Thoughts on civil liberty: on licentiousness, and faction. By the author of Essays on the characteristics, &c.

Table of contents

- [titlepage]

- CONTENTS.

- [errata]

- SECTION I. The DESIGN.

- SECT. II. Of the Nature of Civil Liberty.

- SECT. III. Of Licentiousness and Faction.

- SECT. IV. Unassisted Laws no permanent Foundation of Civil Liberty.

- SECT. V. Virtuous Manners and Principles the only permanent Foundation of civil Liberty.

- SECT. VI. An Objection considered.

- SECT. VII. A Confirmation of these Principles, drawn from the History of free States. 1st. Of Sparta.

- SECT. VIII. Of the Republic of Athens.

- SECT. IX. Of the Commonwealth of Rome.

- SECT. X. How far these Facts can properly be ap ply'd to the political State of Great Britain.

- SECT. XI. Of the general State of Manners and Prin ciples, about the Time of the Revolution.

- SECT. XII. Of the Changes in Manners and Principles, through the succeeding Times.

- SECT. XIII. Among what Ranks, Licentiousness and Fac tion may most probably be expected.

- SECT. XIV. Of the most effectual Means of detecting Li centiousness and Faction.

- SECT. XV. Of the Characteristic Marks of Liberty.

- SECT. XVI. Of the first characteristic Mark of Licentious ness and Faction.

- SECT. XVII. A second Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

- SECT. XVIII. A third Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

- SECT. XIX. A fourth Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

- SECT. XX. A fifth Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

- SECT. XXI. A sixth Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

- SECT. XXII. Some Objectious obviated.

- SECT. XXIII. Of the most effectual Means of checking the Growth of Licentiousness and Faction.

- SECT. XXIV. Of a second Remedy.

- SECT. XXV. Of some concomitant Remedies.

- SECT. XXVI. Of the chief and essential Remedy.

- SECT. XXVII. The Conclusion.

- [publishersadvertisement]

THOUGHTS ON CIVIL LIBERTY, &c.

THE END.

THOUGHTS ON CIVIL LIBERTY, ON LICENTIOUSNESS, AND FACTION. By the AUTHOR of ESSAYS on the CHARACTERISTICS, &c.

—Sed in Vitium Libertas excidit, et Vim

Dignam Lege regi.—

NEWCASTLE UPON TYNE: Printed by J. WHITE and T. SAINT, For L. DAVIS and C. REYMERS, against Gray's-Inn-Gate, Holborn, London; Printers to the ROYAL SOCIETY. MDCCLXV.

CONTENTS.

- SECT. I. The Design. Page 9.

- SECT. II. Of the Nature of civil Liberty. p. 11.

- SECT. III. Of Licentiousness and Faction. p. 14.

- SECT. IV. Unassisted Laws no permanent Foundation of civil Liberty. p. 15.

- SECT. V. Virtuous Manners and Principles the only permanent Foundation of civil Liberty. p. 26.

- SECT. VI. An Objection considered. Page 36.

- SECT. VII. A Confirmation of these Principles, drawn from the History of free States. 1st of Sparta. p. 42.

- SECT. VIII. Of the Republic of Athens. p. 61.

- SECT. IX. Of the Commonwealth of Rome. p. 67.

- SECT. X. How far these Facts can properly be apply'd to the political State of Great Britain. p. 78.

- SECT. XI. Of the general State of Manners and Principles, about the Time of the Revolution. p. 88.

- SECT. XII. Of the Changes in Manners and Principles, through the succeeding Times. Page 94.

- SECT. XIII. Among what Ranks, Licentiousness and Faction may most probably be expected. p. 108.

- SECT. XIV. Of the most effectual Means of detecting Licentiousness and Faction. p. 115.

- SECT. XV. Of the characteristic Marks of Liberty. p. 118.

- SECT. XVI. Of the first characteristic Mark of Licentiousness and Faction. p. 120.

- SECT. XVII. A second Mark of Licentiousness and Faction. Page 124.

- SECT. XVIII. A third Mark of Licentiousness and Faction. p. 126.

- SECT. XIX. A fourth Mark of Licentiousness and Faction. p. 127.

- SECT. XX. A fifth Mark of Licentiousness and Faction. p. 131.

- SECT. XXI. A sixth Mark of Licentiousness and Faction. 134.

- SECT. XXII. Some Objections obviated. p. 137.

- SECT. XXIII. Of the Remedies against Licentiousness and Faction. The first Remedy. Page 140.

- SECT. XXIV. A second Remedy. p. 142.

- SECT. XXV. Some concomitant Remedies. p. 149.

- SECT. XXVI. Of the chief and essential Remedy. p. 156.

- SECT. XXVII. The Conclusion. p. 160.

Errat. p. 63, for "imbibed, read "imbued."

SECTION I. The DESIGN.

THERE are two Causes, essentially distinct, though often interwoven, by which a free State may perish. These are, external and internal Violence: Invasions from Abroad, or Dissentions at Home: The Rage of foreign War, or domestic Faction.

After a dangerous and exhausting War, Victory hath at length restored Peace to our bleeding Country. But in vain the Sword of War is sheathed, if in Time of Peace the Poignard of Licentiousness and Faction is drawn, and madly level'd by many of our Countrymen, at the Breasts of their Fellow-Subjects.

To prevent the fatal Consequences of this deluded or deluding Spirit, is the Purpose of this Essay: In which the Writer will endeavour to trace the present State of Things to its general Foundations: By pointing out the real Basis and genuine Characteristics of true Liberty; by unmasquing the Pretences, and laying open the secret Sources and distinctive Marks of Licentiousness and Faction.

As the political Principles here laid down and inforced, will be found strictly connected with Religion and Morals; no Apology will be made for endeavouring to establish the public Happiness of Mankind on the solid Basis of Virtue, which is the End of Religion itself.—In this Point the Writer confirms himself on the Authority of an excellent and learned Prelate, whose political Researches were of like Tendency. "As the Sum of human Happiness is supposed to consist in the Goods of Mind, Body, and Fortune, I would fain make my Studies of some Use to Mankind, with Regard to each of these three Particulars; and hope it will not be thought faulty or indecent in any Man, of what Profession soever, to offer his Mite towards improving the Manners (I will add, the Religion) Health, and Prosperity of his Fellow-Creatures. [*]"

Notes

*
Dr. Berkley's Misc. p. 118.
↵

SECT. II. Of the Nature of Civil Liberty.

TO some it will doubtless appear a superfluous Labour, to fix the true Idea of civil Liberty, in a Country which boasts itself free.

Yet the Writer esteems it a necessary though obvious Task: Not only that he may appeal to his Idea of it, thus established; but also, because in the Conduct (at least) if not in the Writings of his Countrymen, it seems to have been sometimes mistaken.

The natural Liberty of Man, considered merely as a solitary and savage Individual, would generally lead him to a full and unbounded Prosecution of all his Appetites. Some Savages there are, though few, who live nearly, if not altogether, in this brutal State of Nature.

These last Expressions, it must be confessed, are inadequate to their Subject: For such a State of Man is worse than that of Brutes, and in the strict Sense, is also contrary to Nature. For Brutes are endowed with unerring Instincts, which Man possesseth not: Therefore such a solitary and wretched State is strictly unnatural; because it prevents the Exertion of those Powers, which his Nature is capable of attaining: But those Powers Society alone can call forth into Action.

Man is therefore formed for Society: That is, Man is formed for Intercourse with Man: Hence, through the natural Developement of the human Powers, a Variety of new Wants, a Necessity for mutual Aids and distinct Properties, must arise: From these, a new Accession, as well as a frequent Disagreement and Clashing of Desires must inevitably ensue. Hence the Necessity of curbing and fixing the Desires of Man in the social State; by such equal Laws, as may compel the Appetites of each Individual to yield to the common Good of all.

From this salutary Restraint, civil Liberty is derived. Every natural Desire which might in any Respect be inconsistent with the general Weal, is given up as a voluntary Tax, paid for the higher, more lasting, and more important Benefits, which we reap from social Life.

SECT. III. Of Licentiousness and Faction.

FROM the Nature of civil Liberty, thus delineated, the Nature of Licentiousness will easily be fixed: Being indeed no other than "Every Desire carry'd into Action, which in any Respect violates those equal Laws, established for the common Benefit of the Whole."

Thus, an unlimited Indulgence of Appetite, which in the savage State is called natural Liberty, in the social State is stiled Licentiousness.

And Licentiousness, when its immediate Object is That of "thwarting the Ends of civil Liberty," is distinguished by the Name of Faction.

SECT. IV. Unassisted Laws no permanent Foundation of Civil Liberty.

THESE Remarks are obvious; and clear to every Man possessed of the common Degrees of Understanding. Let us now consider, "What are the permanent Foundations of civil Liberty:"That is, in other Words, "What are the effectual Means by which every Member of Society may be uniformly sway'd, impelled, or induced, to sacrifice his private Desires or Appetites, to the Welfare of the Public."—This is a Subject, which deserves a particular Elucidation, because in our own Country, and our own Times, it seems to have been much and dangerously mistaken.

It hath been affirmed as a first Principle by certain Writers, and hath been artfully or weakly suggested by others, "that the coercive Power of human Laws is sufficient to sustain itself: That the Legislator or Magistrate hath properly no Concern with the private Opinions, Sentiments, or Operations of the Mind: And that Actions alone fall under the legal Cognizance of those in Power."

The Author of the Fable of the Bees hath boldly laid down this; which, as a ruling Principle, pervades his whole Work. He professes himself the Friend of Liberty: He derides private Virtue, as the Offspring of Flattery, begotten upon Pride: He discards Religion, as a political Fable; he treats the Principle of Honour, as an empty Chimera; he recommends private Vices as public Benefits; [*] and having thus level'd the whole Fabric of Manners and Principles; what, do you think, is the grand Arcanum of his Policy, for the Prevention of such Crimes as would indanger the Grandeur and Stability of the State? Why;—"severe Laws, rugged Officers, Pillories, Whipping-Posts, Jails, and Gibbets." [*]

This Principle, of the Sufficiency of human Laws to sustain their own Efficacy and Power, without Regard to the Opinions or Principles of Men, hath been, at least, indirectly held forth by other Writers.

An Author, who although a sincere, was certainly an imprudent Friend of Liberty, speaks in the following ambiguous Stile; which, if not designed to impress the Principle here called in Question, is at least very liable to be interpreted into it. "It is foolish to say, that Government is concerned to meddle with the private Thoughts and Actions of Men, while they injure neither the Society, nor any of its Members. Every Man is in Nature and Reason, the Judge and Disposer of his own domestic Affairs; and according to the Rules of Religion and Equity, every Man must carry his own Conscience: So that neither has the Magistrate a Right to direct the private Behaviour of Men; nor has the Magistrate, or any Body else, any Manner of Power to model People's Speculations, no more than their Dreams. Government being intended to protect Men from the Injuries of one another, and not to direct them in their own Affairs; in which no one is interested but themselves, it is plain, that their Thoughts and domestic Concerns are exempted entirely from its Jurisdiction: In Truth, Men's Thoughts are not subject to their own Jurisdiction."

—"Let People alone, and they will take Care of themselves, and do it best: And if they do not, a sufficient Punishment will follow their Neglect, without the Magistrate's Interposition and Penalties. It is plain, that such busy Care and officious Intrusion into the personal Affairs, or private Actions, Thoughts, and Imaginations of Men, has in it more Craft than Kindness:—To quarrel with any Man for his Opinions, Humours, or the Fashion of his Cloaths, is an Offence taken without being given."—"True and impartial Liberty is therefore the Right of every Man, to pursue the natural, reasonable, and religious Dictates of his own Mind: To think what he will, and act as he thinks, provided he acts not to the Prejudice of another. [*]"

These Expressions are crude, inaccurate, and ambiguous; leaving the thoughtful Reader at a Loss for the Author's precise and determined Meaning. For, first, they may possibly imply, "that the Magistrate hath no Right to violate the Laws of what is commonly called religious Toleration or christian Liberty; but that every Man hath an unalienable Right to worship God in that Manner which accords to the Dictates of his own Conscience."—In this Sense they are rational and true: 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 And to this Truth the Writer hath more than once born public Testimony. [*]

But, secondly, they may imply, "that Thoughts, Speculations, Opinions, Principles, however received and imbibed by the Mind of Man, have no Connexion with his Actions; at most, no Connexion so necessary and strong as to give the Magistrate a Right to regulate them by any Means whatever. That no Direction is to be given either to the grown or the infant Mind; that as every Member of Society hath a Right to hold what Opinions and Principles he pleaseth, so he hath the same Privilege to communicate them to his Family and Children: That they are to think what they will, because Thoughts and Opinions are a private and personal Affair: That the Magistrate is only concerned to regulate their Actions."

This is not only a possible Interpretation, but in all Appearance, the more natural of the two. For it is not here once suggested by this Author, that Opinions have any Influence on Actions; but rather, that they concern nobody but Him who holds them. 'Tis true, he speaks of them as being reasonable, and religious: But if they be the mere Result of private and fortuitous Thought, unaided by the Regulations of civil Policy, I see not why they may not more probably be unreasonable and irreligious: Because they are more likely to be model'd by ruling Appetites than rational Deduction.

At the same Time, it is but Justice to this Author to say, that he certainly meant not (like the Author of the Fable of the Bees) to discard all moral Principles as groundless and chimerical; whatever his Intentions were with Regard to Religion. But his Expressions are ambiguous, and have been laid hold of by Men of the most libertine Opinions: Therefore in whatever Sense they were written, it is necessary to oppose them, in that Sense in which they have been received.

And farther, this is certain: That the Principle implied in this second Interpretation hath passed into a general Maxim in this Kingdom, among those who pique themselves on unlimited Freedom of Thought. These Men have long and openly derided every Regulation of Opinion and Principle; have discarded all moral and religious Instruction, under the despised Idea, of Prejudice of Education; have laid it down as their fundamental Maxim, "that you are to think what you will: Only to act honestly." Not attending to that essential Connexion which subsists between Thoughts, Opinions, Principles, and ACTIONS.

Doubtless, any Society of Men, aiming at the Establishment of civil Liberty, have a Right to unite themselves on what Conditions they please. But it is the Purpose of this Essay, to prove, by Reasonings confirmed by Facts, that a free Community built on the Maxims above delivered, cannot be of long Duration: That the mere coercive Power of human Laws is not sufficient to sustain itself: That there is a strong and unalterable Connexion between Opinions and Actions: That a certain Regulation of Principles is necessary to check the selfish Passions of Man; and prevent Liberty from degenerating into Licentiousness: And that "a certain System of Manners and Principles, mutually supporting each other, and pervading the whole Community, are the only permanent Foundation on which true civil Liberty can arise."

The natural Appetites, Passions, and Desires of Man, are the universal Fountain of his Actions: Without the Impulse which he receives from those, he would be at once unfeeling and inactive. Consequently, according to the State and Character of his Desires, his Actions will naturally be good or evil; innocent, useful, or destructive.

Were these Desires universally coincident with the Welfare and Happiness of others, no coercive Power would be wanting, as the Means of producing and securing perfect Liberty.

But the acknowledged Necessity of penal Laws affords an incontestable Proof, that the unbridled Desires of Man are utterly inconsistent with the Welfare and Happiness of his Fellow Creatures.

Whatever Means, therefore, are most effectual in curbing and subduing the selfish Desires of Man, are the most effectual Means of regulating his Actions, and establishing civil Liberty on its most permanent Foundations.

The mere coercive Power of human Laws, without an assistant Regulation of the Passions and Desires, is utterly inadequate to the great Ends either of private Happiness or public Liberty.

It cannot produce private Happiness to the Individual, because while it leaves his Mind open to be infested by every unruly Passion that may arise, it forbids him the Gratification: Thus it sets the distracted Soul at Variance with itself. The best Consequence that can be hoped for, is a continued Conflict of Fear and Appetite; of a Dread of human Laws, warring with inordinate and selsish Passions.

It cannot be a permanent Foundation of public Liberty; because while the Passions are thus left without an inward Controul, they will often be too strong for Fear, even where a legal Punishment is the certain Consequence: For as they are suffered to subsist in their full Vigour, and when kindled in the Soul are blind and headlong, they will often carry away the whole Man; will bear him down in their Gratification, even to unavoidable Destruction.

Still farther, and chiefly: Human Power cannot penetrate the secret Recesses of the Soul, nor reach the dark Intentions of the Heart of Man, nor always be of Weight to combat the Strength of Individuals: Hence Cunning will often evade, and Force will often defy, the coercive Power of the best-formed Laws. Thus public Wisdom must give Way to private Gratification, the Innocent must become a Prey to the Guilty; that is, in other Words, Liberty must be destroyed, and Licentiousness must triumph.

Notes

*
Fable of the Bees, passim.
↵

*
Essay on Charity Schools.
↵

*
Cato's Letters, No. 62.
↵

*
See Vol. of Sermons, Serm. 4, 5, 12.
↵

SECT. V. Virtuous Manners and Principles the only permanent Foundation of civil Liberty.

WHAT, then, are the permanent Foundations, on which perfect Liberty can arise?—I answer, it can only arise on the Power of such a System of Manners and Principles effectually impressed on the human Mind, as may be an inward Curb to every inordinate Desire; or rather, such as may so frame and model the Human Heart, that its ruling Desires may correspond, coincide, or coalesce, with all the great and essential Appointments of public Law.

The Nature of Man admits of this Improvement, though not in a perfect, yet in a considerable Degree. He is born with Appetites suited to his own Preservation, and the Continuance of his Species: Beyond this, he is by Nature at once selfish and social; compassionate and resentful; docile, either to Good or Evil; and hence, capable of acquiring new Habits, new Passions, new Desires, either to the Welfare or Destruction of his Fellow-Creatures.

Virtuous Manners I call such acquired Habits of Thought and correspondent Action, as lead to a steady Prosecution of the general Welfare.

Virtuous Principles I call such as tend to confirm these Habits, by superinducing the Idea of Duty.

Virtuous Manners are a permanent Foundation for civil Liberty, because they lead the Passions and Desires themselves to coincide with the Appointments of public Law. The infant Mind is pregnant with a Variety of Passions: But it is in the Power of those who are intrusted with the Education of Youth, in a considerable Degree, to determine the Bent of the nascent Passions; to fix them on salutary Objects, or let them loose to such as are pernicious or destructive.

Here, then, lie the first Foundations of civil Liberty: In forming the Habits of the youthful Heart, to a Coincidence with the general Welfare: In checking every rising Appetite that is contrary to This, and in forwarding every Passion that may promote the Happiness of the Community: In implanting and improving Benevolence, Self-Controul, Humility, Integrity, and Truth; in preventing or suppressing the contrary Habits of Selfishness, Intemperance, Pride, Dishonesty, and Falsehood: In teaching the young Mind to delight, as far as is possible, in every Virtue for its own Sake: In a Word, in so forming the Pleasures and Displeasures of the opening Heart, that they may coalesce and harmonize with the Laws of public Freedom.

Above all, This will give Stability to civil Liberty, if the social Passions of Individuals can be so far extended, as to include the Welfare of the whole Community, as their chief and primary Object. This Affection is distinguished by the Name of public Spirit, or the Love of our Country; the highest Passion that can sway the human Heart, considered as a permanent Foundation of true Liberty.

But in some Minds the selfish Passions are strong, and the social ones weak or wanting: And in the best formed Heart incidental Temptations may arise, and overturn its pre-established Habits: Therefore it is a necessary Measure for the Security of private Virtue and public Freedom, that virtuous Principles be likewise implanted in the Heart. Such Principles, I mean, as may strengthen the good Habits of Thought and Action already contracted, by superinducing the Idea of Duty.

Of these there are but three, which can sway the Manners of Men, and confirm the Foundation of civil Liberty. These are Religion, Honour, and natural Conscience. The first has the Deity for its Object; the second, the Applause of Men; the third, the Approbation of our own Heart. The Frame and Situation of Man admits of no other Principle, from whence the Idea of Duty can arise.

The Principle of Religion tends to this End of confirming civil Liberty, as it induces the Idea of Duty; and urges the Performance of it, on the Belief of a just, omnipotent, and all-seeing GOD; who approves and condemns, will reward or punish, according as our Thoughts and Actions are Good or Evil.

But, as the Means of rendering Religion, a firm Ally and Support of Liberty, it is necessary that their Dictates should be coincident: That is, that the Thoughts and Actions which Religion prescribes as Duties, and forbids as Sins, should coincide with the Dictates and Appointments of public Law. In free Countries, this is the natural State of Religion; which commonly either bends to the established Laws of the Community, or moulds them into its own Genius and Complexion.

The Principle of Honour affords a concomitant Support of civil Liberty, when properly directed. It works by a powerful and universal Passion, "our Fondness for the Applause of Men:" But in free Countries, this Principle is much more liable to abuse than that of Religion: Because it is apt be be warped by the fashionable and ruling Manners of the Times: For whatever is fashionable is apt to draw Respect and Applause: Whatever is unfashionable is for the present intitled only to Contempt. Hence the Principle of Honour becomes fluctuating and uncertain in its Nature, and therefore in its Effects: A Regulation of this Principle, therefore, is of the most important Consequence; because, if left to its own fantastic Dictates, it will often endanger instead of strengthening the Foundations of public Freedom.

The third Principle, that of natural Conscience, which tends to confirm the Establishment of Liberty, is founded in the Approbation of our own Heart. This Principle is in one Respect independent on the other two, but in another Respect seems to stand intimately related to them. It is independent of them, as it neither looks out for the Approbation of God, nor the Applause of Men: It seems intimately related to them, because on a strict Examination of the human Frame, as well as the History of Mankind, it appears generally to be the Result of the one, or other, or both. We transplant the acknowledged Approbation of Heaven and the Applause of Men into our own Heart; and from this, through the fertile Power of Association, springs a new Principle of Self-Approbation and Self-Reproof, as an additional Regulator of our Thoughts and Actions.

'Tis true, many Writers have resolved the particular Dictates of natural Conscience into an unchangeable Principle of Right and Wrong, arising universally in the human Heart. There is no Doubt, but the general Principle of Self-Approbation or Self-Rebuke ariseth in an universal Manner, in some Degree or other: But as it appears from the History of human Nature, that the particular Dictates of this Conscience vary with the other received Principles of the Mind, it is not necessary to debate or dwell on this speculative Point: We may take it as a Truth confirmed by Facts, that the particular Dictates of natural Conscience will generally be founded on those of Religion and Honour.

Hence, then, it appears, that this Principle of Conscience stands in Need of a Guide, in the same Degree as those Principles on which it is founded. If it be founded on the Religion of a free State, it will generally coincide with the Principles of Freedom: If its Foundations are laid in the mere Principle of Honour, its Dictates will be fantastic as those of its Parent; and will therefore require a parallel Regulation.

Each of these Principles, singly taken, is of Power, in some Degree or other, to strengthen the Basis of civil Liberty. On their united Influence, added to the Force of pre-established Habits of Thought and Manners, public Freedom might seem to arise on immoveable and everlasting Foundations.

But as the Nature of Man, even in his most virtuous State, is imperfect and inconsistent; so, in Spite of the most salutary Institutions, some Defects will intrude. Hence, from an unavoidable Alloy of Vice, civil Liberty must ever be imperfect: A certain Degree of Licentiousness (that is, of private Will, opposing the Public) will always mix itself, and in some Degree contaminate the Purity of every Commonwealth.

Yet, while virtuous Manners and Principles clearly predominate in their Effects, a State may still be justly called free.

But in Proportion as these Manners and Principles decay, and their Contraries rise into Power and Action, public Freedom must necessarily decline. For in that Case, the Passions and Powers of the human Mind are all set in Conspiracy against the Dictates of public Law. Hence unbridled Passions will have their Course; every Man's Heart and Hand will be set against his Brethren; and the general Cement of Society, which bound all together, being thus dissolved; even without any external Violence offered, the Commonwealth through its internal Corruption must fall in Pieces.

SECT. VI. An Objection considered.

DOubtless, it will be objected (nay, it hath been objected) by the Patrons of unlimited Freedom of Thought, that This is indeed a System of Slavery; that it is building civil Liberty on the Servitude of the Mind, and shackling the infant Soul with early Prejudice.

In Answer to this plausible Objection, the Writer replies (what he hath elsewhere advanced [*] "That a Prejudice doth not imply, as is generally supposed, the Falsehood of the Opinion instilled, but only that it is taken up, and held, without its proper Evidence. Thus the infant Mind may be prejudiced in Favour of Truth as well as Falsehood; and neither can the one or the other, thus instilled, be properly called more than an Opinion."

Farther: The infant Mind cannot remain in a State of Indifference and Inaction, either with Regard to Habits of Conduct, or Principles and Opinions. Habits, Impressions, Beliefs, Principles, of one Kind or other, the growing Mind will inevitably contract, from its Communication with Mankind: If therefore rational Habits and Principles be not infused, in order to preclude Absurdities; it is Odds, but Absurdities will get the Start, and preclude all rational Habits and Opinions. The Passions and the Reason of a Child will put themselves in Action, however wretched and inconsistent; in the same Manner, as his Limbs will make an Effort towards walking, however awkward and absurd. The same Objection, therefore, that lies against instilling salutary Habits and Principles, will arise against teaching him to walk erect: This being indeed a Violation of the natural Freedom of the Body, as the other is of the natural Liberty of the Passions and the Mind. The Consequences, too, are of the same Nature: For sure, a Child left to the Direction of his own Appetites and Reason would stand the same Chance to grovel in Absurdities, as to crawl on Hands and Knees, and wallow in the Mire.

Neither is there any Difference, with Respect to the real and internal Freedom of the Mind, between Opinions instilled, and Opinions caught by Accident. For in Truth, the Mind cannot be compelled to receive any Habit of Thought, Principle, or Opinion. These may indeed be offered to the infant Mind, but the Reception of them is its own voluntary Act; and is equally so, whether they be presented by fortuitous Incidents, or designed Instruction. All the Difference is, that in the first Case such a System of Habits and Opinions will certainly arise, as tend to the Destruction of Society: In the second, such a System of Habits and Opinions may be infused into the free Mind, as will lay a sure and lasting Foundation of public Liberty and Happiness.

Nay, if any Difference could arise, with Respect to the true Freedom of the Mind; surely, That Mind ought, in the Eye of Reason, to be adjudged most free, which adopts a System of Thought and Action, founded on the Wisdom of the agreeing Society; rather than That which is suffered to be incurably tainted with the vague and random Conceptions of untutor'd Infancy.—This, at le•st, is consonant with the old Stoic Principle, that
"The wise Man alone is free. [*]"

Much hath been said in our Times, indeed, concerning the Force of unassisted human Reason: The Writer would not willingly either flatter or degrade its Powers. But to Him it appears, that they are superficially informed of the Frame and Tenor of the human Mind, who think that mere Reason (as it exists in Man) is more than a Power of discerning and chusing the properest Means for obtaining his desired Ends, whether these Ends be Good or Evil. The Passions, pre-established Habits, and infused Principles of the Soul are the universal Motives to human Action. Where these point not to an End desired, Reason may indolently exercise its Eye; but can never find nor create an Object, of Force sufficient to put the Powers of the Soul and Body in Motion. Hence, human Reason must always receive its particular Cast and Colour from the pre-established Passions, Habits, and Principles; will ever form its ruling Ideas of Good and Evil, Right and Wrong, Just and Unjust, from these great Fountains of human Action.

The History of human Nature confirms this Truth: Hence it is, that this boasted human Reason is indeed so poor and unprofitable a Possession; being warped and moulded into that particular Form, which the varying Accidents of Climate, Soil, established Manners, Religion, Policy, bodily Frame, or prevailing Passions and Principles, chance to give it.

Hence, then, it appears, that the private Freedom of the infant Mind is not violated but only directed to its best End, by early and salutary Instruction. Hence it appears to be the proper Destination of Man, that he shall not be left to the Follies of his own weak Understanding and nascent Passions; that he shall not be left fortuitously to imbibe the Maxims of corrupt Times and Manners; Maxims which, setting aside all Regard to their speculative Truth or Falsehood, do lead to the Dissolution of Law and Freedom: But that he shall be conducted voluntarily to adopt those Habits and Principles, which have been consecrated by the Approbation of the best and wisest Men, in every Age and Nation; such, in particular, as are suitable to the Laws, the Customs, the Genius, of his own free Country; such, in a Word, as are a secure Foundation of public Liberty.

Notes

*
Sermons on Education, &c. p. 62, &c.
↵

*
Solus Sapiens liber.
↵

SECT. VII. A Confirmation of these Principles, drawn from the History of free States.
1st. Of Sparta.

THESE Reasonings, founded on the Nature and Constitution of Man, will receive a strong and unanswerable Confirmation from the History of free States. Hence we shall obtain the clearest Evidences of Fact, that while virtuous Manners and Principles retained their Efficacy and Power, civil Liberty remained unshaken: That as these decayed, Liberty declined: That as soon as these were lost, Liberty was no more; Licentiousness crept in; Faction triumphed; and overwhelmed these degenerate States in one common Ruin.

To this Purpose I shall briefly analyze the Genius of the three most eminent Republics that are recorded in Story: Those of SPARTA, ATHENS, and ROME. The Events are sufficiently known to those who are conversant in ancient History: But the fundamental and leading Causes of these Events deserve a particular Investigation: They will form a concurrent Proof of the Principles here given.

The Republic of SPARTA claims the first Place; both on Account of its Antiquity, and Perfection. By its Perfection is meant, not the moral Perfection of its particular Institutions, but of the Means and Principles by which These Institutions were secured.

The leading Institutions which LYCURGUS fixed as the Essence of his Commonwealth, were these which follow.

1. He established a Senate of twenty-eight, as an intermediate Power between that of Prince and People... 2. He made an equal Partition of Lands and Goods, among the free Members of the Community... 3. He introduced the Use of Iron Money, instead of Gold and Silver... 4. He banished or prevented all the Arts of Commerce, Elegance, and Luxury... 5. He ordained, that all the Members of the Society should eat together, and partake alike of the same coarse Fare... 6. He established an occasional Community of Wives: So that a Wife was not so much the Property of her Husband, as of the Republic, to the End of Population... 7. With a parallel View, he ordained a Kind of Community of Children: By This, no Father had the Care of his own Child; which, on its Birth, was immediately delivered over to the Officers of the State; and was either preserved or destroyed according to their Decree... 8. A continued Attention to the Preservation of the State, and an unremitted Preparation and Readiness for defensive War, formed the chief Employment of the Spartan State... 9. He committed the Cultivation of their Lands to a large Body of Slaves, who dwelt in the surrounding Country, were deprived of all the natural Rights of Men, and were often laid in Wait for, and butchered in cold Blood by the young Men of SPARTA. [*]

These were the public and essential Institutions of the Spartan Republic: Many of them strange in their Nature: Yet formed for long Duration, through the Means and Principles on which they were established: Which we shall find to be consistent with, and corroborative of the Principles of civil Liberty above laid down.

The first and best Security of civil Liberty, hath been shewn to consist "in impressing the infant Mind with such Habits of Thought and Action, as may correspond with and promote the Appointments of public Law."—This Security was laid by LYCURGUS, in the deepest and most effectual Manner, by the Mode of Education which he prescribed to the Spartan Youth.

No Father had a Right to educate his Children according to the Caprice of his own Fancy. They were delivered to public Officers, who initiated them early in the Manners, the Maxims, the Exercises, the Toils, in a Word, in all the mental and bodily Acquirements and Habits, which corresponded with the Genius of the State. Family Connexions had no Place: The first and leading Object of their Affection, was the general Welfare. This Tuition was carefully continued, till they were enrolled in the List of Men: To secure the Manners thus acquired, they were prohibited from travelling into other Countries, lest they should catch Infection from ill Example: On the same Foundation, all Visits from Strangers were forbidden. [*] Thus were they strongly and unalterably possessed with the Love of their Country.

These severe Manners were confirmed by all the Principles that could strengthen them in the Mind of Man.

The Principle of Religion laid at the very Foundation of the State: For LYCURGUS expressly modeled his Commonwealth on the Pretence of a divine Authority. He declared to the People, that its essential Institutions were given him by the Oracle of DELPHI, which he went on Purpose to consult. [*] Again, after he had modeled his Republic, he repaired once more to the sacred Tripod; and enquired, "whether the God approved of the Laws he had established." The Answer was in the Affirmative: And this Reply LYCURGUS sent to SPARTA. [†]

This Principle was so intimately blended with that of the State, that their Kings were at the same Time the High Priests of the Community. [‡]—The Religion and Power of an Oath was so strongly impressed on their Minds, that LYCURGUS trusted the future Execution of his Laws, to That Oath which the People took, on his last Departure from the City: [*]—An Oath, which proves, that the Religion of the Country was not at Variance with the Appointments of the State; because it obliged them never to depart from the Institutions of LYCURGUS.

The Principle of Honour was not at Variance, but co-operated with and sustained That of Religion. PLUTARCH is very particular, on their early and continued Encouragement of this Principle. Their Songs (which made a Part of their Education) tended to inflame their Minds with honest Ambition. "Their Subject was generally the Praise of such Men as had dy'd in Defence of their Country; or in Derision of Those who had shrunk from the public Service. The old Men talked high of what they had done: The younger Part echo'd back their Song; declaring their Resolution, not to disgrace the Valour of their Forefathers. [*]"

The Principle of natural Conscience was so intimately interwoven with those of their Religion and Honour, that it affords a striking Proof how far natural Conscience depends on these other Principles. If natural Conscience were in itself a well-regulated and sufficient Guide; could any Thing have been more odious to its Dictates, than Prostitution, Adultery, Thieving, and Assassination? Yet all these did the severe Spartans practise, not only without Remorse, but with Self-Approbation; the infant Mind being before-hand modeled to this preposterous System of imagined Duty. For, on the very ruling Principles of the State, their Daughters were debauched, their Wives were common, their Victuals were stolen, their Slaves were murdered. [†]

Thus was the famed Republic of Sparta strongly fortify'd, by the united and concurrent Power of Manners and Principles, all pointing to the same End, the Strength and Duration of the State: Of Manners and Principles, which in their particular Application, seemed to sacrifice the Happiness of Individuals to the Preservation of the Whole: And while they were most abhorrent from the Maxims of improved human Nature, secured the Institutions of a savage Policy.

From this View of the Spartan Commonwealth, these farther Remarks may naturally arise.

1. It hath been Matter of Surprize to those who have written on this famed Republic, "by what Means LYCURGUS should be able to perswade the Spartans, not only to change the Form of their Government, but to quit their private Possessions, their Manner of Life, the Use of Money, the Advantages of Commerce, the Property of their Wives, the Care of their Children; and adopt a contrary System, so abhorrent from the Desires of civilized Man." And indeed, supposing the Fact, it should seem a Paradox utterly unaccountable.—The true Solution seems of a quite different Nature.—PLUTARCH leads me to it.—"There is so much Uncertainty (saith he) in the Accounts which Historians have left us of LYCURGUS, that scarce any Thing is asserted by one, which is not contradicted by others. Their Sentiments are quite different as to the Family he came of, the Voyages he undertook, the Place and Manner of his Death: But most of all, when they speak of the Laws he made, and the Commonwealth he founded.—They cannot be brought to agree, as to the very Age when he lived.—TIMAEUS conjectures, that there were two of his Name, and in different Times; but that the one being more famous than the other, Men gave to Him the Glory of both their Exploits. [*]"—Hence it appears, that the true History of this Lawgiver was lost in the Darkness of fabulous and obscure Ages: And that, as to the Beginnings of this Commonwealth, we have nothing to depend on, but the traditionary Rumours of a barbarous and lying Period. Now this seems to be fairly weighed down by the internal Evidence arising from the Nature of the Establishment itself. For it was indeed "the Establishment of barbarous Manners, carried into Permanency by political Institutions." That Mankind should be carry'd back to This, from a State of Humanity and Civilization;—that they should quit private Property, Money, Commerce, Decency, domestic Comforts, Wives and Children, and give them up to the Possession of the Public, is a Contradiction to all the known Powers and Passions of the human Mind. To effect a Change of Government only, is a Work sufficient for the Abilities of the greatest Legislator: But to overturn all the pre-established Habits of the Head and Heart, to destroy or reverse all the fixed Associations, Maxims, Manners, and Principles, of a whole civilized Community; were a Labour, which might well be ranked among the most extravagant Legends of fabulous GREECE.

On the other Hand, to bring forward a Tribe of untaught Savages one Degree towards Civilization, and there to fix them;—to assign equal Portions of Land to those among whom Lands laid in Common;—to introduce Iron Money, where no Money had been in Use;—to prohibit Commerce, where Commerce was almost unknown;—to make the Girls dance naked in Public, where they had never known the decent Use of Cloaths;—to allow of Theft and Homicide under certain Limitations, where Both had been practised without Limitation;—to make Wives at Times a public Property, where promiscuous Concubinage had prevailed; to give Children a public Education, where no Education had taken Place;—These might all seem the natural and practicable Efforts of a Pagan Legislator.

Thus, the Formation of the Spartan Republic seems clearly accounted for. A Tribe of untaught Savages, were brought forward by LYCURGUS one Degree towards Civilization and Humanity, and There fixed by severe Institutions.

The Fate of AGIS, their patriot King, confirms this Solution. He, with a Degree of public Virtue seldom seen in any Station, attempted to bring back the corrupt State to its first rigorous Institutions. But That which LYCURGUS could establish among untaught Savages, AGIS found impracticable, among a corrupted People. He was seized, imprisoned, and murdered by a Faction, in his Attempt to restore Freedom to a degenerate Republic.

2. If the Argument here alledged be just, concerning the first Institution of this Republic; it follows (what, indeed, seems probable in its own Nature) that the strongest political Institutions may be formed on the savage State of Man. In this Period the Legislator hath few or no prior Institutions to contend with; and therefore can form a System of Legislation consistent with itself in all its Parts. While the Lawgiver who reforms a State already modeled and corrupted, must content himself with such partial Regulations, as the Force of prior Establishments and public Habits will admit.

3. The long united State of this Republic afford a Proof against a political Maxim commonly received, "That Divisions are necessary to a free State; and that inward Tranquillity is a certain Symptom of its approaching Ruin." For, from the History of SPARTA, it appears, that during the Space of at least five hundred Years, intestine Divisions were unknown. This common and mistaken Maxim (adopted by almost all political Writers [*]) hath been founded on a Supposition, that where Opinion is free, it must ever be divided. The Spartan Commonwealth presents a clear Proof of the Reverse: That Opinion may be free, yet still united. But this free Union can only be the happy Effect of an early and rigorous Education; by which the growing Minds of the Community are voluntarily led, by public Institutions, into one common Channel of Habit, Principle, and Action. . . PLUTARCH tells us, that the Effect of this entire Union was so conspicuous in SPARTA, that "the Commonwealth resembled one great and powerful Person, actuated by one Soul, rather than a State composed of many Individuals. [†]"

4. It appears, that the Institutions of the Spartan Republic were admirably calculated for each other's Support, while their perfect Union was maintained: And further, that when an Inroad was made into any one of them, the Ruin of the Whole was inevitable.

"Its Institutions were admirably calculated for each other's Support, while their perfect Union was maintained." Because they tended strongly to prevent the first Inroads of Temptation to the Mind, the very first Impulses of selfish Passion. The equal Partition of Lands and Goods took away all Hope of Superiority in Wealth: The Introduction of Iron Money rendered Wealth cumbersome and untractable: The Prohibition of Commerce prevented the Materials of Luxury: The Banishment of elegant Arts prevented the first Conception of them. Their public Meals eaten in common, cut off the Hope, nay, prevented the Desire of all private Indulgence of the Palate, the Disorders of Intemperance. To secure these rigid Institutions, the public Education of their Children was ordained, lest private Passion should mix its Alloy, with the rigorous Appointments of the State. Thus the Republic was so round and compact in all its Parts, that it might seem to defy the Attacks of the most powerful Enemy.

"But supposing an Inroad made into any one of its capital Institutions, the Ruin of the Whole was inevitable." For its several Parts receiving their Strength from each other, were therefore mutually dependent; and the Whole being an austere Contradiction to the natural Appetites of Man, the least Inroad of Indulgence naturally led on to more forcible Temptations. Thus, Inequality of Possessions brought in Wealth and Poverty. Wealth brought in Luxury: Poverty gave Birth to Envy and Avarice. Licentiousness and Faction thus crept in; and the Fall of SPARTA was inevitable.

Yet even amidst the Decays of this Republic, the Force of a rigorous Education essentially mixed with the Principles of the State, was still conspicuous. The Power of Manners and Maxims thus imbibed was so untractable, even in the declining Periods of the Spartan Commonwealth, that PHILOPAEMEN, after many fruitless Attempts to annihilate its Influence, declared, "that the only effectual Method of destroying SPARTA, must be in dissolving the Education of their Youth. [*]"

This Analysis is clearly confirmed by PLUTARCH in the following Passages. "Since we may blame the Legislators of common Rank, who, through Want of Power or Wisdom, commit Mistakes in the Formation of fundamental Laws; how much more may we censure the Conduct of NUMA, who for the Reputation of his Wisdom only, being called by the general Voice of an unsettled People to be their King, did not in first Place constitute Laws for the Education of Children, and Discipline of Youth? For Want of which, Men become seditious and turbulent, and live not peaceable in their Families and Tribes: But when they are inured from their Cradle to good Principles, and imbibe from their Infancy the Rules of Morality, they receive such Impressions of Virtue, as convinces them of that Advantage which mutual Concord brings to a Commonwealth. This, with many others, was one of the Policies of LYCURGUS: And was of singular Force in the Confirmation and Establishment of his Laws:"— "Hence the Spartans having sucked in these Principles with their Milk, were possessed with a most reverend Esteem of all his Institutions: So that the Fundamentals of his Laws continued in Force for above five hundred Years, without any Violation. [*]"

Such then was the Force of concurrent Manners and Principles, all centering on one Point, impressed on the infant Mind, and continued by a Variety of rigorous Institutions.—Thus, the Strength of the Spartan Republic, like the firm-compacted Weight of the Macedonian Phalanx, bore down every opposing Power.

Notes

*
This Enormity, practised with Impunity by the young Men of Sparta, hath been held unaccountable: But seems to have been allowed on the same warlike Principle with That other Allowance
"of stealing Victuals."
Both were probably established as the Means of preparing them for the Exercise of Stratagem in War.

↵

*
Plutarch: in Lycurgo.
↵

*
Plutarch: in Lycurgo.
↵

†
Ib.
↵

‡
Ib.
↵

*
Plutarch: in Lycurgo.
↵

*
Plutarch: in Lycurgo.
↵

†
Ib.
↵

*
Plutarch: in Lycurgo.
↵

*
Among others, by MACHIAVEL and MONTESQUIEU.
↵

†
In Lycurgo.
↵

*
Plutarch: in Philopaem.
↵

*
Comparison of NUMA and LYCURGUS.
↵

SECT. VIII. Of the Republic of Athens.

WE have seen the Force of Manners Principles in the strong Formation, the Unanimity, and Continuance of the Spartan State. We shall now see the Effects of the Want of Manners and Principles, in the weak Establishment, the unceasing Factions, and early Dissolution of the Commonwealth of ATHENS.

It appears above, that LYCURGUS, probably forming his People in the first and earliest Period of Civilization, was thus enabled to establish a perfect Republic. SOLON, on the contrary, having a corrupted People to reform, could only institute such a Kind of Government, as their pre-established Habits, Vices, and Forms of Polity could admit.

Here we discover the Foundation of that striking Remark of SOLON himself. "That he gave not the Athenians the best Laws that could be given, but the best they were capable of receiving. [*]"

The first and ruling Defect in the Institution of this Republic seems to have been "the total Want of an established Education, suited to the Genius of the State." There appears not to have been any public, regular, or prescribed Appointment of this Kind, beyond what Custom had accidentally introduced. 'Tis true, that the Parents often had Masters to instruct their Children in the gymnastic Arts, and in Music. Which last, in the ancient Acceptation of the Word, included Poem as well as Melody: 'Tis farther true, that the Poems thus taught their Children, included often the great Actions, but withal, the Vices of Gods and ancient Heroes. [*] Yet in this first and ruling Circumstance, in the Institution of a free State, the Parents were much at Liberty, to do as seemed good to them. Hence, a dissimilar and discordant System of Manners and Principles took Place; while some youthful Minds were imbibed with proper and virtuous Principles, some with no Principles, and some with vicious Principles; with such as must, therefore, on the Whole, tend to shake the Foundations of true Freedom.

The second ruling Defect in the Constitution of this Republic, was the Establishment of an unmixed and absolute Democracy. This naturally arose from the licentious State of Manners and Prinples, which SOLON found already prevalent among the People. A virtuous People would have been content to have shared the legislative Power with the higher Ranks of the Commonwealth. But a licentious People naturally grasped the Whole, as the likliest Means (in their deluded Eye) of gratifying their own unbridled Passions. From this partial Distribution of Power, the State was blindly ruled by the Dregs of the Community. For All who were of Ability to maintain a Horse, were admitted to the Rank of Magistracy: [*] And all who were admitted to the Rank of Magistracy were excluded from any Share in the legislative Power. [†] Hence it followed, that "All they who possessed the Legislative Power, were such as were not of Ability to maintain a Horse." —"Do not you despise (said SOCRATES to his Pupil ALCIBIADES, who was afraid to speak in Presence of the Athenian People) do not you despise That Cobler? I do, reply'd the Youth. Do not you (rejoyned the Philospher) equally contemn that Cryer, and yon Tent-Maker? ALCIBIADES confessing that he did; then said SOCRATES, "Is not the Body of the Athenian People composed of Men like these? And therefore, when you despise the Individuals, why should you fear the Whole? [*]"—A hopeful Tribe of Legislators! and such as might naturally be supposed to give Rise to that Licentiousness, Discord, and Ruin, in which they were soon swallowed up.

From this weak and imperfect Establishment, founded on the Caprices of an ignorant, unprincipled, and licentious Populace, all the subsequent Factions, which ended in the Ruin of this Republic, are clearly derived.

Even SOLON, the original Legislator, outlived the Commonwealth he had formed. On his Departure from ATHENS, Factions immediately arose. PISISTRATUS, the first ruling Demagogue, led the People; obtained a Guard; seized the Castle; and established a Tyranny. [†]

We need go no farther into the History of this Republic, for a Discovery of the Causes of its final Ruin. It is true, that an imperfect Semblance of Liberty often appeared, amidst the Factions of succeeding Times: It is true, that Wealth and Luxury contributed to hasten the Fall of ATHENS: It is true, that PERICLES and ALCIBIADES, in their Turn, while they seemed to polish the Manners, inflamed the Vices of the Populace; and led them on to the certain Destruction of the State. But for the Ruin of this Commonwealth, we need not have Recourse to the Inroads of Wealth or Luxury, as the Causes of its Dissolution. It resembled a beautiful Edifice founded in Sand and Rubbish: Where an uneducated, an unprincipled, a licentious Populace, ruled the State; That State was destined to the convulsive Struggles of Faction while it lived, and then to a speedy Death.

Notes

*
Plut. Solon.
↵

*
See a Dissertation on Music and Poetry, Sect. v.
↵

*
Plut. in Solon.
↵

†
Ib.
↵

*
Aeliani Var: Hist. L. ii. C. 1.
↵

†
Plut: in Solon.
↵

SECT. IX. Of the Commonwealth of Rome.

LET us now pass to a Review of the Commonwealth of ROME: In the History and Fate of which, we shall find most abundant Proof of the Truths here laid down, concerning the Power of Manners and Principles, in the Preservation or the Dissolution of public Freedom.

MONTESQUIEU remarks finely, in his Discourse on this Republic, that "more States have perished, thro' a Violation of Manners, than thro' a Violation of Laws [*]" The Reason (though he does not assign it) appears evident on the Principles here given. He who violates established Manners, strikes at the general Foundation; he who violates Law, strikes only at a particular Part of the Superstructure of the State.

In the Republic of SPARTA, we have seen the original State of Manners and Principles conspiring strongly to the Preservation of the Republic: In that of ATHENS, we have seen the original State of Manners and Principles tending no less clearly to its Dissolution.

In analysing the original State of Manners and Principles in the Roman Commonwealth, we shall find a different and intermediate State of Things; mixing the Strength of the Spartan, with the Weakness of the Athenian Institutions; tending first to enlarge and aggrandize the Republic, and in the End to corrupt and destroy it.

The Manners and Principles of early ROME, which tended to enlarge and aggrandize the Republic, were 1. A Love of their Country instilled into their rising Youth: Formed chiefly on the Power of Custom; and more particularly on the warlike Genius of the State. Their Annals abound with so many Instances of this grand Passion, that present Times stand amazed, and with Difficulty credit their Story.

2. This Passion, founded on an early, though not a prescribed Education, was so strengthened by their religious System, that till the fatal Entrance of the Doctrine of EPICURUS, no Roman was ever known to have violated his Oath. [*]

3. Their Principle of Honour coincided with that of their Religion. It was so strong, at the Time of the first Formation of the Republic, that the Punishment of Disgrace was judged sufficient to deter the People from a Violation of the Laws. "When a Delinquent was cited before the People (saith LIVY) the Valerian Law ordained only, that he should be branded as infamous. [†]"

4. From the Truths laid down above, it appears, that the Principle of natural Conscience must of Course co-operate with these, for the Confirmation of civil Freedom. The Force of this Principle is no less conspicuous in the early Periods of Roman Liberty: It arose even into a ferocious Pride of Virtue, independent of all outward Testimony, which hath distinguished the great Names of ancient ROME, from Those of every other People upon Earth.

5. To these we must add the Equality of Property, the Mediocrity of Possession, the Simplicity of Life, which prevailed in early ROME; all these were the Outworks that guarded the internal Strength of Manners and Principles; and seemed, like the Institutions of SPARTA, to promise an Eternity of Freedom.

But in Spite of all these Foundations of civil Liberty, there were three fatal Circumstances, admitted into the very Essence of the Republic, which contained the Seeds of certain Ruin: While the Tree seemed to flourish in its full Growth and Vigour, These, like Canker-Worms, lay eating at the Root.

The first of these was the Neglect of instituting public Laws, by which the Education of their Children might have been ascertained. This is justly charged by PLUTARCH, as a capital Defect in NUMA's Legislation: [*] This Defect, when once admitted into the Essence of the State, could not easily be rectify'd in succeeding Times: The Principle could only have been effectually infused, at the general Formation of the whole Mass. In Consequence of this Error in the first Concoction, the supporting Principles of Freedom were vague and fluctuating: For Want of this preventing Power, the incidental Vices of a Parent were naturally transmitted to his Children, and thence to future Ages. The rigorous Education of SPARTA was a strong Check to the Proneness of human Nature towards Degeneracy and Corruption: Through This, every incidental Vice dy'd with its first Possessor: While the more lax Institution of the Roman Republic, suffered every original Taint in Manners and Principles to be transfused into, and to contaminate succeeding Times.

The second of these was "Their Principle of unlimited Conquest." Their early Passion for War arose from their Necessities. On their first Establishment, they had neither Territory nor Commerce: They lived by Plunder: Hence, the ruling Genius of the State was warlike: Their warlike Genius was unchecked by any other Principle: Hence, unremitted Exercises, unceasing Improvements in Discipline, increasing Valour and Ferocity arose. Thus they attempted to subdue, and thus they subdued the World.

But such an Empire is utterly untenable: Valour may acquire, but cannot maintain it. The Body of such a State is too enormous to be effectually animated by the Soul. This is a Cause of Ruin so clear, that it hath met every Writer's Observation; and therefore needs no farther Proof.

The third Principle of inevitable Destruction, which seems to have been inwrought into the very Essence of the Roman Republic, was the fatal Principle of Change: This is a Cause not so obvious; and therefore may require a farther Investigation.

MONTESQUIEU hath justly observed, that one Cause of the Roman Greatness was "their adopting any Institution or Custom of other Nations whom they conquer'd, provided it was better than their own. [*]" It seems to have escaped the Observation of this great Writer, that the same Principle of Adoption, carried through every Period of the Republic, led the Way to its final Ruin.

For altho' in the early Periods, when Manners were simple, and concurrent Principles were strong, this Spirit of Adoption was confined to Customs that were better than their own; yet in the succeeding Periods, when Manners grew more relaxed, and Principles were weakened, the same Spirit of Adoption opened a Door for the Admission of Customs that were pernicious.

Thus the Admission of Change, which in the virtuous Ages led to the Greatness, in succeeding Times brought on the Destruction of the Republic.

The sagacious Romans soon found the Consequences of this Defect: They saw, that through a Want of original, preventive, and salutary Institutions, bad Manners were creeping insensibly on the State. Hence the Creation of the Censors had its Rise: An Office, which immediately took Cognizance of the Manners of the Citizens.

But this high Office was ineffectual in its End; because it had not Power universally to prevent, but only in Part to remedy the Evil. Hence, while particular and detected Offences only, could be punished by the Censor, the Hearts and Manners of the People were laid open to a general Corruption, from the fatal Principle of Novelty and Adoption.

The Danger arising from this Principle manifestly increased with the increasing Empire: That Identity and Integrity of Manners and Principles, which is the Soul and Security of every free State, gave Way to Manners and Principles wholly dissimilar. New Maxims of Life, new Principles of Religion and Irreligion, of Honour and Dishonour, of Right and Wrong, picked up indiscriminately among the Nations which they conquered, by Degrees infused themselves into the Heads and Hearts of the Roman Citizens.

Here, then, we see the original Foundation of all the Misery and Ruin which ensued. On the Conquest of the luxurious, immoral, and unprincipled Tribes of GREECE, the Romans, having no preventive Remedy in the Essence of their State, of Course adopted the Luxury, the Immoralities, the Irreligion, of the conquered People.

"It seems to me (says the excellent MONTESQUIEU) that the Epicurean Sect, which made its Way into ROME towards the Close of the Republic, contributed much to corrupt the Hearts of the Romans. The Greeks had been infatuated with it before them; accordingly, they were sooner corrupt. POLYBIUS tells us, that in His Time, no Greek could be trusted, on the Security of his Oath; whereas, a Roman was inevitably bound by it. [*]"—He adds, "CYNEAS having discoursed on the Epicurean System at the Table of PYRRHUS, FABRICIUS wished that all the Enemies of ROME might hold the Principles of such a Sect. [†]"

Thus, as in the early Periods of the Commonwealth, they had adopted the Virtues, in the later Times they assumed the Vices of the conquered Nations. Thus, by unperceived Gradations, the same Principle, "The Admission of Change, first led to the Greatness, and then to the Ruin of the Republic."

All the particular Consequences that followed, were occasional and inevitable. The Rapacity, the Factions, the civil Wars; the enormous Profligacy of Individuals, the horrible Calamities of the State;—All these are finely pursued by MONTESQUIEU; and were no more than the natural and incidental Effects of this general Cause, "The Loss of Manners and Principles."

Hence, the Progress and Retreat of the Roman Power resembled the Flow and the Ebb of a vast Ocean; which, rowzed from its Bed by central Concussions, overwhelmed and forsook the Earth.

Notes

*
Grandeur, &c.
↵

*
See Montesq. Grand. des Rom. C. x. Polyb. L. 6.
↵

†
Liv. Hist. L. 10.
↵

*
See above, Sect. vii.
↵

*
Grandeur, &c. C. i. ii.
↵

*
Grandeur, &c. C. x.
↵

†
Ib.
↵

SECT. X. How far these Facts can properly be apply'd to the political State of Great Britain.

THOUGH the Study of History be often instructive and useful, yet, in one Respect, it becomes the Source of frequent Error, even when it is written with Impartiality and Truth. This ariseth from a mistaken Application of historical Facts. Errors of this Kind are apt to creep into all Reasonings, on every Subject, where Men and Manners are concerned: But they are liable to infect political Reasonings, above all others.

As the political Interests of Men form the principal Subject of History, the Reasoner on this Subject hath Recourse to Facts, as the best Support of his Argument. Yet, the Politician seems, of all others, most liable to be mistaken in the Application of History to his own Purpose; because the political Connexions and Interests of Men are, above all others, complicated and various.

Hence, as no two political Constitutions were ever the same in all their Circumstances, though similar in many; so, all Arguments drawn from a partial Resemblance, must be inadequate and inconclusive; unless when it appears, that no other Circumstances took Place, by which That partial Resemblance might be counteracted, and its Effects destroyed.

Yet, it hath been a Practice too common among political Reasoners, from a partial Resemblance between two States, to infer a total one; and because they have been like in some Respects, to draw Conclusions, as if they had been like in all.

Much Caution, therefore, is necessary, in the Application of historical Facts: Without This, we shall run into perpetual Error. Let us, then, remark some of the most essential Circumstances, in which the Constitution of the British State differs from those of SPARTA, ATHENS, and ROME; and then draw such Conclusions, as may be consistent with these Distinctions.

1. We may lay it down as a fundamental Truth generally acknowledged, that the political Constitution of GREAT BRITAIN, in its main Outline, is better modeled than those of SPARTA, ATHENS, or ROME. The legislative and executive Powers are more equally balanced, and more clearly distinguished. Now, if Laws could support themselves, it would follow, that this political State must therefore be of longer Duration. But as it hath been made appear, that the Duration of free States depends not so much on their mere Form, as on the Manners and Principles which support them; so, nothing can be decided concerning the Duration of the British State, from its mere external Model.

2. The Christian Religion, established in BRITAIN, is, in its own Nature, far superior to that of these ancient Commonwealths. The absolute Perfection and glorious Attributes of the Deity; the great Principle of universal Charity; the particular Duties of Man to Man, thence resulting; the Sanctions of future Reward and Punishment; all these tend to purify and exalt the Soul, far beyond the Rites of ancient Paganism: For This, even in its best Forms, was ever built on the History and Examples of deify'd Men, whose Lives had often been blotted with the most flagrant Crimes; and therefore, could never exalt the Heart of Man, beyond this weak Principle of Elevation.—But as the Power of a Religion depends, not only on its excellent Genius, but on its being effectually impressed on the Mind; so, no Consequence can be justly drawn, from the mere un-apply'd Excellence of its Nature.

3. That Self-Consistence, and perfect Unity of Parts which distinguished the Republic of SPARTA, cannot be expected nor found in that of BRITAIN. For the first was the entire Work of a single Legislator, struck out at one Heat; all its Institutions conspiring to one End, and centering (like the Radii of a Circle) in one single Point: To This, the outward Form of Government, the internal State of Education, of Religion, Manners and Principles, were uniformly subordinate. But at the Time of the Revolution, which was the first Aera of BRITAIN'S Freedom, many prior Institutions and Establishments, both in Religion and Policy, Manners and Principles, had taken Place: These had been formed on the fortuitous Events of Time; and had resulted from a Variety of contending Parties; of Power, fluctuating at different Periods, between the Kings, the Nobles, the Priesthood, and the People. All these it was impossible for human Art to remove and new-model, without shaking the State to its Foundations: Hence, though the Form of the British Constitution, civil and religious, be of unrivaled Excellence; yet in its very Birth it came attended with unalterable Weakness.—It wanted that general Self-Consistence, that entire Unity of Parts, as well as of established Habits, Manners and Principles, suited to the Genius of the State, which was the very Spirit and Support of the Spartan Commonwealth. In this Circumstance, it appears likewise inferior to the Roman Commonwealth; yet, perhaps, superior to that of Athens.

4. The British System of Polity and Religion, perfect in its leading Parts, but imperfectly united and supported, is not upheld in its native Power (like that of SPARTA) by correspondent and effectual Rules of Education. The Fundamental Laws of our Country, the Principles and Duties of Christianity, are indeed occasionally explained and taught, in a certain Manner and Degree: But it is in the Power of every Private Man to educate his Child, not only without a Reverence for These, but in an absolute Contempt of them. It is much in every Parent's Option, whether he will impress his Childrens Hearts with such Habits and Principles as accord to the Genius of the State, or with Impunity suffer them to contract such Manners and Opinions as tend to its Dissolution. A Circumstance pregnant with Danger to this free State: For hence, Manners and Principles, its chief Support, are liable to be incurably perverted in the Heart, at that Time of Life, in which alone they can be effectually impressed.

5. In the important Circumstance of "the Admission of Change," or the "Principle of Adoption," the British Constitution is contrary to That of SPARTA; and nearly on a Level with Those of ATHENS and ROME.—Foreign Commerce, foreign Travel, new Manners, new Principles, new Modes of Dress, of Amusement, of Luxury, are here adopted with a Degree of Avidity almost unbounded.—Happy would the Writer esteem his Labours; if this Principle, which in some Respects hath tended so much to the Improvement of his Country, could in any Degree be checked by his weak Admonitions, from degenerating into a Cause of its Destruction.

6. The last Circumstance of Note, here to be remarked, is "The Difference of Character among the several Ranks of the Community in these ancient free States, and That of Britain."

In Point of Knowledge and Ability, the Difference was great between the Nobles and the People, in these ancient States: In BRITAIN, the Nobles and the People (in their legislative Capacity) are fairly on a Level. When ALCIBIADES addressed the legislative Body of the Athenian People, he addressed Coblers, Brasiers, Tanners, Tent-Makers. When the People of ROME retired in Discontent to the sacred Mountain, they were appeased by the Fable of the Belly, Head, and Hands. A Lord of Parliament would make but a sorry Figure, who should come armed with such an Apologue, for the Conviction of a British House of Commons.

Again: In each of these ancient Republics, the collective Body of the People were much of one uniform Character; being Inhabitants of the same City, and nearly on a Level with Respect to Employment and Property. In ATHENS, they were all Artisans or Tradesmen: In SPARTA and ROME, they were all Soldiers. A low Degree of Knowledge was their general Lot: For much Knowledge can only be acquired by much Leisure; which their Occupations did not allow. The People of SPARTA were intentionally virtuous: Those of ATHENS were corrupt: Those of ROME were of a mixed Character. As these free States voted not by Representatives, the Presence of the People was necessary, in all Decisions of a public Nature: Hence, such a People from their Ignorance, Wants, collective Presence, and Pride of Power, must ever and suddenly be swayed by the Eloquence of public Demagogues.

But the collective Body of the People of BRITAIN are of a Nature and Character less uniform, and essentially different. They may properly be divided into two Classes; "The People of the Kingdom;" and "the Populace of its Cities."

The Populace of its Cities resemble Those of ATHENS in most Things; except only, that they are not possessed of the legislative Power. For the People of ATHENS were "a Body of Labourers and Mechanics, who earned their Bread with the Sweat of their Brows; too generally ignorant and ill-educated; too generally prosligate in Manners, and void of Principle."

But the People of this Kingdom, in their collective Body, are upon the Whole, of a quite different Character. For under this Title are properly comprehended "all Those who send Representatives for the Counties to Parliament." This Catalogue will include the landed Gentry, the beneficed Country Clergy, many of the more considerable Merchants and Men in Trade, the substantial and industrious Freeholders or Yeomen: A collective Body of Men, with all their incidental Failings, as different in Character from the Populace of any great City, as the Air of RICHMOND HILL from that of BILLINGSGATE or WAPPING.

SECT. XI. Of the general State of Manners and Principles, about the Time of the Revolution.

AT this famed Period, it is evident, that the Manners and Principles of the Nation did, upon the Whole, tend to the Establishment of Liberty; otherwise, Liberty had not been established. This Revolution was perhaps the noblest public Reform that ever was made in any State: And such a Reform, nothing but the Prevalence of upright Manners and Principles could have effected.

The religious Principle of Protestant Christianity seems to have taken the Lead, even of the Love of civil Freedom. The Dread of Popery was, at least, equal to That of arbitrary Power: The national Honour and Conscience (on the whole) coincided with, and confirmed the Christian Principle: These three united Powers raised Liberty to the brightest Throne she ever sat on: A Throne which nothing but their Contraries can shake.

Yet notwithstanding the unrivaled Excellence of this civil and religious Establishment, there could be little Hope of its immediate and perfect Efficacy. Declaimers may express their Wonder, that a System so perfect should not at once attain its End: But they who take a nearer View of the Manners and Principles of those Times, will rather say, that the Tumults and Dissentions which instantly arose, were in their own Nature inevitable.

The Manners of the Times, tho' in the Main favourable to Liberty, were mixed with a gross Alloy of private Licentiousness: And hence, factious Measures of Course arose, from the Prospect of Power or Gain. [*] The preceding Age had caught a strong Tincture of Vice, from the prevalent Example of a debauched Court. The Education of Children was still left in an imperfect State: This great Revolution having confined itself to the Reform of public Institutions; without ascending to the first great Fountain of political Security, "the private and effectual Formation of the infant Mind."

The religious Principle, though chiefly consonant with the new Constitution, and indeed its leading Support, was in Part at Variance with it.—A numerous Body of Papists held a whole System of Principles diametrically opposite to its most essential Dictates.—Another Body of Protestant Jacobites were at War with the Principles of the State: For they held an hereditary and unalienable Right of Kings, founded on certain mistaken Passages of the sacred Scriptures.—A third Body of Men, though they allowed the Necessity and Justice of the Revolution, on the Principle of an Abdication, yet still retained an Opinion at Variance with the State: They asserted an independent Hierarchy, vindicated a religious Intolerance, and on some misconstrued Passages of Scripture, affirmed the Duty of a passive Obedience without Limitation.—A fourth Body was That of some bigoted Dissenters, who not content with a religious Toleration which had been justly granted them, aimed, on a mistaken Principle of Religion, to erect their own System upon the Ruins of the established Church.—All these Parties held religious Principles at Variance with the Laws of Freedom.

The Principle of Honour, tho' in many, and great Instances, co-operating with that of Religion; yet when not founded on it, was often at Variance with it. This Principle, as it hath appeared in modern Times, was in its Origin chiefly Military. Hence it hath generally taken Cognizance of Actions, not as they are just or unjust, but merely as they are splendid or mean, brave or cowardly: Thus, it overlooks all Laws, both human and divine: Hence unbounded Contempt of Enemies, furious Party-Rage, unlimited Resentment and Revenge, were and still are its favourite Dictates. Thus it hath come to pass, that Honour often forbids what Religion approves; and approves what Religion forbids. This uncontrouled and dangerous Principle mixed itself with the licentious Manners of the Times: Hence, Attachments, Resentments, and Party-Rage, arose and were persisted in, essentially contradictory to the Principles of Freedom.

Consonant with what hath been above delivered, the Principle of Conscience did not correct, but followed one or other of these various Principles, according to their Predominance and Power. And These being incurably discordant among themselves, the national Ideas of Right and Wrong, Just and Unjust, which were formed on These, could not but prove themselves of the like motley and disagreeing Complexion.

Here, then, we behold the natural and unavoidable Source of all the Dissentions that disgraced the Reigns of King WILLIAM and Queen ANNE. And while some affect to wonder, how so generous a System of Religion and Polity, so noble a Constitution in Church and State, could fail to produce private Virtue and public Happiness; we now obtain an additional Proof of the irresistable Power of pre-established Manners and Principles, when at Variance with the Laws of Freedom: We may see, even to Demonstration, that the Animosities of Those Times were not incidental, but inevitable.

Notes

*
See Estimate, V. i. Part 2.
↵

SECT. XII. Of the Changes in Manners and Principles, through the succeeding Times.

THE Accession of GEORGE the First seemed the Aera of perfect Freedom. And if an excellent King, at the Head of an unrivaled Constitution, could have secured Liberty; it had now been fixed on immoveable Foundations.

The Alloy of licentious Manners and contradictory Principles which had tarnished the preceding Reign, still maintained their Influence: But the declared and zealous Advocates for Liberty now assumed the Reins of Power, and began more effectually to combat those false Principles which were at Enmity with the State.

Would to God, these intentional Friends of public Liberty had been as much the Friends of private Virtue and Religion! They would not, then, have undermined the Foundations, while they were building the Superstructure of civil Freedom.

The Seeds of Irreligion had for some Time been privately fermenting: But they did not break forth into open Growth till about this Period.—'Tis remarkable, that BURNET, [*] enumerating the Dangers by which the State was threatened in the Year 1708, makes no Mention of Irreligion, as an Evil worth being obviated. But soon after, this Pestilence came on, with a terrible Swiftness and Malignity.

The slavish Principle of absolute Non-Resistance, and an independent Hierarchy, were still prevalent in Part, especially among the Clergy. To combat these, and expose them to the public Contempt, certain Writers were encouraged by Those in Power. A vigorous and effectual Attack was made on the Advocates for Despotism. But in their Zeal against Tyranny, these Writers supplanted Freedom.

They assailed Superstition with such Weapons as destroyed Religion: They opposed Intolerance by Arguments and Ridicule which tended to sweep away all public Establishments: While they only aimed (perhaps) to contend for Freedom of Thought, they unwarily sapped the Foundation of all salutary Principles. [*]

CATO's Letters, and the Independent Whig, among many other Tracts of less Note, seem palpable Instances of this Truth: The one was written in Defence of civil, the other, of religious Liberty. Yet both tended, in their general Tour, to relax those Principles by which alone Freedom, either civil or religious, can be sustained: By their intemperate Insults on religious Institutions; by their public and avowed Contempt of all Opinions, Principles, (or, if you please) Prejudices, instilled into the infant Mind, as the necessary Regulators of human Conduct: By exalting unaided human Reason, far beyond the Rank she holds in Nature: By debasing all those Assistances which the Wisdom of Ages had prescribed and consecrated, as the necessary Means of correcting her vague and wandering Dictates.

While These Authors made this illjudged, and perhaps undesigned Attack, on the Foundations of civil Liberty; others made a still bolder and more fatal Inroad; and opened a wider Door for Licentiousness, by an Attack on Christianity itself.

In this List of Enemies to their Country, it must be a Mortification to every Friend of Virtue and Liberty, to find the noble Author of the Characteristics. His Morals were unblemished, his Love of Virtue and Freedom indisputable: But by confounding two Things, which he saw accidently united, though in their Nature essentially distinguished, he polluted his Arguments against Intolerance, with the grossest Buffoonries on Christianity.

There is no Doubt, but that the current Reasonings of the Times had brought him to a Habit of Belief, that all This was harmless Pastime. To this Purpose he seems to speak himself. "'Tis certain, that in Matters of Learning and Philosophy, the Practice of pulling down is pleasanter, and affords more Entertainment, than that of building and setting up.—In the literate warring World, the springing of Mines, the blowing up of Towers, Bastions, and Ramparts of Philosophy, with Systems, Hypotheses, Opinions, and Doctrines into the Air, is a Spectacle of all other the most naturally rejoicing. [*]"

These intemperate Sallies of Gaiety may serve as a Comment on the Passage already cited from CATO's Letters. They are a clear and concurrent Indication of the ruling Principle of the Times; when Opinions and Doctrines began to be derided as Things indifferent. The noble Writer was naturally led to embrace this growing Error of the Times, by a too flattering Opinion which he had imbibed concerning unassisted human Nature; as being sufficient of itself to establish the unerring Practice of Virtue, unless beforehand sophisticated by servile Institutions.

The noble Writer, indeed, attempts a Vindication of this licentious Conduct, by an Appeal to the Practice of ancient GREECE and ROME. There, he tells us, "Philosophy had a free Course, and was permitted as a Balance against Superstition. And while some Sects, such as the Pythagorean and latter Platonic, joined in with the Superstition and Enthusiasm of the Times; the EPICUREAN, the Academic, and others, were allowed to use all the Force of Wit and Raillery against it. [*]"—This hath a plausible Appearance: Yet I am perswaded, the noble Author would have looked grave, had he been put in Mind of the Remark which FABRICIUS made on the Epicurean Sect, "that he wished such Principles to all the Enemies of ROME. [*]" Or had he recollected, that when the irreligious System of EPICURUS prevailed in GREECE and ROME, these unprincipled and profligate States were on the Eve of their Destruction.

Soon after the Author of the Characteristics, another more dissolute Writer appeared on the public Stage. I mean, the Author of "The Fable of the Bees." This Gentleman, as hath been observed above, leveled his Artillery on the whole Fabric of Morals and Religion. His System was diametrically opposite to that of Lord SHAFTESBURY: The one was founded on the unaided Excellence, the other on the incurable Depravity of human Nature. But now the vagrant Spirit of Irreligion was Abroad; and the most inconsistent Productions were greedily swallowed, provided only they disgraced CHRISTIANITY.

The Avidity with which these Compositions were received, soon emboldened a succeeding Writer, to make a formal Attack on the Religion of his Country: Christianity as old as the Creation now appeared: In which the Gospel was grosly misrepresented, insulted, and disgraced; and in Compliance with the ruling Malady of the Times, that poor and sickly Creature, "unassisted Human Reason," was vainly exalted to the Throne of ETERNAL TRUTH!

Other inferior Workmen in this patriot Amusement of blowing up the Religion of their Country, such as WOOLSTON, and MORGAN, I pass unnoticed.

In a succeeding Period, and down to the present Time, the Evil hath increased, and been compleated. For now, not only revealed but natural Religion hath been publicly attacked, in the Writings of Lord BOLINGBROKE: An Author who stands convicted of designed Profligacy, even on his own Confession. "Some Men there are, the Pests of Society I think them, who pretend a great Regard to Religion in general, but who take every Opportunity of declaiming publicly against that System of Religion, or at least that Church Establishment, which is received in BRITAIN. [*]"—You See, this patriot Writer proclaims his Abhorrence even of Those who assault the Out-Works of Religion: And then, with Modesty unparallel'd, proceeds to blow up the Citadel.

The last of these patriot Worthies, by which the present Age stands distinguished, is the Author of "Essays philosophical and moral:" Who, disdaining the vulgar Practice of a particular Attack, undermines all the Foundations of Religion, revealed and natural; and with a Pen truly Epicurean, dissolves at once all the Fears of the Guilty, the Comforts of the Afflicted, and the Hopes of the Virtuous.

Such, then, hath been the Progress of this public Evil; which hath proceeded almost without Cognizance from the Magistrate: Instead of That, it is well known, that some of these public Enemies of their Country and Mankind were formerly pensioned, and others privately encouraged by Those in Power. How This came to pass, and aggravated the growing Evil, it is now necessary to point out.

We have seen above, that a Foundation was laid for this, in an ill-conducted Opposition to the Enemies of Freedom. They who were employed to sweep away false Principles, imprudently struck at all Principles.

But beyond This, a famous Minister assumed, and long held the Reins of Power. There seems not the least Foundation for the Charge laid against him by his Enemies, "That his Design was to inslave his Country." Neither had he any natural Inclination to corrupt Practices: Yet he rather chose to rule by These, than to resign his Power. Nay, perhaps he thought this corrupt System the only one, which, under the Circumstances of Those Times, could support that illustrious Family, which was brought in, as the happy Support of Liberty. Farther, perhaps, he judged This the only possible Expedient for prolonging a Peace, which He thought necessary, till Time should wear out the false Principles, on which the expelled Family still held their Influence in the Minds of the People.—From some or all of these Motives, He not only gave Way to Corruption, but encouraged it. To this End, Religion was discountenanced: And Christian Principle, which would have been the firmest Friend of Liberty, was discarded, as the Enemy of Corruption.

In the mean Time, Trade, Wealth, and Luxury increased: These, in their Extreme, having an unalterable Tendency to a Dissolution of Manners and Principles, went Hand in Hand with the Progress of Corruption; which, in its most improved State, this mistaken Minister left, as a lasting Legacy to his Country. [*]

The Effects of this established System of Corruption did not immediately appear: But about the Year fifty-seven, they came to their Crisis; advancing with the Appearances even of public Ruin.

That powerful Correctress, NECESSITY, gave a temporary Union to all Parties, and a temporary Restoration to the State. [†] But from the Deduction of Causes here given, it was natural to expect, that as soon as Danger ceased, Faction would arise.

It follows also, that it must arise on Foundations widely different from Those in the Reigns of WILLIAM and ANNE. For the Dissentions of these past Times were chiefly founded in false Principles: Those of the present Age, on a Want of Principle.

For the false Principles which disgraced the Protestants of the last Age, are vanished. The mistaken Interpretations of Scripture, on which the Jacobite, the Tory, the bigoted Dissenter, founded their various Pretensions and Attempts, are now held in general Derision: A Preacher, of whatever religious Congregation, who should now advance these obsolete State-Heterodoxies, would be the Contempt of his wiser Audience.

Nay, what is more, these false Principles tending to Despotism, are generally banished, even from the Breasts of the Clergy; except only a very few of the most aged. For the Bishops being appointed by the Patrons of Liberty, have been such, as held Principles consistent with the Freedom of the State: And much Caution having been required of them, and used by them, in the Appointments of their Clergy, the general Complexion of this Body hath changed from That of being the Enemies, to That of being the Friends of Freedom.

Much it were to be wished, that along with the Tares, the Wheat had not also perished. But the general System of Manners being relaxed though refined; [*] and Education still left more and more imperfect; the Principle of Religion being unhappily destroyed among certain Ranks, and weakened among others; [†]—That of Honour being thus left to its own false and fantastic Dictates; [‡]—and Conscience naturally following the Whims of its untutored Parent;—Licentiousness and Faction, founded on a Want of Principle, cannot but arise, and stand among the "leading Characters of the present Times."

Notes

*
Conclusion of his History.
↵

*
See the Div. Leg. of Moses. Dedication Vol. ii. p. 6, &c.
↵

*
Miscell. iii. Chap. 1.
↵

*
Letter on Enthusiasm.
↵

*
See above, p. 76.
↵

*
Dissert. on Parties. Let. xii.
↵

*
See an Estimate, &c. Vol. ii. p. 204, &c.
↵

†
See ib. Vol. i. p. the last.
↵

*
See the Estimate, Part i.
↵

†
Ib.
↵

‡
Ib.
↵

SECT. XIII. Among what Ranks, Licentiousness and Faction may most probably be expected.

THOUGH this Want of Principle must naturally infect every Rank of Men, in a certain Degree; yet some Ranks stand more exposed to it than others.

And, that we may give as little Offence as possible, while we speak the Truth; let it be observed, that all Orders of Men being born with an equal Tendency to Virtue or Vice; their adopting the One, or falling into the Other, depends chiefly on the Temptations to which their Rank exposes them.

Let us consider the Temptations to Licentiousness and Faction, to which the leading Ranks stand exposed.

Wealth and Power give Opportunities of Indulgence; Indulgence naturally inflames Appetite.—Flattery awakens contempt; and Contempt weakens the Fear of Offence or Shame.—Laws which bind little Men, are often too weak for Great ones.—Leisure, when not dignify'd by suitable Accomplishments, ends in Idleness; and Idleness is the Parent and the Nurse of licentious Folly. To such Temptations do the Great stand exposed, in the important Article of Manners.

With Respect to the Principle of Religion, their present Situation is no less unfavourable. Dissolute Opinions flatter their disordered Passions: Nor will they ever want Sycophants, to present this alluring Bait to their Desires.—The Maxims of Irreligion are now so generally established among Those with whom the young Men of Fashion converse, that they must be peculiarly fortunate, if they escape the Infection. Wherever This Taint is given, the Principles of Honour and Conscience become vague and ineffectual, if considered as the Supports of Liberty. Certain Delicacies of personal Conduct they may produce; but can never rise to an unbiassed and steady Prosecution of the public Welfare.

Another Circumstance unfavourable to the public Virtue of the higher Ranks presents itself. Their Situation leads them to expect, and to claim, the great and lucrative Offices of the State. I need not here point out, how strongly This tends to betray them into the Extremes of selfish Views, Ambition, Party-Rage, Licentiousness, and Faction. [*]

Add to all these Considerations, their frequent and long-continued Meetings in the Capital: A Circumstance which, from the powerful Effects of free Communication, cannot but inflame all these Causes of political Dissention.

If we next examine the State of the Populace of the great Cities, we shall find that Their Situation naturally exposes them to such Temptations as lead to factious Conduct, when not early fortify'd by a virtuous Education. They are often urged by Want; of which, Discontent and Envy are the inevitable Effects. They are let loose to every Impulse of Appetite, by frequent Opportunity and Secrecy of Action: They are tempted by wicked Examples; inflamed by evil Communication and intoxicating Liquors: And though the industrious Mechanic may sometimes escape the Infection; yet the Life of the uninstructed Poor in great Cities, is too commonly a horrid Compound of Riot and Distress, Rapacity and Thieving, Prostitution and Robbery, Wickedness and Despair.

Now if this Body of Men be indeed, what Candour itself cannot deny, "too generally ignorant and ill-educated; too generally profligate in Manners, and void of Principle;" it follows, that like "the Athenian Populace of old, they must be liable to the Seduction of artful Men; the ready Tools of every unprincipled Leader, who may choose to misguide them, to the Ends of Licentiousness and Faction.

But "The PEOPLE of GREAT BRITAIN, as above distinguished, [*] are of a Character essentially different from both These. The landed Gentry, the Country Clergy, the more considerable Merchants and Men in Trade, the substantial and industrious Freeholders and Yeomen," possess a middle State of Life, which guards them from many of those Temptations that surround the higher and the lower Ranks. Their imaginary Wants are fewer than those of the Great: Their real Wants are fewer than those of the Poor: Hence Their Appetites are less inflamed to Evil.—Their Education generally seconds this happy Situation, in a certain Degree: Though imperfect, it is commonly more consistent with the main Outlines of public Law, than that of the superior or inferior Ranks.—Their Principles of Religion confirm this Education: They stand not generally exposed to the Infection of dissolute Opinions. Their Sentiments of Honour and Conscience are most commonly built on the Doctrines of Christianity.—Their Numbers and their Station conspire to exclude them from a general Claim to the lucrative Offices of the State. Their collective Knowledge is of sufficient Reach to prevent their general Seduction to the Purposes of Licentiousness: Their Dispersion, and rural Life, prevent those continued and unrestrained Communications, which are alike fatal to private and public Virtue.

Let not the Writer be misunderstood. There are Examples of Integrity and Dishonour, of Virtue and Vice, among all Degrees of Men. He only points out the Circumstances which naturally tend, upon the Whole, to form the several Ranks into these distinct Characters.

From this View of the several Ranks, it follows, that although "The People of this Kingdom" must inevitably partake of the various Manners and Principles of the Great and the Populace, with which they at Times communicate; though they be subject to the common Failings of Men, and to the incidental Inroads of Licentiousness from higher and lower Life;—yet upon the Whole, and considered as one collective Body, they stand comparatively clear of many Temptations to Vice; and therefore must naturally be least exposed to the Influence of Licentiousness and Faction.

One Consequence, arising from their Dispersion, must not pass unnoticed. It not only prevents the general Depravation of their Manners and Principles, but likewise prevents their uniting in large Bodies, upon all slight Occasions. Hence, though they are apt to doubt, nay to be alarmed, on the factious Clamours of the Capital; yet they are not rowzed into Action, but on singular and important Emergencies.

To conclude: They are a great, but quiescent Power; on whose collective Knowledge and Integrity, the Freedom and Fate of this Nation must finally depend. In the last Age, through the Influence of false Principles, pre-established or infused, they had well-nigh shaken the Foundations of Liberty: [*] In the present, these mistaken Principles being no more, They are now "the firmest Bulwark of BRITAIN's Freedom."

Notes

*
See the Estimate, &c. Vol. i. Part 2.
↵

*
See p. 87, 88.
↵

*
See above, p. 91.
↵

SECT. XIV. Of the most effectual Means of detecting Licentiousness and Faction.

WHERE Faction is founded on false Principles, it is easily detected, because it is generally avowed. It implies no moral Depravity, but only an Error of the Mind: And he who holds this Error, is not naturally ashamed of it, because he holds it as a Truth.

But where Faction is founded on Licentiousness and Want of Principle, it cannot be so easily detected: For as it implies a moral Depravity, it will naturally attempt to veil itself; and to this End, will assume the Garb and Appearance of Freedom.

The favourite Subject of its Clamours will be the Misconduct of Those who govern. And in a Country where Liberty is justly ranked among the greatest national Blessings, the most plausible Pretence of Faction will be, "to load the executive Power with the Charge of Despotism."

In every free State there will frequently occur certain Subjects and Measures, "of doubtful Expediency." These, in the wide Field of political Contention, may justly be stiled "the debateable Grounds." On these doubtful Points, even the Friends of Liberty may sometimes differ: Therefore the Patrons of Faction will naturally lay hold on these, as the most successful and effectual Means of State Distraction: Because Thus they may hope to mingle with, and to pass for the Friends of Freedom.

When therefore such doubtful Measures become the Subject of political Contention; it may be difficult to determine, from the mere Circumstance of Opinion, who are the Friends of Liberty, and who the Abettors of Faction: Because, in these Points, there may be an incidental Difference of Opinion, even among the Friends of Liberty themselves.

A much surer Determination may be formed on the Manner and Conduct of the dissenting Party: For the Friend of Liberty, having no selfish Views, will be rational, honest, equitable, in the Prosecution of his Wishes. He who is actuated by the Spirit of Licentiousness and Faction, will be irrational, dishonest, iniquitous.

Let us, then, endeavour to particularize these distinctive Marks or Characters: Thus shall we best be able to determine, "who are the Friends of Liberty, and who the Abettors of Licentiousness and Faction."

SECT. XV. Of the Characteristic Marks of Liberty.

THESE which follow, are perhaps some of the clearest Characteristics of the Spirit of Liberty: By which the Friends of public Freedom, though dissentient from any Measure of Government, will be evidently distinguished.—Each of these Marks may seem decisive, even when separately viewed: But to do Justice to this Argument, it will be necessary to consider and weigh them in Union; because as they in Part depend on each other, they will illustrate each other, and at once receive and give additional Confirmation.

1. "The Friend of Liberty will endeavour to preserve that just Balance of divided Power, established by Law, for the Security of Freedom."—Because the public Welfare is the leading Object of his Wishes; and can only be effectually obtained by the Preservation of such a Balance.

This will be the general Aim and End of the true Friend of Liberty: This End will be prosecuted by suitable Means; and its Reality will be confirmed and illustrated by these which follow.

2. "He will be attached to Measures, without respecting Men."—Because the Passions and Interests of Individuals ought to yield to the public Weal.

3. "He will be generally self-consistent, both in Speech and Action."—Because, the public Welfare being the uniform Object of his Pursuits, This can only be steadily and effectually promoted, on clear and uniform Principles.

4. "He will not attempt to inflame an ignorant Populace against their legal Governors."—Because an ignorant Populace are, in all Cases, unqualify'd to decide on the Measures of Government.

5. "His Debates, either in the Senate, or from the Press, will be void of undistinguishing and injurious Imputations on any whole Bodies of Men, who may differ from him in Opinion." Because, Truth and the public Welfare being his desired End, he will clearly seé, that others have the same Right of approving, as Himself hath of disapproving, the Measures of Government.

6. "He will not industriously and indiscriminately defame the private Characters of the Individuals who differ from him in Opinion."—Because Calumny thrown on Individuals is a still more aggravated Crime, than That which is promiscuously aimed at Bodies of Men.

SECT. XVI. Of the first characteristic Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

THOUGH we have seen, that the Patrons of Faction will attempt to mix and confound themselves with the Friends of Liberty; yet, in Spite of their Pretences, they will be detected by the following characteristic Marks, which will stand in clear Opposition to Those of Freedom.

These, like the former, may seem sufficiently decisive, even when separately viewed: But to do Justice to this Argument, it will in the same Manner be necessary to consider and weigh them in Union: Because, as they in Part depend on each other, they will illustrate each other, and at once receive and give additional Confirmation.

1. "The Leaders of Faction (being naturally of the higher Ranks [*]) would aim to establish an aristocratic Power; and inslave both Prince and People to their own Avarice and Ambition."

Thus, if any Set of Men had in former Times been in Power; and while in Power, had oppressed embarrassed Majesty; had threatened the Prince with a general Resignation; had thus intimidated him to their own Purposes; had by these Means usurped the legal Prerogatives of the Crown; and apply'd them rather to the Support of their own Influence, than to the public Welfare:—

If the legal Privileges of the People had fared no better in their Hands:—If These, too, had been swallowed up, in the great Gulph of aristocratic Power:—If the Members of the lower House, while they seemed to be the free Representatives of the People, had been in Truth, a great Part of them, no more than the commissioned Deputies of their respective Chiefs, whose Sentiments they declared, and whose Interests they pursued:—

If such a Set of Men, as soon as they had lost their Influence, should now rail at the Privileges of the Crown, as the Engines of Despotism, though they had been formerly allowed by the Wisdom of the State, as the occasional Securities of Freedom:—

If they should now absurdly magnify and exalt the Privileges of the lower House, beyond the Limits prescribed by a free Constitution:—If their Pretence should be the Vindication of the People's Rights; while their real Motive was "the Restoration of their own exorbitant Power, founded on an expected Majority of their own Dependents:"

If this Conduct was pursued by any Set of Men, they would stand convicted of a clear Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

Such would be their main End or Purpose: And this End would be pursued by suitable Means: These Means, considered in Union, would still farther confirm and illustrate the End they aimed at: And these Means would be such as follow.

Notes

*
See above, Sect. xiii.
↵

SECT. XVII. A second Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

"THE Patrons of Faction would be attached to Men, to the Neglect of Measures."

If the same Men, when formerly in Power, should have obstinately adhered to each other in every public Debate and Opinion; should have execrated every Man, as the Enemy of his Country, who dissented even in the slightest Article of political Belief:—

If on any sudden Change in the Fountain of Power, a more generous System of Government should have taken Place:—If the Sovereign had aimed to unite all honest Men of all Parties, and had invited them to co-operate for the Welfare of their Country:—

If these Men, determined still to engross all public Power, should threaten the Sovereign (as they had effectually threatened his royal Predecessor) with a general Resignation:—

If their Leaders should be taken at their Word, and unexpectedly stripped of all Power and Influence:—

If on This, the Clamours of their attendant Populace should arise; [*] and for the Sake of the public Tranquillity, Overtures should be made by the Prince to the Discontented:—If the same Principle should still predominate, and Demands in Favour of Men should be the leading Object of Accommodation:—

If these Demands should be not only irrational in their Kind, but exorbitant and oppressive in their Degree; requiring a general Restoration of All the Discontented, and a general Dismission of all who were in Power, tho' of known Fidelity to their King and Country:—

If such should be the Conduct of any Set of Men, they would stand evidently convicted of Licentiousness and Faction.

Notes

*
See Sect. xix.]
↵

SECT. XVIII. A third Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

"THE Patrons of Faction would be self-contradictory and inconsistent, not only on different, but on parallel Occasions."

Thus, if the Exercise of a Privilege should be quietly allowed to one Officer of State, and by the same Persons should be clamoured against in his Successor: The Persons thus acquiescing and clamouring by Turns, would stand convicted of a self-contradictory and inconsistent Conduct: And without deciding on the Propriety or Impropriety of the Privilege in Question, would carry upon them a clear Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

Again, if a certain Mode of political Influence on Dependents was generally exercised among all the Ranks of a free Country:—If the same Persons already characterized, should now condemn This as a despotic Measure in the Servants of the Crown, which They themselves formerly exercised when in Power, and still continue to exercise towards their private Dependents:—These Gentlemen would betray a very notable Inconsistence in their Conduct: And therefore, without any Decision on the Rectitude of such a general Practice, would stand convicted of an undeniable Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

SECT. XIX. A fourth Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

"THE Patrons of Faction would endeavour to delude and inflame an ignorant and licentious Populace against their legal Governors."

A blind and unprincipled Populace have ever been the most effectual Engines of Sedition: And above all, Those of the Capital, being near to the grand Scene of political Contention, must ever be a ready and dangerous Engine in the Hands of Licentiousness and Faction.

But in a Nation like this, to make the Populace of the Capital a more successful Instrument of Sedition, a Degree of Art would be necessary. For it appears above, that the People of this Kingdom, and the Populace of its Cities, are of a Character essentially opposite to each other: That the one is collectively knowing and upright; the other, collectively ignorant and immoral. [*]—The first Step, therefore, that Faction would take, as the surest Method for Success, would be to confound the one with the other; and dignify "the Clamour of the Populace," by stiling it "the VOICE of the PEOPLE."

The Fury of such a Populace, thus awakened by Vanity, Vice, and Ignorance, would arise in a Variety of Shapes.

If an Order of the Senate should be given for the Burning of a Paper legally declared seditious; such a Populace would be incited to rescue it from the Fire: And they who had thus incited them would boast, that it was rescued by the Hands of "the PEOPLE."

Every talking Demagogue, who should oppose the Measures of Government, would be artfully and indiscriminately obtruded on such an ignorant Populace, as a Patriot or a Heroe. And They who had thus obtruded him would boast, that he was the Favourite of "the PEOPLE."

Every distinguished Friend to the Measures of Government would be artfully obtruded on such a Populace, as the Enemy of his Country: And They who had thus obtruded him would boast, that he was the Detestation of "the PEOPLE."

Every Act of the Legislature, which contradicted the Passions or partial Interests of such a Populace or their Leaders, would be branded by them, as arbitrary and oppressive: And they would boast, that it was branded by the Voice of "the PEOPLE."

If daily or periodical Papers of Intelligence were circulated from the Capital through the Nation, and These were open to the Admission of every Thing which private Pique, Passion, or Interest, might suggest; they would of Course become the general Repositories of popular Slander: And as Malice is always more eager to accuse, than injured Innocence to defend, these Slanders would often seem to preponderate in the public Ear: And hence, would be boasted by Those who raised them, as the prevailing Voice of "the PEOPLE."

Thus, hatched by Licentiousness, FACTION would attain to its enormous Growth: The unprincipled among the Great would form the Head, the unprincipled among the Populace would form the Body, of this rapacious Monster.

Notes

*
See above, Sect. xiii.
↵

SECT. XX. A fifth Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

"THE Abettors of Faction would throw injurious and undistinguishing Imputations on every Body of Men who differed from them in Opinion."

Having thus gained an ignorant and licentious Populace, as the Trumpets of Sedition; the Patrons of Faction would leave no Means untry'd to load their Adversaries with the most envenomed Calumny.

Thus if any mistaken Principle had formerly been maintained, but was now generally forsaken and derided; a Faction could not be detected by any clearer Mark, than by its Attempt to conjure up the Ghost of this departed Principle, in order to alarm and terrify not only the Populace, but the PEOPLE.

If on This Pretence, any Men should attempt to revive Animosities which Time had bury'd;—should attempt to divide and distract the Subjects of an united Kingdom, whose common Welfare depended on their Union;—should revile all Men without Distinction, who were born in a certain District; and indiscriminately endeavour to exclude them from a Participation of those public Trusts, Honours, and Emoluments, to which, with the rest of their Fellow-Subjects, they might stand intitled by their Capacity or Virtue:—Who would not discover, in this unequal Conduct, a clear and distinctive Mark of Licentiousness and Faction?

Again: If ever there had been a Time, when All who presumed to dissent in any Degree from those in Power, were indiscriminately and unjustly branded with the Name of Jacobite or Tory;—and if These very Men who had bestowed such Appellations should now deal them as freely round, on All who assent to Those in Power:—This were surely a clear Indication, that the Spirit of Faction were abroad.

But if, in the Course of political Revolutions, some of these Men's former Adherents should now be their Adversaries; and some former Adversaries should now be their Adherents; another characteristic Circumstance would arise: For Those whom they had once reviled, they would now applaud, as being the Friends of Liberty; and Those whom they had formerly applauded, they would now revile, as having become Jacobites or Tories.—Such a Conduct, and such Names thus arbitrarily imposed, however speciously coloured over by the Pretence and Cry of Liberty, might seem to stand, with all impartial Judges, as a clear Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

The Views of such Men would be still more apparent, should they insinuate, that the Prince received Those very Men as his Ministers and Favourites, whose Principles tended to the Subversion of his Throne and Family. This Insinuation, indeed, would not so much merit Detestation, as Contempt and Ridicule.

SECT. XXI. A sixth Mark of Licentiousness and Faction.

"THE Abettors and Instruments of Faction would promiscuously calumniate the private Characters of the principal individuals of the opposing Party."

It was the just Observation of an ancient Writer, that "the Wicked is an Abomination to the Righteous, and the Righteous an Abomination to the Wicked."—Yet the Measures which these two Parties take, in their Treatment of each other, are essentially different.—The good Man never maliciously stabs the Reputation of his Neighbour: The wicked Man, on the contrary, delights in this most practicable, but most atrocious of all Mischiefs.—Invenomed Hints, ambiguous Imputations, private Crimes darkly alledged, but void of all Foundation:—These are the deadly Weapons of the abandoned but cunning Defamer.

Here then is a secure and ample Field for every profligate Minister of Faction: Here "he tosseth about Arrows, Firebrands, and Death; and cries, am I not in Sport?"

If a Prince, whose Words and Actions might justly be given, as an Example of Integrity to all his Subjects, should be ambiguously accused of such Things as his Honour would abhor:—

If such a Prince should be indirectly charged with Ignorance, for not distinguishing in a Point of Law, which even some of the ablest Lawyers in his Kingdom had not attended to:—

If neither the Virtues nor the Condescension of a Queen could protect her from the Insults of Those whom she had never injured:—

If any other Branch of a royal Family should be basely traduced, by the grossest and most audacious Calumnies, studiously contrived to inflame an ignorant and unbridled Populace:—

If the Servants of the Crown, and Members of the Legislature, who had legally exerted themselves in Defence of their injured Sovereign, should in their private Character be impudently vilify'd, misrepresented, and abused; and even their unoffending Families traduced with study'd and unexampled Virulence:—

If neither Age nor Virtue should be a Security against the Arrows of public Calumny:—If a MAN of the most distinguished Worth in private Life, a known and zealous Friend of public Liberty, one of the Ornaments of his Age and Country, should be overwhelmed by a Load of the most unprovoked and malicious Slander; merely because he had dared to assert his own Right of private Judgment, in Opposition to the Opinion of another:—

If these Outrages should be publicly committed by some; and winked at or countenanced, or patronized by others;— surely, all honest Men ought to joyn, in declaring their Abhorrence of such atrocious Acts of Licentiousness and Faction, perpetrated in Defiance of All Laws, both human and divine.

SECT. XXII. Some Objectious obviated.

SHOULD it be objected to the Writer, that while he blames the Practice in others▪ He indiscriminately characterizeth whole Bodies of Men who dissent from public Measures; he would reply, that the Accusation is groundless: For he hath expressly distinguished Those who dissent on Principles of Liberty, from such as dissent on Motives of Licentiousness and Faction.

Should it be objected, that he hath attacked even private Characters, in the Way of indirect Description: This Accusation would be equally ill-founded. For all personal Peculiarities are avoided, save only the single Facts alluded to, as the Proofs of his Allegations: These were essentially necessary for the Support of the Argument; and relate not to private Life, but to public and political Conduct.

Should it be objected, that he hath indirectly censured Those, whose Conduct he had formerly applauded: He replies, that he never was attached to Men, but Measures.

Should it be objected, that some of these characteristic Marks may seem to involve Men of good Morals in private Life: He would reply, that the Affections of good Men in private Life may not always extend to the Public.

Should it be objected, that some of these characteristic Marks may seem to involve Men, who have been eminently serviceable to their Country in public Stations: He would reply, that He ever hath been, and ever will be proud to do Justice to Merit, when exercised in any public Station.

Should it be objected, that he questions the Conduct of Those only who are now out of Power: He would reply, that he formerly questioned their Conduct with the same Freedom, when in the Fulness of their Power: And that his Reasons in both Instances were the same; because in both Instances he judged their general Conduct to be essentially ill-founded, narrow, selfish, reprehensible.

SECT. XXIII. Of the most effectual Means of checking the Growth of Licentiousness and Faction.

THUS the Writer hath endeavoured to lay open the Foundations and Characters of Licentiousness and Faction: He now proceeds to consider the most effectual Means of checking them in their Progress; of restoring internal Uhanimity; and securing public Freedom.

In every national Malady of this Nature, there are two Kinds of Remedies essentially distinct: The one is palliative, and temporary; the other is radical, and lasting.

The palliative Remedies ought to be first apply'd; because it will appear, that they are the only Means by which we can come at Those which are radical.

'Tis evident, then, that the first Advance towards a Cure of this national Evil must arise from the steady Conduct of the Prince. For Faction, unopposed, and led on by the higher Ranks, will never cease in its Demands, till it terminates in the Possession of an unbounded aristocratic Power: This is a Power, which nothing but the Courage and Steadiness of the Prince can possibly contend with: Because the final Object of such a Faction will always be, "Those high and lucrative Offices of State, which are in His sole Disposal."

If a Sovereign once gives Way to the Storms in which such a Faction will involve him, his Peace and Freedom, together with Those of his People, are inevitably destroyed. On the contrary, if amidst all the Tumults of Sedition, he discovers an unalterable Firmness and Fortitude, founded in upright Intentions and real Virtue; the Rage of hopeless Faction will by Degrees subside; and a Prospect of better Times will open upon Him and his People. This general Truth might be commented on: But at present, the Writer can with Satisfaction leave it to the impartial Public, to find a more instructive and LIVING COMMENT.

SECT. XXIV. Of a second Remedy.

THE next Remedy, which can effectually aid the Firmness of the Prince, must be the Steadiness of the Minister, in discouraging, as far as in him lies, the Inroads of Venality and Corruption.

This is a large Topic, and fitter for a Book than a Section: However, what is most essential to the present Subject may be briefly touched on.

A plausible Objection, then, is here to be obviated: For a late Writer hath very calmly and systematically attempted to prove the universal and unconditional Necessity of political Corruption, in all free Governments. [*]

What follows is the Foundation of his Argument. "All human Government is the Offspring of Violence and Corruption; and must inherit the Imperfection of both its Parents. [*]" "All Governments must be administered by the same Violence and Corruption, to which they are indebted for their Origin. [†]" "Corruption (therefore) must always increase in due Proportion to the Decrease of arbitrary Power; since where there is less Power to command Obedience, there must be more Bribery to purchase it; or there can be no Government carry'd on at all. [‡]"

Such is the Sum of this Gentleman's Argument: To which, the following Observations are offered, as a Reply.

There have been two different Pictures given of Man, by different Writers, diametrically opposite to each other. By some, the human Species hath been represented as a natural Society of Angels; by others, as a Crew of Devils. Both these Representations have arisen from a partial View of Mandkind▪ One Party regarding his social Qualities only; the other overlooking These, and fixing on the Appetites which are commonly called the felfish.

Were Mankind of the first of these Characters, they would need no Law! Were they of the latter, no Law could unite or bind them. The Truth is, they are a Mixture of Both. As they have the several Modes of Self-Love, for the Preservation of the Individual; so, by proper Culture, they gain Habits of Benevolence, Religion, social Prudence, the Love of honest Reputation, and sometimes even a Regard for the general Welfare of the Society to which they belong. As these social Passions and Regards are strong or weak, frequent or uncommon; the Character of a Nation is good or bad, honest or corrupt, upright or profligate. A Variety of Proofs hath been given of these different Degrees of moral Character, in the preceding Parts of this Essay. [*]

But that we may not seem to build on a Principle which this Author admits not, we hear him virtually declaring all This himself in another Part of his Book. "Here He (Man) has an Opportunity given him of improving or debasing his Nature, in such a Manner as to render himself fit for a Rank of higher Perfection and Happiness; or to degrade himself to a State of greater Imperfection and Misery. [†]" Again, he speaks of a Reformation of Manners, as a Thing practicable: And recommends it, as the only Remedy for political Evil. [‡]

But while he treats of the absolute Necessity of political Corruption, all the better Part of Man is hid; his Imperfections and Vices alone are set in View. During the Progress of this Argument, if it deserves that Name, we hear of nothing but "such imperfect and vicious Creatures as Men, tyrannizing over others as imperfect and vicious as themselves: [*]" We have nothing presented to us, but "Pride, Avarice, and Cruelty on one Side; Envy, Ignorance, and Obstinacy on the other; Injustice and Self-Interest on both. [†]" In a Word, Mankind are represented as an abandoned and incurable Race, utterly void of all good Qualities; and such as "must be always bribed or beat into Obedience. [‡]"

Here, then, this Maxim of the absolute and unconditional Necessity of Political Corruption appears in all its Nakedness and Deformity: For it is founded on "the supposed incurable Wickedness of Man:" An Error too glaring to need a Confutation; and which there is still the less Occasion to confute, because this Author himself admits the contrary.

It follows then, that his leading Proposition is as false in itself, as it is pernicious to Society, that "Corruption must always increase in due Proportion to the Decrease of arbitrary Power:" Because Virtue and Religion, upright Manners and Principles, properly instilled, may much better supply Corruption's Place. [*]

On this Foundation, therefore, it appears, that every upright Minister ought, as far as possible, to check the Progress of Corruption: And tho' at Times he may be embarassed, and under a political Necessity of yielding; 'tis clearly both his Duty and his Interest to oppose this dangerous and encroaching Spirit, in the leading Outlines of his public Conduct.

It is his Duty; both because Corruption can only flourish on the Ruins of Virtue and Religion, good Morals and Principles, without which public Liberty is essentially destroy'd; and because Corruption tends inevitably and invariably to weaken the public Administration of Government, by filling every high Department with the Venal, the Ignorant, the Selfish, the Dishonest. [*]

It is both his Duty and Interest; because Licentiousness, and its Attendants, Venality and Faction, are of an insatiable Appetite. The more the Venal are fed, they grow more importunate: If you gorge one of These to the full, and thus lay him to sleep; ten will rise in his Place, every one more clamourous than the first.

The Minister, therefore, both in Consideration of his own Peace, and the public Welfare, ought as far as possible, to obviate this Evil in its Beginnings; fortify Himself, as well as the State, with the Honest, the Firm, and the Capable; resist, to the utmost, the exorbitant Demands of Venality: Thus Faction will either bark itself asleep; or die despairing.

Notes

*
See a free Inquiry into the Nature and Origin of Evil, Let. v.
↵

*
Origin of Evil, p. 128.
↵

†
Ib. p. 129.
↵

‡
Ib. p. 135.
↵

*
See above, Sect. vii, &c.
↵

†
Origin of Evil, p. 93.
↵

‡
Ib. 149.
↵

*
Origin of Evil, p. 126.
↵

†
Ib.
↵

‡
Ib. p. 130.
↵

*
Were it necessary to pursue this Gentleman through all the Windings of his political Labyrinth, and trace him to the End of his Course, where he suddenly starts up in the Form of a severe Moralist; there could not, perhaps, be exhibited a more striking Instance of Self-Contradiction, in the whole Compass of literary Debate.—At present I shall only remark, that this Essay was published in the Year 1757, at a Time when the System of political Corruption much needed some Kind of Apology, because its fatal Effects began to gla
•
e too strongly upon the Nation to be longer doubted. Hence, though we should not inquire "who the Author is,"we may give a shrewd Guess, "what political School he was bred in."

↵

*
See Estimate, Part ii.
↵

SECT. XXV. Of some concomitant Remedies.

LET us now consider, what might be in the Power of the Legislature and the Magistrate immediately to effect.

1. 'Tis generally acknowledged, that Power naturally follows Property. Therefore exorbitant Property in Individuals must always be unfavourable to civil Liberty; must always tend to produce Licentiousness and Faction; because it throws exorbitant Power into the Hands of Individuals: And the greater the Inequality between the Poor and Rich, the more the one will ever be under the Influence of the other.

It should seem, then, to be the particular Interest even of the most Wealthy, if they be the real Friends of Liberty,—'tis certainly the general Interest of a free Community; that some legal Limitation of Property should take Place. I speak not of the Probability, but the Expediency of such a Measure.

2. It follows, that some Regulation in Respect to Boroughs would be of great Importance. For in Boroughs, contrary to all sound Policy, "Power is lodged without annexed Property."The natural Consequence is, that "this ill-placed Power will be seized by Those who are possessed of exorbitant Property." Thus Power settles on its natural Foundation: But a Foundation, in this Instance, most dangerous to Freedom; as it leads to the Establishment of an Aristocracy. In This Instance, too, I speak not of the Probability, but the Expediency of the Measure.

3. The Limitation of extended Conquest and Empire might seem an Object worthy the Attention of the highest Powers.—ROME perished by its Avidity of unbounded Empire. Colonies, when peopled beyond a certain Degree, become a Burthen to the Mother Country: They exhaust her Numbers; they distract her Attention; they divide her compacted Strength. Such Extent of Colonies, as may be necessary to maintain the Empire of the Seas, will always be a just Object of British Regard. More than this, sound Policy perhaps could hardly dictate.

4. This Limitation is of more Importance, as it would naturally set Bounds to another Excess: I mean, That of Trade and Wealth. This, the Writer knows, is of all other Topics the most unpopular: Notwithstanding which, he presumes to persist in what appears to Him a demonstrative Truth, that "exorbitant Trade and Wealth are most dangerous to private Virtue and therefore to public Freedom." The Topic is too large, to be here insisted on. He therefore refers to what he hath already written on this Subject; [*] which hath been much clamoured against, indeed; but never confuted. [†]

5. The immediate Care of upright Manners and Principles might seem an Object worthy the strictest Attention both of the Legislature and Magistrate.

To this End, if the growing Spirit of Novelty and Adoption could by any Means be checked, it would be a Work attended with the most salutary Consequences. The Writer would not willingly be thought chimerically to adopt all the Rigours of the Spartan State: But could wish to see a Law enacted, parallel to That of LACEDAEMON, by which their raw and unexperienced Youth were prohibited from bringing Home the new Follies and Vices of foreign Countries, picked up in a premature and too early Travel. [*]

He would by no Means discourage the Freedom of the Press: Yet, sure, its Licentiousness might seem an Object of the Magistrate's Regard. The Search of Truth is good: But to search for This in the Hoards of Irreligion, is like searching for Hope in PANDORA'S Box; where the sole Reward of Industry can only be Pestilence, Despair and Death. National Virtue never was maintained, but by national Religion: He, therefore, who shakes the essential Principles of Religion, undermines the Virtue of his Fellow-Subjects; and therefore deserves to feel the Rigour of the Law, as a determined Enemy of his Country.—This may seem a practicable Remedy: But how to destroy those irreligious Writings, which already lie exposed on Stalls and Counters, or deposited in private Libraries, like so many Heaps of Poison, for the Gratification of Vice, and the Destruction of Virtue:—Or how to pluck from the Minds of Men those poisoned Arrows, which these Authors have already planted there!—That were a Task indeed!—The Shaft is already flown; and cannot be recalled: And this Nation, thro' succeeding Times will have Cause to say,—"Haeret Lateri lethalis Arundo."

Immoral Writings should seem no less the Object of the Magistrate's Attention. Tho' These may not shake the Principles, yet they inevitably corrupt the Manners of a Nation.

Personal Defamation, or Calumny thrown on private Characters, is another Evil, which seems rising at present with unheard-of Aggravations. Two slagrant Instances of This Enormity the Writer will pass unnoticed, lest he should seem to insult over the Exiled or the Dead. [*]

Notes

*
See Estimate, Part iii. passim.
↵

†
For the Conviction of Those who chuse rather to attend to present than future Consequences, the following Circumstance may deserve Notice. Much hath been said "on the Cause of the present exorbitant Price of Provisions, and general Distress of the Poor:"Every Cause hath been assigned except the true one, which seems to be "the sinking Value of Money, arising necessarily from the exorbitant Increase of Trade and Wealth." If this be so, it follows, that the Evil is incurable, excepting only by a general Augmentation of the Wages of the Poor.—Now This, which is the necessary Effect of the Exorbitancy of Commerce, naturally tends (by the increased Price of Manufactures) to the Destruction of Commerce. If the Exorbitancy of Trade should still run higher, this Evil will be aggravated in Proportion. The Consequences which must follow, are such as the Writer chuseth not to enlarge on; because he knows, the Spirit of the Times would not bear it.
↵

*
See Estimate, Vol. ii. Part i. Sect. 10.
↵

*
In these two Kinds of modern Profligacy, immoral Writings, and personal Calumny, there is one professed Author, now said to be living in this Kingdom with Impunity; who, in a better policed State would ere this have felt the full Weight of that public Punishment and Infamy which is due to an Enemy of Mankind. This Man, supposed to be one C—, first writ a Volume of execrable Memoirs, for the Corruption of Youth and Innocence: Since That, a Reverie, or Dream, which Hunger and Malice probably conspired to suggest; replete with the most impudent Falsehoods, and injurious Calumnies on Individuals, for the Entertainment of base and envious Minds.
↵

SECT. XXVI. Of the chief and essential Remedy.

ALL these may be regarded as temporary and concomitant Supports of Freedom. But the chief and essential Remedy to Licentiousness and Faction, the fundamental Means of the lasting and secure Establishment of civil Liberty, can only "lie in a general and prescribed Improvement of the Laws of Education."

We have seen above, that upright Manners and Principles are the only Basis of true Liberty; that the infant Mind, if left to its own untutored Dictates, inevitably wanders into such Follies and Vices, as tend to the Destruction of itself and others. We have seen, that the early and continued Culture of the Heart can alone produce such upright Manners and Principles, as are necessary to check and subdue the selfish Passions of the Soul; and that Liberty can only arise from a general Subordination of These, to the public Welfare. We have seen these Truths confirmed, by an Appeal to the State of three famed Republics, which by Turns arose and fell, on the very Principles here delivered. We have seen the Defects, as well as Excellencies, of our own public Constitution, both civil and religious: That its Form is excellent and unrivaled; but that the practical Application of this unrivaled Excellence is attended with Defects incurable: That it hath all along been inevitably counterworked by Manners and Principles discordant with its Genius, and discordant with each other: That for Want of a prescribed Code of Education, to which all the Members of the Community should legally submit, the Manners and Principles on which alone the State can rest, are ineffectually instilled, are vague, fluctuating, and self-contradictory.

Nothing, then, is more evident, than that some Reform in this great Point, is necessary, for the Security of public Freedom. Till this be effected, in Spite of all temporary Remedies, Licentiousness and Faction, tho' checked for a Time, will ever be gathering new Strength, and returning to the Charge with redoubled Fury.

This Reform, to some, may appear easy to effect: By others it will be derided, as wholly impracticable. Perhaps the Truth may lie between these two Opinions: To throw the Manners and Principles of a Nation into any new Channel, is certainly a Work of no small Difficulty.—On the other Hand, we seem to have many Materials lying round us, ready to be converted into the Means of this great Work. A pure and rational Religion; a generous System of Policy, founded on that Religion; Manners, tho' apparently degenerating, yet by no Means generally profligate; much true Religion, Integrity, and Honour among the middle Ranks; many Instances of domestic Worth among the higher; and in Spite of the Temptations that surround the Great, true Piety, and the moral Virtues adorning the most exalted Station.

Therefore, without dreaming of the perfect Republic of PLATO;—and fairly acknowledging the incurable Defect of our political State, in not having a correspondent and adequate Code of Education inwrought into its first Essence;—we may yet hope, that in a secondary and inferior Degree, something of this Kind may be still inlaid: It cannot have that perfect Efficacy, as if it had been originally of the Piece: Yet, if well conducted, it may strengthen the weak Parts; and alleviate Defects, though not compleatly remove them.

Among what Ranks, in the Writer's Opinion, these Defects in Education chiefly lie, may be sufficiently collected from some of the preceding Sections. But as to the most effectual Methods of relieving these Defects, he pretends not at present to attempt so great a Subject.

This, however, he is well perswaded of; that till something of the Kind be attempted and performed; all the laboured Harangues that can be given from the Bench, the Pulpit, or the Press, will be of little Avail: They may tend occasionally to obviate some of the Evils of Licentiousness; but never can radically cure them.

SECT. XXVII. The Conclusion.

THESE Remedies, however just in their Nature, can only be effectual through a proper Application: And this can only lie "in a zealous and unfeigned Union of the Honest among all Ranks and Parties, for the Accomplishment of these Ends, against the Patrons and Instruments of Licentiousness and Faction."

This Union, at first View, seems of such a Nature as could hardly need to be inforced: Yet it is frequently retarded by several Circumstances.

Among the Great, this rational Union is often counteracted by the Ties of false Honour; a dangerous Principle, which we have already noted, as being productive of Party-Rage and Faction. [*] This Principle, even in honest Minds, will sometimes prevail over the Dictates of Religion and private Virtue. On this false Foundation, political Connexions are often maintained, in Defiance of a just Sense of public Utility: While the unhappy Man who acts on this mistaken Motive, is inwardly rent by two contrary and contending Powers. Severe Moralists may perhaps discard such a Character from the List of the Honest: But it should seem, that he is rather an Object of Clemency than Indignation. Remove but the unhappy Prejudice from his Breast; And such a Character would press forward among the first, towards the Goal of public Virtue.

Again: This rational and salutary Union may be retarded by Connexions of Friendship, Gratitude, or Blood. This Cause tends to confirm and extend the Influence of the former. Fathers, powerful Friends, and Patrons, connect themselves with Parties, and cleave to them on a mistaken Principle: Sons, obliged Friends, and Dependents, are naturally inlisted in their Party; and are rivetted in it, not only by false Honour, but Education, Gratitude, Affection. How peculiarly unfortunate is this Circumstance; that the generous Passions should ever become the Adversaries of public Virtue!

The same false Attachment to Friends, Patrons, and Relations, naturally prevails, in a certain Proportion, among the middle Ranks of the Kingdom. Their Interests, Passions, and Prejudices, are not so immediately concerned as Those of the higher Ranks; and therefore 'tis natural to suppose, that their mutual Attachments of mistaken Honour or private Affection, will upon the Whole be more moderate and less culpable. Yet still, while these false Attachments are prevalent among the Great, the People must in some Degree catch the Infection, from the various Relations which they bear to their Superiors. Hence untractable Prejudices arise, and are maintained: While Measures are less regarded, than the Party which adopts them.

But besides This, another Circumstance ariseth, which inevitably tends to disunite, and distract the Honest among the People; even when their personal Attachments are conquered by their Integrity. Their Dispersion in the Country hath already been remarked, as a Circumstance worthy of Attention. Here it meets us again, as a Cause of their frequent Disunion. We have seen how naturally (under the present State of Things) every factious Clamour that riseth in the Capital, is transmitted with aggravated Circumstances, through the whole Kingdom. [*] And the People of the Villages being easy of Belief, because not suspecting the abandoned Profligacy of these Town-Defamers, are apt to receive every insinuated personal Slander, as a Truth. These Calumnies being seldom contradicted by the injured Party, take Root in the Minds of the less knowing. Hence Doubts arise; Surmises and Dislikes are spread; Facts, though void of all Foundation, are alledged and persisted in; the more credulous Part are misled: Thus an honest People are divided; and not only a Province or a Village, but even an House often set at Variance within itself.

These Contentions sometimes arise to a Degree which is ridiculous: And have formerly been so described without Exception, by the Tools of Faction. Notwithstanding This, every Friend of Liberty ought to grieve, if a free, an honest, and a sensible PEOPLE should ever desist (were it possible) to debate on Affairs of Government. Tho' they may be occasionally alarmed and misled on slight Occasions, yet their mature and collective Judgment on important Subjects, will seldom be erroneous. On this Foundation, MONTESQUIEU'S Remark is solid: "Tell me not, that such a People will sometimes reason ill:" 'Tis sufficient,
"that they reason. [*]"

The Guilt and ill Consequences, then, arise from the malevolent Clamours of the Capital, transmitted thence to the Provinces. These Clamours, though not of Power to seduce an honest PEOPLE into actual Sedition, are yet often sufficient to alarm and divide them. [†]

Much Caution, therefore, ought to be used by the Inhabitants of the Country, how they give Credit to the political Rumours of the Town; which are seldom spread without Design; and are in general spread most industriously by the Malevolent. They who act on good Principles, are apt to trust to the native Force of Truth: The Patrons of Falsehood are conscious of a Defect here; and therefore endeavour to supply it by a misapply'd Diligence and Cunning.

One Mark of Licentiousness and Faction is peculiarly applicable to these Clamours from the Metropolis: If they are fraught with personal Calumny, and attack private Characters, they assuredly come from the Enemies of Virtue and Freedom.

All These, therefore, a sensible and honest PEOPLE will learn to suspect and deride. This Foundation once laid, they will not be far from a general Union against the hidden Designs of Licentiousness and Faction.

In Conclusion, therefore, let the Honest among every Rank and Party recollect; that their first and highest Obligations are to God, their King, and Country. That every subordinate Connexion ought to yield to These: That true Honour can never be at Variance with the Laws of Religion and Virtue: That if any Desertion be shameful, it is the Desertion from Truth and the Welfare of their Country: If any Attachment be honourable, it is an impartial Attachment to the public Weal, unbiassed by private Affections and Regards. If any Acknowledgment be the certain Mark of a great and ingenuous Mind, it is the Acknowledgment of its own Errors, or those of a Patron, Friend, or Ancestor.

These Remarks the Writer submits to the Impartiality and Candor of his Countrymen; desiring that they may be regarded as his Mite, thrown in towards the Accomplishment of the Sovereign's Wish, on his Accession to the Throne; that of "founding the Liberty and Happiness of this Kingdom on the solid Basis of Religion and Virtue, and uniting ALL HONEST MEN in the steady Prosecution of this great Purpose.

Notes

*
See above, p. 92.
↵

*
See above, Sect. xix, p. 130.
↵

*
L'Esprit des Loix.
↵

†
See above, Sect. xiii. p. 114.
↵

By the same AUTHOR, With all Convenient SPEED, Will be Publi&s;hed, PRINCIPLES OF CHRISTIAN LEGISLATION.

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Thoughts on civil liberty: on licentiousness, and faction. By the author of Essays on the characteristics, &c.

Brown, John, 1715-1766.

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http://ota.ox.ac.uk/id/3568

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1106005678

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9781106005670

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K020305.000

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CW3303806837

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0043801700

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— Thoughts on civil liberty: on licentiousness, and faction. By the author of Essays on the characteristics, &c., Brown, John, 1715-1766.. 167,[1]p. ; 8⁰. Newcastle upon Tyne :: printed by J. White and T. Saint, for L. Davis and C. Reymers, London,. 1765.. [Author of Essays on the characteristics, &c = John Brown.] [Reproduction of original from the British Library.] [English Short Title Catalog, ESTCT789.] [Electronic data. Farmington Hills, Mich. : Thomson Gale, 2003. Page image (PNG). Digitized image of the microfilm version produced in Woodbridge, CT by Research Publications, 1982-2002 (later known as Primary Source Microfilm, an imprint of the Gale Group).]

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