to continue this ruinous, destructive, desolating war, against America, against the world.

What is our situation at home?—A settled gloom of discontent!—The petitions of the people for a while gave place to more immediate and pressing objects—But let not the authors of national ruin exult in secure tranquillity—The momentary calm may yet be succeeded by tempests that shall overwhelm them in misery and destruction—And if the most shameless corruption, if an accumulation of injuries and insults can awaken us to a just feeling of our wrongs, it will be easy to discover, and meritorious to employ, the most effectual means of redressing them—Every lenient and peaceable method has long been pursued in vain—Authority has been intreated with submission, haughtiness has been soothed with humility, profligacy has been tempted to reformation by allurement of pardon, and even by the prospect of praise—That weight and authority, which, from the chair of office, turned the scale of debate, and with liberal and disinterested magnanimity, supported the petitions, will now be exerted, though not with equal dignity, yet with superior force, to give effect to those principles, which it so liberally avowed.

Our only remaining hope is, in the union of disinterested and independent spirits throughout the kingdom. Such an union directed to one view, and pressing to one object, will not easily be resisted by the arms of power, or frustrated by the arts of corruption.

ANSWER.

SUCH is the gloomy and exaggerated picture of our national distresses—Such are the pretences for cowardly despondency, for weak contemptible desertion of all our interests and of all our hopes; and for a rash and giddy subservience to that fatal spirit of innovation, in the pursuit of improvements we never may obtain, and to the risque of calamities which we may never remedy—But it is not now the question, whether a season of external danger and hostility is the fittest for new arrangements of internal polity—When it was seen with what industry and activity the same set of men were busied in running from one country to another, in private intrigue and public incitement, in dictating where they had no property, and canvassing where they had no connexious; impartial men were led to suspect, that the independent and respectable part of the confederacy, far from being the real contrivers, were but the ostensible authors of the farce of reformation—To erect new assemblies, unknown to the constitution which they purposed to reform, and paramount to the legislature, which they professed to supplicate, was a system as suspicious in its motive, as alarming in its tendency—A Legislature insulted and menaced, became the object of factious insolence from every desperate cabal—Even Opposition themselves, who had first instilled into the minds of men a contempt of order, felt, in their turn, the miseries of lawless uproar, and lamented the mischiefs they had produced—It shall not therefore be the present enquiry, whether the worst and most ruinous situation, that fancy can imagine, could justify a wild licentious anarchy at home—It is a far plainer and more limited enquiry; whether the present is in any degree that ruinous crisis, which, by extirpating every present hope, throws us at once on the unprincipled and profligate violence of theoretic enterprize, and speculative despair: or rather, whether we may not still preserve our expectations, still sustain our spirit, and confide both in our national resources, and the courage of our people, to re-establish our welfare, and regain that respect and consequence in Europe, which the generous spirit of England has ever entitled her to maintain, as the protectress of liberty, and the arbitress of continental freedom—It is a glaring proof of the inconsistency of Opposition, that at the same moment, when the complicated concerns of so extensive a system are exaggerated with every fanciful aggravation, the impolicy of a defensive war should be grafted on the former proposition—To have maintained an equality, at least, against combined hostilities, does not appear to merit the imputation of ignorance, so repeatedly thrown upon that department, to which the conduct of our navy is entrusted—It is stated as a providential escape, that Count D'Estaign, by the epidemical sickness of his armament, was prevented from entering the British Channel—But on the contrary, that calamity was indeed in its effects a national misfortune to Great Britain—For nothing but sickness could have checked the rash presumption and impetuosity of that Commander, from hazarding an action, for which our fleet was perfectly prepared; and which too (as it was impossible to be foreseen,) became the accidental cause of those very captures, which are injuriously stated as the effects of rashness and ignorance in our Admiralty—It is clear, however, that convoys can only be protections against resistance of an inferior kind:—It is impossible to provide a convoy for every inward, and outward-bound fleet, sufficient to defeat the combined fleets of France and Spain—nor indeed were grand fleets ever directed against mercantile fleets, except in those cases, where, as in the present instance, their greater operations, had been absolutely prevented by sickness, and other accidents, equally unforeseen by both parties—Whether an implicit reliance must be paid to those ill-omened predictions, which menace ruin and desolation to our foreign possessions, from the enemies fleets abroad, must remain a doubt—It will always be remembered, that two years have already elapsed, since that period, when the same prophets of Opposition so peremptorily foretold the absolute impossibility of continuing the war for one year longer—With equal solemnity however, the loss of Canada is predicted, from the terrors of a French proclamation, joined to the evidence of Monsieur de Ternay's possession of Rhode Island—But, however mysterious the former may be, little stress can be laid on the latter: for the weakness of the Americans in the desertion of an island to their insidious protectors, is a very strange proof of English cowardice in surrendering a whole continent which they have gained with glory, preserved with humanity, and are resolute to defend to the last extremity. It must be remembered, that Admiral Graves sailed after the French squadron, and arrived at Rhode Island, much about the same time as Monsieur De Ternay had been admitted there. But since that arrival of the English fleet, the French have remained totaly inactive. We have the superiority, and they haven't dared to fight. Indeed the French assistance is far more calculated to support the spirit of party there, than to form an expectation of co-operating, where they will always disagree—But if, at length, the French should determine to make North America the seat of war, we certainly may as well fight them there, as any where else—We can but lose America at last—and they themselves gain nothing but blows and losses.

Yet, in contrast to this pacific resignation to Monsieur De Ternay, is Lord Cornwallis's victory compared, by those who consider surrenders, glorious, and victories, ruinous.

Happy had it been for this country, if military wisdom had been exerted, in this as in the last war, to justify and immortalize valour, not to depreciate atchievements, which indeed are the decisive condemnation of those who disparage them.—If such a principle is once admitted, that defeat and ruin will be our real advantage, it would overturn every spirited exertion to obtain a favourable peace, by demonstrating every new acquisition to be a motive for submission, every gallant and honourable enterprize a ground of tame acquiescence to degradation and disgrace.—It would rob heroism of its best reward, and convert victory and triumph to a mere quibbling paradox of debasement and infamy.

But with the same policy, the misfortunes of our continental situation are exaggerated and proclaimed. It is admitted to be too plain a truth, that far less hopes can be entertained from a rebellion in the Spanish colonies, than were confidently cherished in England, upon the first idea of American resistance—The Spanish colonists want indeed the main force and decisive stress of insurgency and rebellion—They want a South American party in Spain, to countenance their disaffection, to exalt their profligacy, to pronounce in a Senate the eulogiums of their leaders, to distract the National Councils in their support, to menace the legislature in their defence, to sympathize with their sufferings, and to triumph in their success.—But as to Portugal, it is a subject of double grief, that, to establish the perfidy of that state, a military officer, once gloriously engaged in its defence, should now be the tame witness, not the gallant avenger of ingratitude and falsehood—In fact, the the learned Commodore was very much courted by the Portuguese; nor will that people ever actually quarrel with those, whom every commercial interest has fixed their best and surest allies—The extreme of danger that political prediction can menace, is the loss of Minorca; which however has always been retained, as a point of honour, rather than as a necessary possession—When we are at peace, Gibralter is sufficient for the Mediterranean trade; and when at war, we have none at all—As to Holland, the Dutch have too great a property in our funds, to assist in destroying our settlements abroad.—Nor is it possible, that the northern powers of Europe can consider it their interest to overturn a nation, to which some of them almost owe their existence, others their preservation from the jealousy of the house of Bourbon, and all have derived a generous, liberal, mediation and protection—Great Britain, that formerly established Holland, can now resist any similar confederacy: and in this glorious struggle, if she does not ultimately secure a more firm independance, she has already maintained at least an equality of strength, every where; and has vanquished her enemies whenever they have ventured to contend with her—Her situation in point of defence is better, and becoming still more so, every hour—Both our army and navy are greater in number, and better in discipline and order, than ever they were—Wherever fleets and armies, have been sent, ours have pursued them.—It has always been the rule to fend the new-raised regiments abroad, in time of war, because the few we retain at home, should lead and be an example to the militia, in case of invasion. But to add new force to the national armaments, there is no boundary to the spirit, readiness, and exertion of individuals at home, to support the dignity and the rights of this country—In one or two instances, such singular zeal has called for uncommon honors; and, in those extraordinary cases alone, for a limited time, and for a specific service, those gentlemen, who have hazarded their property, and lives, for the public safety, without any condition of rank or emolument for themselves, subsequent to such service, have been raised to temporary rank.

The complaint of our resources has constantly been repeated, when we have actually found them most efficient—Ten millions were raised last year almost in the course of a day. Nearly as much the year before: our revenues are improved; the sinking-fund is certainly increasing—War has hitherto produced no immediate distress to the state; and creates a more general circulation than peace—The captures indeed are an exception—But let opposition explain these effects of their jealous dissatisfaction against the profits of individual contractors, who formerly conducted the whole business, and periods of sailing, for our mercantile fleets—But the navy-board having undertaken it of late, and in the midst of more complicated operations, the consequence has been, that too many of the convoys of transports, with stores, men, and provisions, have failed—The former effected the business well, being well paid for it—The latter have done it ill, because they are not paid at all.

In such a situation, the sense, the spirit of this country will still persevere, in a just and honourable cause—The happy appearance of returning loyalty in the southern colonies, with the certainty of their resources being cut off, joined to the gallantry of Lord Cornwallis's expedition up the Chesapeak Bay, give the fairest presage of connecting also the submission of the northern colonies—The former are most important to us, because they are more productive, and the inhabitants more naturally inclined to us.

With such prospects therefore, the weak murmurs of domestic disaffection will be despised—The tyranny of that monster, Association, will only be a rule to its own miserable vassals—The independent country-gentlemen, who have seen the baneful effects of this fatal spirit, in that county where it first arose, will guard against the specious impostures of so dangerous an innovation—They, who in return for a hasty and misplaced confidence, received every contumelious and insulting reproach, will act with more caution, in avoiding those plausible pretences, which involve the most fatal consequences—The little ill that followed in that instance, will hence be productive of the greatest good. Every independent character will now be no longer alarmed by Association, or insulted by instructions; but persevere in that bold, decided, manly firmness, that has ever been the surest guardian of the rights and liberties of Great Britain.

MISCELLANEOUS ELOQUENCE, OR, COLLATERAL RHETORIC FOR THE GALLERY.

IN a mixed government like ours, public speaking has a sort of relative analogy to the compound structure of our constitution, and to the different orders of which it is composed. Thus the highest, and most exalted rank possesses a proud pre-eminence of phraseology, evidently characteristic of its sovereignty, and excellence: while the second degree, preserves a kind of equipoise in stile; which, by a due mixture of dignity with plainness, denotes its intermediate balance, in the scale of legislative eloquence.—But chiefly, in the third estate, it is peculiarly necessary, that the stream of rhetoric should have certain particles of popularity, perpetually floating on its surface, as testimonies of the parent source, and fountain, from which it springs.

Upon this system, analogous principles might be formed, for the respective oratory of the several degrees—At present, however, a few documents only shall be suggested for the particular application of this principle, to the rhetoric of the House of Commons; more especially to that truly constitutional part of it, occasionally addressed to the strangers in the gallery; whose "good report," as it is indeed "the brief and abstract chronicle" of parliamentary fame, it becomes peculiarly prudent, as well as honourable, to obtain.

In general then, as to the mode of exercising this miscellaneous eloquence with most ease and efficacy; it may be fairly laid down, that all eminent and projecting sentences; all pointed, and epigrammatic quibbles; all metaphorical menaces; violent tropes; forced figures; and glaring ornaments; are well calculated to rouse the attention, and hitch upon the memory, of the gallery.

These, like the emphasis of Italics in printing, summon the too negligent and careless mind, to pay a proper attention to many choice, and curious researches, intimately connected with the other matter; but which might otherwise perish from their refinement, or irretrievably slip bye, unnoticed.

But one of the more certain, and secure resources of miscellaneous rhetoric (and which I prefer mentioning, from its double illustration of precept and example,) is that conciliating respect, which some popular orators more directly pay the gallery; in downright acknowledgment of the "respectable appearance" of its company, on "important occasions."

This condescending recognition (as it well deserves indeed) generally meets with a proper return; and it is pleasing to observe, how wonderfully attentive the whole body of strangers become, at the first mention of this general respectability —On some late occasions, this idea has been carried somewhat too far: for there have not been wanting certain popular orators, who politely withheld their arguments, after each division, and avowedly stopt all business, till the re-admission of the audience.

This however, tho' uncommonly handsome, is dangerous; as it may give a handle to some moody, malignant mutes, for the absolute exclusion of all interlopers on debate.—But it will always be good, to prepare, and scatter, as occasion offers, some promiscuous panegyrics, of nearly the same, tho' not absolutely so direct a tendency—for example—That ‘In a constitution, like ours, every thinking man, has a natural interest in public debate, which it is tyrannical to abridge, or violate.’—Or, that ‘It becomes all wise and cautious constituents to hear, in order to judge of their representatives!’—Or again, that ‘It is no small consolation, in the present aweful crisis, to find a general diffusion of public vigilance and anxiety disseminated among all ranks, and orders of men; and more particularly in the present numerous and respectable appearance! ’

These, and all others of the same kind, properly accompanied by submissive tones, modulated breaks in the voice, and collateral attitudes of respectful inclination towards the gallery, scarcely ever fail of awakening the grateful attention, and sometimes, dormant curiosity of the strangers: especially at such times, as they have painfully, and patriotically, persevered, to combat both fatigue and appetite, in hourly expectation of collecting some scattered scraps of mutilated eloquence, for their own private, or domestic, consumption at the Lycaeum, or Belle Assemblee.

But, in this species of miscellaneous eloquence, the effect is comparatively weak, and contemptible, considered with others that are founded upon the same principle.

Those already mentioned, can only be scattered occasionally, in the exordiums, and some episodical parts, of an oration.—The latter, and more efficient class, must take their station in the peroration, and declamatory close, of prolix speeches; as a corps dereserve, to support and reinforce the main body of argument, after the harder service of the day.—These ought chiefly to consist of some very new, and deep theory; abstract, and metaphysical; and calculated to give an idea of the originality, extent, and boldness of its author's mind; which, by connecting so many ingredients of sublimity, tends to inspire a sort of awe for such pre-eminence of genius, and to create a confused notion that this inventive wildness, if it could but be applied to the more serious business of politics, would, with equal brilliancy, strike out fresh systems of calculation, explore new resources of finance, and produce unheard of wonders and revolutions, in all the complicated concerns of political enterprize.

As this description may serve to convey some idea of the last, and highest stile of miscellaneous rhetoric; it will be sufficient to elucidate the principle, by a single example; on a subject too, not wholly untouched in the last session—UNIVERSAL WHIGGISM—which is the better adapted for the proposed illustration from its uniting wildness, sublimity, invention, originality, and a proper degree of extravagance; together with various other requisites, equally necessary for the perfection of this species of eloquence.

‘Well has it been imagined, that every human entity has universal, fixed, and innate ideas from the first, infused in every created soul common to all,—equal to all—perfect to all—as perfect to the savage in his cave, as to an Englishman in the senate!—Thus has universal nature endowed the whole stock of human race, with equal and impartial powers, to receive and to enjoy the perfect completion of universal rights; those rights which our first thoughts inspire, and which are unalienably the pride, and passion of man, the rights of UNIVERSAL WHIGGISM —To dispense, and perfect, these vast, original blessings to the whole world at large, was the great work reserv'd for our own times, and for our own country.—Now then, let every nation, and people of the earth, confederate in one universal crusade, to rescue these sacred birth rights from barbarous violation!—The spirit of liberty is gone forth!—Her voice is the universal language of mankind—Let it be heard in the echoed thunder of the world—till UNIVERSAL WHIGGISM incorporate, with human nature, and blend its essence with the soul.’

ANSWER.

IF the form of these essays did not call for some comments on each subject, no answer would be attempted to such indisputable truths as are contained in the foregoing documents.—A very few words will be offered on this occasion, rather as additions, than amendments—It is apparent, that, in the several precepts for miscellaneous eloquence, there is least novelty in those of the first mentioned class, touching the direct or collateral appeals to the judgement, and the taste of the gallery: most of which, every judicious critic will immediately discover to be closely copied from the higher models of this collateral rhetoric, exhibited by the professors of our modern drama; wherein it is invariably the custom to overcharge particular passages, as attractive appeals to their gallery also; which, when properly given (as the actors phrase it) tell most surprizingly.

But, it must be remembered, that much of the success in both case, depends on a curious interspersion of these brilliances, so as to relieve the heavier masses, and sustain due proportions of light and shade—For rhetorical flowers must be disposed and mingled with a studious delicacy of arrangement, and interweave their blended beauties in just contrast to the coarser texture of more substantial argument.

Thus (to adapt our expressions to the subject) in some parts of the rhetorical groundwork, small seedlings of little violet-tropes should seem to fearfully revoke even the minuter elegance, they so faintly disclose—while, in others, more full-blown metaphors, may diffuse their roseat luxuriance, and prodigally extend both stem and foliage among the thorny sweet-briars of irony; or entwining knots of syllogistic woodbine—with these also there should occasionally be interspersed, some brighter ornaments of wit, like the spangles of the pattern, to variegate the silken sentences of perswasion, and set them off with more dazzling decoration.

As to the latter, and far more original division of miscellaneous eloquence, though something (it must be owned) of its baser kind is equally observable in the fustiantags and finales of our more ancient tragedies; and on the same plan too of leaving a good impression on the gallery; yet it is certainly, in its true nature and perfect state, most completely sublime: and in the exemplified instance defective only, in its unaccountably narrow and restricted limitation to this world alone; when, with equal ease and efficacy, it might, and ought to be extended, not only to the inhabitants of our own moon, and other lunatic countries, but also to every nation and people in the whole planetary system: so that, in any great congress of astronomical worlds, universal whiggism should as certainly be the ruling principle of the delegates of Jupiter's satellites, as a whig-president must be deputed by the constituents of Saturn's ring—It is only necessary therefore to add, that the respect for this kind of gigantic rhetoric will be greatly enhanced, by a proportionable elocution and action, to justify and grace its magnificence.—For here, though the figures are intentionally dilated and monstrous, and the colouring systematically overcharged, like those of cupola paintings, yet to the ignorant auditor above, the rhetoric of the former will seem as natural and just; as the symmetry of the latter appears exact, and proportionable, to the stupid gazer below—For the eye and the ear are equally delighted and deceived, in both the one, and the other case.

In the delivery therefore of these rhetorical caricatures, all that can be requisite to compleat their effect, is to accompany them by congenial degrees of violence and vehemence, in expression, and deportment; or, in short, that the gestures and elocution of the orator, who pronounces them, may somewhat resemble those of a furious feugleman, or a fanatic in a frenzy.

CHANGE THE MINISTRY.

AS most of the writers, who have treated of the English constitution, (particularly those of foreign countries) very ingeniously prove, that a revolution is necessary once a century to renovate its spirit; so, in order to proportionably purify our interior government, the Ministry, by a fair and equable calculation, should undergo a change once at least, if not much oft'ner, in the course of every ten years.

More or less degrees of this principle of mutability are incident to all bodies; natural, or politic; and universally tend to renew their genuine force and purity.

But if this theory had never before been applied to the administrations of this country, surely the present ministers, and the present times, would be admitted as irrefragable arguments, in favour of that national supplication, which now universally prevails, for the dismission of a ruinous Ministry, and the substitution of a virtuous Opposition.

This national demand is grounded on principles as plain, as they ought to be decisive: namely, that the present Ministry are the sole and original causes of that fatal source of all our miseries, the American war; and, on the contrary, that Opposition have from the first moment, unanimously reprobated the policy, and, with uniform consistency, ever afterwards condemned the principle of colony-taxation.

Such is the plain broad basis of that national supplication to change the present ruinous, and execrated Ministers—A supplication, which every district of this country has not only united to enforce, but more distinctly promoted, with peculiar wisdom, in the late honourable delegation of its best and greatest supporters, the members of Westminster and Surrey; unawed by the menaces, uncorrupted by the odious influence of prerogative!

To this national supplication for the dismission of the present flagitious Ministers, the substitution of their virtuous Opposers, is, by necessary implication, inseparably connected.—But, if the public virtues of that patriot band have not sufficiently stamped the justice of their claims on every English heart; let cooler, and more deliberate judgement trace their higher title to pre-eminence of station, in unrivaled superiority of genius, in unparallelled excellence of education; let their habits, studies, and private virtues, (all exercised, with undissipated attention to advance the public good; all directed to the enrichment of their fellow-citizens; the diminution of national expence; and the promotion of justice, probity, and honour,) be at once the plainest, and surest proofs of their disinterested views, as well as the best pledges of their future upright, and honest conduct.

ANSWER.

TO this great, and most important of all questions; this cause, and end of all logic, argument, and eloquence; this attractive power, to whose magnetic force, all the lightest, or weightiest bodies of reasoning must irresistably gravitate; with mixed sensations of regret, and satisfaction, we are at length arrived.—Here should every specious deduction, and every established proof, be equally admitted both from the advocates who attack, and the witnesses who defend, the cause of administration—Here should each slightest particle of evidence, each minute and shadowy distinction of opinion, be fairly and impartially deposited in that golden balance, which even-handed justice should suspend and poise, to weigh the doubtful conflict of political warfare—But, to assist at such a trial would be far too solemn, too laborious, for profaner pens— It is a task that may be consigned, with far greater security, to the busy zeal, and persevering patience, of polemical politicians—A hasty and imperfect answer to the foregoing argument, shall conclude these slighter toils—It must be owned then, that the philosophy of ministerial changes, is worthy the solidity of its foreign theorists—It seems indeed very closely borrowed from the Parisian vicissitudes of fashion, dress, and even furniture, for the respective seasons—On so accommodating a system, many fanciful varieties might be practised, to variegate successive administrations; which, with that view, might be quarterly; and composed of more decided characters for the two greater divisions of the year, and a kind of demi-saison statesmen for the lesser.

This would give an impartial rotation to all sorts of parties, and, by a just adaption of dispositions, and tempers, analogous to their successive periods, might produce the happiest, and most extraordinary effects—For, young adventuring politicians might sow the principles of a scheme in the spring administration, which, when cultivated, and matured, by coalitions of the summer and autumnal ministries, would finally produce the richest fruits, to be treasured, and dispensed, by the colder caution and wintry wisdom of more experienced counsellors. But after all, changes of ministry are neither as sudden, nor as easy, as changes of weather, or changes of scenery at a play house.—And as the principle of mutability was not much insisted on, it will be fairer to recur to the more serious and material substance of the argument.—The petitions—and the two other great points—the origin of our troubles—and the consistency of opposition.

To these it may be briefly answered, that if it can possibly be prov'd, that one of the petitions was not invented, framed, and circulated, by those gentlemen, whose appointment and elevation they severally dictate, the truth of them all, shall be universally admitted.—But, on the contrary, if the whole pile of them was raised, fabricated, and supported, by one, and, the same set of men, for one, and the same purpose; the force of their evidence will not be much relied on.—Next, as to the origin of the war, it is sufficient to repeat that trite truth, "The STAMP ACT was, not the work of the present ministry!" And, in respect to the uniform resistance to the principle of American subordination, the equally self-evident proposition must always be remembered "That to opposition alone are we indebted, for that absolute and universal claim to it; THE DECLARATORY LAW."—Two most trite refutations, of the two tritest of all charges! which however as indisputably disprove the imputed delinquency on the one side, as they absolutely overthrow the ridiculous claim to consistency on the other.

But, with regard indeed to the great criterion of national opinion, the two popular elections; certainly much stress is wisely and justly laid upon that point—nor would it prove an unpleasing task for some advocate of opposition, to draw an exact parallel, in the manner of Plutarch, between the four triumphant candidates; wherein it would as evidently appear, that the two admirals, who severally share these domestic honours, are not more precisely alike in principles and conduct; than the two statesmen also of the same elections, resemble each other, in high birth, exalted genius, cultivated taste, sound reasoning, strict honour, and undamped fortitude.—Which close, and mathematical, consideration of the several relative proportions of merit, thus mutually compared, in their respective parallels, must, not only demonstrate the exact correspondence of their reciprocal excellencies, and therefore, by fair consequence, the truth, and justice of declaring these two elections a common, and equal standard of national opinion, but also at once overthrow every cavilling notion that may arise of their rediculous dissimilitude, and establish them, for the whole succeeding session of parliament, as the great political parallellogram of public spirit.

It may however be unnecessary to continue much longer the mysterious insinuation of INFLUENCE, so industriously circulated, preparatory to these boasted triumphs—at the moment, it might have been judicious, nay, possibly, necessary, to lean on this popular argument—But to continue it, might now appear unworthy the gallantry and spirit of its author, if not too like the fretful resource of disappointed pride.—When the tempest had dissevered the good old vessel, despair might fly to any refuge.—The gilded lion at the head, was then no longer to be upheld, by romantic enthusiasm, as the glittering sign and splendid presage of victory: distress and danger had destroyed all fanciful respect; and exhausted, sinking, strength caught at that majestic ruin, which, faithfull even to its debaser, elevated and supported the very hand that selfishly depressed it.—It has had its use!—performed its service!—Let it be no longer exposed, and dragged about, for low mockery and insolent profanation; but generously and gratefully laid up, like a votive tablet in the temple of Neptune, the consecrated record of unhoped-for refuge.

It remains only to say a few words on the last and powerful argument for the Change of Ministry; namely, the decisive superiority of abilities, on the part of Opposition—this favourite common place, so perpetually, and so modestly urged, might lead to personal parallels, of all others the most invidious, as well as disputable.—On this question, every man must judge for himself.—All that shall be said here— is this; that it must indeed be a much more infinite superiority of talent, than frequently occurs in the scale of human understanding, that can, at once, render the qualifications of any set of men (who are comparatively unconversant with official business, or, at least, not equally versed of late years in political negociations, foreign, or domestic;) so supremely superexcellent to those of others, some of whom have been literally educated in office, others passed the greatest part of their lives in foreign embassies of complicated concern, with the ablest, and purest reputation; and all are perfectly equal to their competitors in every advantage of rank and situation.—To this the thousand declamatory common place replies of practised fraud, veteran subtlety, and professional treachery, as they may be easily imagined, shall be silently despised.—Certainly there are individuals in opposition, of most extensive, and possibly unequalled understanding, the accession of whose abilities would give lustre to public council, and be indeed almost a national blessing.—But if the miserable appendages of party must for ever fix their ponderous and oppressive influence on talents formed for free, and bold aspiring; then may their perverted excellence be justly pronounced the ruin of their country; and while, to vulgar observation, this luminous and malignant prodigy, this splendid, but baneful portent, scatters terror and amazement; by every more thinking mind, it will at once be wondered at, and lamented; admired, and deplored.—For pre-eminence of genius becomes doubly pernicious by the abuse of its own superiority, and the contaminating degradation of the faculties of others; and is indeed, both in effect, and by example,—The decay of a whole age.

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Common-place arguments against administration: with obvious answers, (intended for the use of the new Parliament.).

Tickell, Richard, 1751-1793.

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http://ota.ox.ac.uk/id/3574

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1106005732

ID [isbn13]

9781106005731

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K020410.000

ID [BIBNO]

cw3305071416

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0698501300

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— Common-place arguments against administration: with obvious answers, (intended for the use of the new Parliament.)., Tickell, Richard, 1751-1793.. viii,[3],10-101,[1]p ; 8⁰. London :: printed for R. Faulder,. 1780.. [Anonymous. By R. Tickell.] [With a half-title.] [Reproduction of original from the British Library.] [Adams, 80-83a] [English Short Title Catalog, ESTCT915.] [Electronic data. Farmington Hills, Mich. : Thomson Gale, 2003. Page image (PNG). Digitized image of the microfilm version produced in Woodbridge, CT by Research Publications, 1982-2002 (later known as Primary Source Microfilm, an imprint of the Gale Group).]

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