A General history of trade: and especially consider'd as it respects the British commerce, as well at home, as to all parts of the world. With essays upon the improvement of our trade in particular.

Table of contents

- [titlepage]

A General History OF TRADE, &c.

I Promised to Concern these Discourses as little as possible with our Politicks, and with the Party Disputes which are among us, and I'll keep my Word in it as well as it can be done; tho' I acknowledge it will be very Difficult to do so, when to the Nations great Disquiet, we are just now almost going by the Bars about whether we shall Trade to France or No.

It is Impossible to speak of Trade in General and leave out entirely the Trade to France, and I fear it will be impossible, at least to me, to say what may be necessary to be said in order to set the Trade to France in a Clear View, without being Charg'd with Leaning to one Side or other.

Among the several Opinions about the Trade between England and France, I find none who have any true knowledge of the Trade in General, but what agree in this, That there ought to be some Trade opened with France seeing we have made Peace with them; Likewise all agree, That Trade, such as it shall be, ought to be Settled and Regulated by Articles and Agreements between the Nations, which is the thing we call a Treaty of Commerce.

Being thus agreed in the main Point, That some Trade must and ought to be Settled, and that a Treaty of Commerce ought to be made; the Question remaining in Debate seems to be only, What degree of Trade with France shall be entred into, and under what Regulations, Restrictions, Duties and Prohibitions.

Some are of the Opinion, That the Trade to France has always been a Losing Trade, and that it will be so still, and that as it lies at this time under Excessive Duties it will be prevented from being so, and that therefore all those high Duties which are now lay'd upon the French Importations ought to remain.

Others say, that as we have lay'd high Duties on the greatest part of French Importations here, by which the Quantities Imported will now be reduced: so the French have Loaded our Woollen Manufactures, and other Exportations thither with such heavy Duties, or else with Total Prohibitions that effectually foreclose the Trade so, That as you will Import little from France, you will Export less to France, and the Ballance will run against you worse in matters of Profit than it did before; these Men therefore are for taking off our high Duties on every Side, and leaving the Trade, as they say all Trade ought to be, Free and Unburthened, except with such moderate Impositions as may be no Grievance either to the Consumer or the Importer.

But a third sort say, there is a Necessary Medium to be observ'd in this Case, and that seeing an Opportunity is put into our Hands upon the Occasion of the Peace, to Settle this Trade to our Advantage, we ought to get all possible Burthens taken off from our Manufactures and other Exports from hence in France, and yet at the same time keep on such part of our high Duties upon French Goods Imported here, as may be sufficient to restrain their Importation in too great quantities, so as to be prejudicial to our Trade in General, and cause an Over-ballance in the Trade to our Prejudice.

The People who have had the Guiding this Great Affair say they have done this, and the opposite Party say they have not; one Side Challenges the other, THESE say, Trade is betray'd, the Portugal Trade ruin'd, the General Interest neglected, the Manufactures of England injur'd, and the French have too much Advantage; that they will Over-ballance us still, and the Trade be yet to our loss: On the other hand THOSE say, they have Secured the English Commerce effectually to our Advantage, by Opening a Door to our Trade into France, having Obliged the Fr. King to take off all his Prohibitions and Additional Duties from our Importations there, back to the Tariff of 1664. and yet have shut the Door against the quantity of their Importations here, by leaving on great part of the Additional Duties which the Trade was Loaded with during the War, so that the Prices of their Goods, particularly their Wines, Brandy, Silks, Linen, &c. which are the Principal part of their Importations here, will be so great, by reason of those Duties remaining on by this Treaty, that the Consumption will of Course be greatly short of what it was usually in those times when, as the other alledge, their Importation so much Encreased and Overballanc'd us. Again THESE say they have not left Duty enough on to lessen the said Importations; and that the Duties ought to have been still Higher. THOSE say the Duties left are sufficient; and that the Advantage is such, and so great, as that they could not obtain any farther, nor indeed reasonably insist upon laying higher Duties on French Goods, unless they had at the same time Consented that some part of the high Duties in France should remain upon our Goods; which for the Encouragement of our Woollen Manufacture they thought it not proper to yield to, and they declare that they do think the high Duties which are to remain on French Goods here, are sufficient to preserve the Trade to the Advantage of Great-Britain.

If I can make any Judgment of the present Dispute, it is, as near as can be, wholly Comprised in this Abridgment: I shall not enter here into any part of the Question, it being the business of a History of Trade, rather to Relate than Decide the Dispute. I am already Charg'd with being much farther Concern'd in the Difference than I really am; and I shall therefore avoid Disputing any thing here, but Impartially state the Question, and lay down the state of the several Duties and Prohibitions on both Sides, as they are now, while the Treaty is in Suspense and not made Effectual; and as they are to be, if the said Treaty is to take place; I shall afterward shew what the Difference is that will be between the former Duties before the War, and those, that if the Treaty take place, are to be the Settled Customs of the Trade; and then shall leave every Man, by the assistance of those helps, to make a Judgment for himself.

In order to this, and for the information of those who, tho' not Imediately Verst in the Entries Outwards and Inwards, or not so much Master of the Book of Rates as to know every thing without a farther Enquiry, are yet willing to know in Concise Terms, on what Foot the Trade now stands, and on what Foot it is to stand, that they may not, as most Men do, Dispute without Book, and talk rashly, giving their Judgment without any Knowledge of the matter.

I say, for the Information of such as these, I have subjoyned proper Tables of the several Duties on French Goods, as they now are, and as they are to be if the Treaty of Comerce takes place.

A Comparison of the Duties on French Goods to be Imported into Great-Britain, as they formerly stood in the time of King Charles II. as they now stand before the New Treaty of Commerce takes place, and as they are to be, if the said Treaty of Commerce is made Effectual by the Parliament.

Species and Duties Granted.

Gross Duty

Net Duty.

FRENCH WINES Fill'd up

12 Car. II. Old Subsidy,

4

10

0

8

10

0

Additional Duty,

4

—

—

2

15

6

18 Car. II. Coinage Duty,

0

10

—

0

10

0

8

—

—

7

15

0

1 Jac. II. Impost,

8

0

0

6

19

10

16

—

—

14

15

04

Since the Revolution, the following Duties are lay'd on over and above the other.

4 & 5 W. and M. addit. Impost,

8

0

0

7

10

0

7 & 8 Will. III. French Dusy,

25

0

0

25

0

0

1 Annae, Farther Subsidy,

4

10

0

4

10

0

2 & 3 Annae, ½ Subsidy,

1

10

0

1

10

0

3 & 4 Annae, ⅔ Subsidy,

3

—

0

3

—

0

48

0

0

56

6

4

Note, French Wines Unfill'd up, paid but 7l. 15s. 0 per Ton Duty at the end of Car. II.

King James having obtain'd the Impost Duty, the Wines paid at the end of his Reign, 14l. 14s. 10d. per Ton.

But a Ton of French Wine Fill'd up, Pays now before the New Treaty takes place, 56l. 5s. 4d.

12l. per Cent. aba•ed for Leakage.

They pay Unfill'd up, 53l. 9s. 6d. 3q.

Species & Duties Granted

Gross Duty

Net Duty

PORTUGAL WINES UNFILL'D up.

Old Subsidy

4

10

0

4

10

0

By the Same Laws as Rhenish

Addit. Duty

3

—

—

2

15

6

Cointge

0

10

1

0

10

0

Impost.

12

—

—

10

9

9¼

Furth. Subsidy

4

10

0

4

10

0

⅓ Subsidy

1

10

0

1

10

0

⅔ Subsidy

3

—

—

3

—

—

29

—

—

27

5

3¼

Note, The Duty of Spanish Wine in the Reign of the late King James the 2d, was (fill'd up) 18l. 5s. 3¼.

The Duty of Portugal Wines by the Account above is Now fill'd up, 27l. 3s. 4¼. Unfill'd, the Net Duty is 24l. 1s. 0¼.

The French being by the Treaty of Commerce to pay no higher Duty for their Goods, than are paid for Goods of the like quallity Imported from other Countries, the Duty their Wines are to pay if the Treaty of Commerce takes place, is to be the same as the Portugal Wines.

The next Article is the Brandy, of which there are but two Denominations at the Custom-house, (viz.) French Brandy, and Spanish Brandy: The French Brandy paid by the Old Subsidy, but 1l. 8s. per Ton Custom during the Reign of King Charles II. and King James II. and had no Impost or Additional Duty lay'd on, till the Excise and French Duty 7 and 8 William III.

The Duties on Brandy then from France and Spain, as they stand at this time are as follows.

Species & Duties Granted

Gross Duty

Net Duty.

FRENCH BRANDY Single.

12 Car. 2. Old Subsidy

1

10

0

1

8

6

18 Car. 2. Coinage.

1

—

—

1

—

—

7 & 8 W. 3. French Duty

30

—

—

30

—

—

1 Annae, further Subsidy

1

10

0

1

8

6

2 & 3 Annae, ⅓ Subsidy

0

10

0

0

9

6

3 & 4 Annae, ⅔ Subsidy

1

—

—

0

19

0

Customs

35

10

0

35

5

6

Excise

46

4

0

46

4

0

81

14

0

81

9

6

When Granted.

Names of the Duties.

Gross Duty.

Net Duty after Disco.

SPANISH BRANDY.

12 Car. 2.

Old Subsidy.

1

10

0

1

8

6

18 Car. 2.

Coinage.

1

0

0

1

0

0

1 Annoe

farth. Subsidy.

1

10

0

1

8

6

2 & 3 Ann. 3.

Subsidy.

0

10

0

0

9

6

3 & 4 Ann. ⅔.

Subsidy.

1

0

1

0

19

0

Customs.

5

10

0

3

5

6

Excise.

46

4

0

46

4

9

51

14

0

51

9

6

So that the French Brandy pays Now, the Treaty not being made Effectual, 81l. 9s. 6d. Single Brandy.

The Spanish Brandy pays Now, the Treaty not being made Effectual, 51l. 9s. 6d.

So that except any particular Article of the Bill of Commerce Explains it otherwise, the French Brandy, after the Treaty takes place, is to pay 51l. 9s. 6d.

Here follows the Calculation of the present Duties on Foreign Salt, which being not very different from one another, makes no great matter of Dispute now; the greatest part of the quantity of Foreign Salt used in Britain is used in Curing of Fish; and is Drawn back upon the Exportation of the said Fish.

When Granted.

Names of the Duties.

Gross Duty.

Neat Duty aft. Discoun

FRENCH SALT.

12 Car. 2.

Old Subsidy

1

0

0

0

19

0

4 & 5 W. & M

Add. Impost

5

0

0

4

13

9

2 & 8 W. 3.

French Duty

5

0

0

5

0

0

1 Annae

Farth. Subsidy

1

0

0

0

19

0

2 & 3 Annae

⅓ Subsidy

0

6

8

0

6

4

2 & 3 Annae

⅔ Subsidy

0

13

4

0

12

8

Customs.

13

0

0

12

10

9

Excise on 20 Wey of French Salt, which is

266

13

4

266

13

4

279

13

4

279

4

1

PORTUGAL SALT.

12 Car. 2.

Old Subsidy

1

6

8

1

5

4

4 & 5. W. & M.

Add. Subsidy

5

0

0

4

13

9

1 Annae

furth. Subsidy

1

6

8

1

5

4

2 & 3 Annae

⅓ Subydy

1

6

8

1

5

4

3 & 4 Annae

⅔ Subsidy

Customs

9

0

0

8

9

9

Excise.

266

13

4

266

13

4

Total

275

13

4

275

3

1

Note, The Calculation is made upon 20 Wey of Salt; but the Net Duty of one Wey is as follows:

French Salt 13 19 2½

Portugal Salt 13 15 2½

So that if the Treaty take place, the French Salt must pay but 13l. 15s. 2d. per Wey.

When Granted.

Names of the Duties.

Gross Duty.

Net Duty aft. Discount

FRENCH WROUGHT SILKS, except Allamodes.

per 20l.

per 20l.

12 Car. 2

Old Subsidy

2

9

8

1

18

0

Add. Duty,

1

0

0

0

0

0

4 & 9 W & M.

Add. Impost

10

0

0

4

0

4

7 & 8 W. 5.

French Duty

10

0

0

2

0

0

1 Annae

further Subsidy

2

0

0

2

0

0

2 & 3 Annae

⅓ Subsidy

0

13

0

0

13

4

3 & 4 Annae

⅔ Subsidy

1

6

8

1

6

8

27

0

0

25

11

7

DUTCH WROUGHT SILKs.

12 Car. 2.

Old Subsidy

2

0

0

8

18

0

Add. Duty

1

1

0

0

17

1

2 W. & M.

Old Impost.

4

9

0

3

15

0

4 & 5 W. & M.

Add. Impost

2

2

0

1

17

6

1 Annae

furth. Subsidy

2

0

0

0

12

8

2 & 3 Annae

⅓ Subsidy

0

13

5

0

12

8

3 & 4 Annae

⅔ Subsidy

1

6

1

1

5

4

13

0

0

12

3

7

Note, One Pound of French wrought Silk pays Net,

1l. 5s. 11d.

Dutch, 0 12s. 2d.

After the Treaty takes place, French Wrought Silks must pay as the Dutch per Pound, 1l. 12s. 11d.

When Granted

Names of the Duty.

Gross Duty

Net Duty aft. Discount

FRENCH ALAMODES,

per 20l.

per 20l.

By the same Laws as for other Wrought Silks

Old Subsidy

4

0

0

3

16

0

Addit. Duty

2

0

0

1

14

3

Add. Impost

20

0

0

18

15

0

French Duty

20

0

0

20

0

0

furth. Subsidy

4

0

0

3

16

0

⅓ Subsidy

1

6

8

1

5

4

⅔ Subsidy

1

6

8

2

10

8

54

0

0

51

17

3

DUTCH ALAMODES.

Old Subsidy

4

0

0

3

16

0

Addit. Duty

2

0

0

1

14

3

Old Impost

8

0

0

7

10

0

Addit. Impost

12

0

0

11

5

0

furth. Subsidy

4

0

0

3

16

0

⅓ Subsidy

1

6

8

1

5

4

⅔ Subsidy

2

13

4

2

10

8

34

0

0

31

17

3

Note, One Pound of French Alamodes pays Net,

2l. 11s. 10d. ½.

Dutch 1l. 11s. 10d. ½.

After the Treaty takes place, French Alamodes must pay as the Dutch, 1l. 11s. 10d. ½.

When Granted.

Names of the Duties.

Gross Duty

Net Duty aft. Discount

FRENCH VITRY CANVAS or Sail-Cloth.

per 120 Ells

per 120 Ells

12 Car. 3.

Old Subsidy

0

5

0

0

4

9

Addit. Duty

0

2

6

0

2

1½

4 & 5 W. & M.

Add. Impost

1

5

0

1

3

5½

7 & 8 W. 3.

French Duty

1

5

0

1

5

0

1 Annae

Furth. Subsidy

0

1

8

0

1

7

2 & 3 Annae

⅓ Subsidy

0

5

0

0

4

9

3

4

2

3

1

7¾

DUTCH HOLLAND DUCK or Sail-Cloth.

per 120 Ells

per 120 Ells

12 Car. 2.

Old Subsidy

0

5

0

0

4

9

Addit. Duty

0

2

0

0

2

1½

1 Annae

furth. Subsidy

0

5

0

0

4

9

2 & 3 Annae

⅓ Subsidy

0

1

8

0

1

7

4

14

2

0

13

2½

Note, French Vitry Canvas pays now for every 120 Ells, Net Duty, 3l. 1s. 7d. ¾.

Hollands Duck pays 13s. 2d. ½

The French, if the Treaty takes place, must pay as the Hollands Duck.

When Granted.

Names of the Duty.

Gross Duty

Net Duty aft. Discount

FRENCH DOWLAS.

per 106 Ells

per 106 Elli

12 Car. 2.

Old Subsidy

0

5

0

0

4

9

Addit. Duty

0

2

6

0

2

1½

4 & 5 W. & M.

Add. Import

1

5

0

1

3

5¼

7 & 8 W. 3.

French Duty

1

5

0

1

5

0

1 Annae

Fnrth. Subsidy

0

5

0

0

4

9

2 & 3 Annae

⅓ Subsidy

0

1

8

0

1

7

3

4

2

3

1

7¾

NARROW GERMANY LINEN.

per 106 Ells

per 106 Ells

12 Car. 2.

Old Subsidy

0

3

6 8/20

0

3

4¼

Addit. Impost.

0

1

9 4/02

0

1

6¼

2 W. & M.

Old Impost.

6

2

7 16/20

0

2

5¾

1 Annae

Farth. subsidy

0

3

6 8/20

0

3

4 •

2 & 3 Annae

⅓ Subsidy

0

1

2 3/20

0

1

1½

0

12

6 19/20

0

11

10

Note, French Dowlas pays now per Piece of 106 Ells, 3l. 1s. 7d. ¾

Norrow Germany Linen, 11s. 10d.

The French, if the Treaty takes place, must pay as the Narrow Germany Linen, only (viz.) 11s. 10d. per Piece of 106 Ells.

By these Tables of the Duties it may be observed, That as the Duties on the Goods from other Countries now are, so the Duties of the Goods of like quality from France are to be by the Treaty of Commerce, if the said Treaty takes place; and this is in pursuance of that part of the 9th Article of the Treaty, which provides, that no greater or heavier Duties be laid upon the French Goods, than is paid by other Nations for Goods of the like quality.

It is not the business of these Tracts, which according to their Title, are to be a History of Trade, not a Dispute about Trade; I say, it is not my business so much to Argue, as it is to Relate; and therefore I shall avoid the Dispute: But altho' I do avoid Debating, it seems necessary to state the Case upon which the Parties on either side are Debating so warmly, as it relates to the Levelling the Duties on the Importation of French Goods, to the same Rate which Goods of the like quality pay from other Countries.

This Debate relates chiefly to the Trade of Wine from Portugal, the Sum of which Case is as follows:

Before the war with France began, the Gross of our Importations of Wines was from France; neither was there any proportion between the quantities, as may appear by this brief Account,

Wines from France, in the Port of Lond.

Wines from Portugal, in the Port of Lond.

Anno

1686

12760 Ton

289 Ton

1687

15518 Ton

327 Ton

1688

14218 Ton

540 Ton

So that the Proportion, is about One to Fifty Eight; so much did the Importations of Wine from France, exceed the Importation of Wines from Portugal; as for the Wines from other Countries, they were not of the like kind, and therefore do not come into the Question.

All this while, altho' we had not so great an Export from England to Portugal as we have had since, yet we had a very great and extended Trade; the reason of the Encrease shall be examin'd by it self.

The Wine Trade was not only little in quantity, but the Duties paid for it were greater than the Duties on French Wine for some years, by a very considerable Sum, as will appear by the Custom-house.

The Trade to Portugal stood then, according to the following Scheme, in which the Encrease of it is also to be observed, the Reasons of that Encrease are very easie to be accounted for, and I must own, could not with any Truth, be suggested to arise from the Encrease of our Demand for their Wines, as shall be enquir'd afterward.

A Scheme of the Importation of Wine, from Portugal into England, for Twenty Seven Years, viz. from the Year 1686, to the Year 1712, inclusive.

Anno

Ton

1686

289

1687

327

1688

540

1689

579

1690

1115

1691

2963

1692

6052

1693

8200

1694

9454

1695

3983

1696

6668

1697

4774

1698

4051

1699

8703

1700

8287

1701

7408

1702

5926

1703

9267

1704

9927

1705

8450

1706

4637

1707

9006

1708

9633

1709

7666

1710

6712

1711

7555

1712

6703

While the Trade of France stood at a stay, by reason of a stated Prohibition during the War, the Portuguese found the Demand for their Wines encreased to a degree, that at first their whole Kingdom could not supply; but as the prospect of the War appeared likely to continue, and the Price the English gave for the Wines was very encouraging, the Vineyards encreased every year to a very great degree, so that the Portugal Produce of Wine rose from Five or Six Hundred Ton a year, to Seven or Eight Thousand, as may appear by the Import of the years since the War.

Yet it must be allowed on one side too in abatement of quantity, that there have been ways and means made use of to Import great quantities of French Wines under the denomination of Portuguese Wines; also the Galitia Wines were, during the prohibition of Trade with Spain, entred under the same Head; so that we are not to suppose all the Wines which are called Portuguese Wines in the Custom-house Books, to come really from Portugal.

It happened about the year 1703, that the King of Portugal being earnestly sollicited to break his Neutrality, and Joyn with the Confederates in the late War with France and Spain, the Confederates being willing almost upon any Terms to engage his Portuguese Majesty; the Portuguese, tho' willing to Engage, yet took that occasion to make such Conditions, as were particularly for the advantage of his Subjects in Matters of Trade, and more especially with relation to their Wines: They knew well enough that the demand for their Wines in England, was occasion'd only by the Prohibition aforesaid, which by the accident of the War, was lay'd upon French Wines; They knew also, that when ever the War came to a Conclusion, and that by a Peace with France, the Trade for the French Wines should be opened again in England, the Demand for the P••tugal Wine would fall off again, and the French Wine would be the Common Draft of the Nation.

To prevent this, they enter into a Treaty with Mr. Methuen the English Ambassador, for the keeping the Duties upon French Wine up to a certain height in England after a Peace, and that the Portugal Wine should always pay a certain proportion less than the French.

Mr. Methuen ventur'd to agree to this Treaty, and the Condition was, That the Portuguese should take off all Prohibitions from the English Woollen Clothes, and any other English Woollen Manufactures which were then Prohibited in Portugal; the Tenour of the said Treaty, as it is Translated in the Secretary's Offices here, is as follows: viz. "That Her Sacred Royal Majesty of Great-Britain may, in her own and the Name of her Successors, be obliged at all times so to admit into Britain the Wines made of the Portuguese Vineyards, that at no time whatever, whether there be Peace or War between the Kingdoms of Britain and France, any thing more may be demanded for the said Wines, under the name of Duty or Customs, or any other Title whatever, directly or indirectly, than what the Third Part of the Duty or Customs being deducted, shall be demanded from an equal Quantity or Measure of French Wine, whither those Wines shall be Imported into Great-Britain, by Hogsheads, or Barrels, or any other Vessels; but if this Abatement of Customs, as is presumed to be made, shall be after any manner prejudiced or Abolished, it shall be Just and Lawful for his Sacred Royal Majesty of Portugal, AGAIN to forbid the Woollen Cloaths, and the rest of the British Woollen Manufactures."

This is the Occasion of the warm Disputes among our Parties at this time, of which, without determining one way or other, or any way embarking these Tracts in that Dispute, I shall give an Impartial Abstract, relating, as fairly as I can, the state of the Question, and what either Party alledge for themselves in their Defence of, or Objections against this Treaty.

The opposers of the Treaty of Commerce with France say, This is a fair, a just, and a reasonable Treaty; That it is Sign'd, Ratified, and Exchang'd with the King of Portugal, and ought to be kept Sacred. Whereas on the other hand, they say, the Treaty of Commerce with France, without any regard to the Stipulations of this Treaty, and taking no manner of notice of it, has effectually destroyed and overthrown it, by agreeing to Reduce the Duties on French Wines to an Equallity with the Wines of like quality from other Countries, which by consequence includes the Portugal Wines which are of like quality with the French, and that therefore the Portugal Treaty is thereby actually broken, the Faith and Honour of the British Nation depreciated and forfeited, and that the Consequence of it will be, that the Portuguese will prohibit our Woollen Manufactures, nay, perhaps our whole Trade: Nay, some go farther, and alledge, that the Peace with Pottugal is actually broken by this Infraction, and that our Trade to Portugal, which is so Considerable and so Advantageous, will be entirely lost.

I believe the Gentlemen cannot say, but that I have done justice to their Allegations, and given their Objections their full length, and I hope they will allow me to do the like on the other Side.

The Advocates for the Treaty of Commerce alledge, First, That the Trade to Portugal stands upon other Foundarions, that the Treaty of Commerce with France will have very little Influence upon it one way or other; That it is true, the Importation of Wine from Portugal will lessen, tho' it is apparent that Importation will be greater many ways than ever it was before: But that our Exportation of Woollen Manufactures to Portugal was ever very great, even before the War, when the Portugal Wines made no figure at all in the Trade, and were not in all above 2 or 300 Ton in a Year; That the Encrease of the Portugal Trade in these late years, did not take its rise from our Demand of their Wines, and consequently will not feel any sensible decay or decrease, tho' we were never to take any more Wine of them.

They farther alledge, That the Portugal Wines will not be so greatly run down by the French Wine as was formerly, the humour of our Nation running all upon strong Wines for these several years; so that it is observeable, that no French Wines are now in esteem but the Rich high-priz'd Clarets, Puntacks, and such like; That the price of their strongest French Wines is always high, and their quantity but small; That the Portugal Wine will be bought at least Ten or Twelve Pound per Ton Cheaper than those Rich French Wines, and will be always wanted to make the Smaller French Wines Stronger, and the Pale French Wine Deeper, as was always the Case when the Trade was open, on occasion of a bad Vintage in France; That altho' the Treaty with France does not preserve the Inequality of the Duty between the Portugal and the French Wine, so as to give the Advantage to the first, as was designed by the Portuguese; yet that the Inequality of the Price will always be an equivalent to it, the Portugal Wines being never bought at above 12l. per Ton, one with another; whereas these say, that the other Party have Printed, that the French Wine shall always Cost 25l. per Ton in France after the Peace.

Thus far they argue as to the Trade: As to the justice of Breaking the Treaty with Portugal, that is a Case by it self; the People who are for the French Commerce, answer that part, by falling upon the Treaty it self, and upon the People that made it; They say, it is a Treaty Inconsistent with the Constitution of Britain in its nature, and therefore is not to be kept, but is void of Course, and by the Consequence of things; That he who made it, had he not been gone to answer it in another World, ought to have answer'd for it at the Bar of the House of Lords, and ought to have been Impeached of High Treason.

They alledge that this Treaty Limits the Parliament of Great-Britain by the Prerogative of the Crown, stipulating, That the Parliament shall not lay on any higher Duties than such and such mentioned in that Article, Pretending that a private Transaction of a Minister or Ambassador shall be binding, and and Consequently Superiour to the Parliament; and that it is in the Power of an Ambassador to tell the Parliament what Taxes they shall not Lay, and by the same Rule may tell them what they shall Lay, which is a Power destructive to the Being and Nature of Parliaments, and cannot be done; That the Parliament has alone the Power to Determin what Duties shall, or shall not, be Lay'd upon the Exportations and Importations of Merchandizes, as well as upon any other things, and no Invasion, that shall be made, or attempted to be made, upon that Power, can be binding to the People of England; that on this Account, it cannot be any Injustice, or any Illegal Act for the Parliament to confirm any other Treaty, which shall Contravene or Rescind that Treaty.

Again, they add, That the Treaty carries, in the Body of it, an express Supposition, That the Parliament may see Reason to Contravene, Break, or Rescind it, and therefore makes Provision for such an Incident in a Clause, which determins what it shall be Lawful for the King of Portugal to do, if the said Treaty should be broken.

This they alledge also, amounts to an Express Stipulation, That the Breach of this Traty, shall not be esteem'd a Breach of the Peace between Great-Britain and Portugal; for that when it says particularly, what it shall be Lawful for the King of Portugal to do upon such a Breach, it strongly implies, That it shall not be Lawful for him to take any other measures in that Case, or carry his Resentment any farther than to the Prohibition of such and such Goods, as were Prohibited before.

Another Debate arises also from this supposed Infraction of the Portugal Treaty, by the new Treaty of Commerce with France, (viz.) That one Party alledges, That it is expresly said, in case the English do not perform their part, it shall be Lawful for the King of Portugal to Prohibit the Woollen Cloth, caeteris{que} Lanificia, and the rest of the British Woollen Manufactures.

The Advocates for the Treaty Object, That tho' it is true, that the Words of the Treaty do express it, in that manner, caeteris{que} Lanificia; yet that the Word Rursus Again, explains the meaning of it, That it shall be Lawful for the King of Portugal, Again to Prohibit, can signify nothing of the British Woollen Manufactures, but what was Prohibited before.

Then it remains to examine, what British Woollen Manufactures were Prohibited before. One side affirms, that no more were formerly Prohibited, but the English Woollen Cloths, and challenges the other to name, what other Woollen Manufactures were Prohibited, which indeed they have not done, contenting themselves to affirm, that there were other Woollen Manufactures Prohibited in Portugal, without saying what they were.

The Truth of this Case, is indeed, something different, from what either Party pretend to. There were indeed several Pragmaticks, as the Portuguese call them, Published, as I take it, in the Years 1688, 1692, and 1697, and in other Years, which were made to prevent the People of Portugal running into the new Fashions, and change of Habits, according to the Customs of France and Britain; in order to which, I say those Pragmaticks were made to forbid, not the Importing only, but wearing any of the medly or mixt Cloths of Great-Britain, or any other Country.

Whether the Words, caeteris{que} Lanificia, were in those Pragmaticks or no, does not appear; neither have any side Quoted, Copied, or Translated, either, or any of those Pragmaticks, to shew whether it was or not. On the other hand, it is certain, that the Portuguese did never refuse to admit the Importation of any of our Woollen Manufactures into Portugal, upon any pretence whatsoever, except the said Medly Cloths; and this, I think, without being partial to either side, I may take for an Assurance, that they were not Prohibited.

Upon the whole, the Nature of the Trade between England and Portugal is such, that altho' this Breach of the Clause should happen, yet it does not seem, that the Circumstances of the Portuguese, would at all admit them to prohibit Commerce with England, or to Prohibit the Woollen Manufactures in general, as some People suggest, and that on several Accounts; I shall name but three, as I said before, because I shall not make these Tracts, which are design'd to be Historical chiefly, meddle at all with the Controversy on either side.

- 1. Because tho' we may not take off so great a quantity of their Wines as we did before, yet that we should still take off a very great quantity, and which it would be very well worth their while to dispose of.

- 2. That England is the only Market they have in the World, not for their Wines only, but for the other capital Produce of their Country, such as Oil and Fruit, which if they should Prohibit a Trade with us, they could by no means find a vent for in any other Nation; the Dutch taking off but very few of them, and the French none at all.

- 3. That they are not able to carry on their Trade to Brasils, which is now encreased to such a prodigious Degree, as from Eighteen or Twenty Two Sail of Ships to a Hundred and Forty Sail, neither without our Manufactures, or without the stocks of our Merchants, who sell the greatest part of their Goods, to the Portuguese Merchants, to be paid at the return of the Fleet from the Brasils.

Upon the whole, I think however warm they are on both Sides in that part of the Quarrel, they Err in this, That they represent the English Trade to be much more at the Mercy of the Portuguese than it really is; or than consists with the Honour and Reputation of the British Trade to have it be.

If our Manufactures were not necessary to the Portuguese, they could not be induced to take off such a very great quantity yearly as they do, by the Argument of our taking off their Wines; for the utmost value of the Wines being not above Seventy or Eighty Thousand Pounds per Annum, and the Export of our Woollen Manufactures amounting, as some say, to Eight Hundred Thousand, and as others, to a Million of Pounds Sterling a year to Portugal, they would never make the taking off of Eight Hundred Thousand Pounds in Wines, which is our part, be the Cause of their taking off a Million from us, which is their part, and pay the Nine Hundred and Twenty Thousand Pound in Specie to procure it; this, I say, does not seem rational.

But the true state of the Portugal Trade stands thus: Upon the late Treaty with Portugal, their King perceiving that by our prohibiting the Importation of French Wine, our demand for his Country Wines was mightily encreased, and that the Profit to his Subjects was exceeding Great, by Planting more Vineyards, and Encreasing the Vallue of the Lands, and by Consequence of his Revenue; and likewise foreseeing, that when-ever the French Trade should be opened again, that Demand for Portugal Wines would fall again, Contriv'd to bring the English into a Treaty of Inequallity of Custom, in favour of his Wines against the French, one third part, as by the Article quoted already appears; the Equivalent for this Favour was the taking off the Prohibition upon our Woollen Mixt Cloth, as aforesaid; but it does by no means stand with the Circumstances of the King of Portugal's Subjects, or the Nature of their Commerce, that if this Article cannot be preserv'd, he should stop a Commerce, by which all the rest of the Produce of his Country should be carried off and consum'd; this would ruin the whole Commerce of his Kingdom, and be ten fold more Disadvantage to him one way, than it would be Advantage to him another.

Again, the quantity of Portugal Wines Imported hither, take them one year with another, have been about Seven Thousand Ton a year; this cannot be entirely sunk, and I believe, if all was to happen that can happen by the Treaty, there cannot be less Imported into England, than one half of that quantity, the People being, as was noted above, enclin'd so much to strong Wines, that the French Trade cannot fully Answer their demand, and all the small thin Wines of Anjou, and the Banks of Loir, will now, probably, be little worth; so that the Portugal Wines cannot be supposed to sink above one half; or suppose it may be about Four Thousand Ton, which is Forty Thousand Pound per Annum, at Ten Pound per Ton, which Ten Pound per Ton in time of Peace, and open Trade, will be the top of the Market. Now it does not seem rational to me, I say, to Me, for I speak my private Opinion, That the King of Portugal should quarrel with England, Prohibit our Trade, put a stop to a current Demand of a Million per Annum Import, which pays him a very great Revenue, put a stop to the Consumption of all the other Growth of his Country which we take off, such as Oil, Shumack, Figs, Salt, Fruit, &c. and the Salt excepted, no Nation but the English can take those Goods off, and all this for want of our taking Forty Thousand Pounds worth of Wine.

Add to this, That by this Method he would hinder the English taking off the remaining quantity of Wines also, which would be very considerable, and by the Calculation above, amounts to Forty Thousand Pounds more; and so thro' us, quite out of the Channel of Port Wine, which, as it is now, the Draft will not easily be altered, and the Advantage of the Consumption is so much the Interest of the Portuguese to preserve, that no one can suppose they would be so weak, as to throw it away, without sufficient Ground.

For these Reasons, I cannot see room to think, That suppose the worst, nay, supposing all the Consequences which People fear as to the French Trade interfering with the Portuguese; yet it not does seem reasonable to think, that the Portuguese will Prohibit any part of the English Trade, much less the whole British Trade, of which I shall speak hereafter.

In this posture, the State of the Dispute seems to stand, and as every one is left to determine in favour of those who they approve most; so I shall not engage against one Side or other, but Modestly and Calmly give my Thoughts upon the whole.

It were to be wish'd, that Party and Passion were left out of these Debates. Our Trade is an Essential Article, upon which the Felicity of the Nation very much depends, and which must many ways receive an injury by these Obstructions; nay, the very Debating these things, awakens the Enemies of our Commerce, and lets them into some parts of the Dispute, which they should rather be Ignorant of than know: For Example,

- 1. While one Paper makes a very great stir, and lays a vast Weight upon the French falling upon our Manufactures, publishes how easie it is for them to get away all our Trade, how they Work Cheaper, and perform their Work as well as the English, and that they are able, not only to supply themselves, but all the rest of the World, nay, that they could come in upon us, and Under-sell us at our own Doors; while they do thus, I say, they do an irreparable Injury to their own Country.

- 2. On the other hand, While the opposite Paper publishes, the great Advantages of our Nation in the Treaty, over the French, and how it is in our hands, to make the French Trade be to the Gain of the English Nation so many Thousand Pounds a Year. This is alarming the French, and telling them we have made Fools of them in the Treaty, by which we set them to Work to retrieve it by all possible Methods; and perhaps, at last, to find some shift to get out of the Noose, and turn the Advantage against us; things they are very dexterous in doing.

To descend a little farther in these Particulars, and Discourse them Impartially, without Reflecting either on one Party or another, It is my Judgment, that the Extremes on both these Sides, are very destructive at this time to the General Interest of Trade in Britain.

There is no question to be made, but the preserving the Woollen Manufacture in Britain, to be, as it ever was since we were first Masters of it, OUR OWN, Exclusive of all other Nations in the World, is our great Concern, our true Interest, and is what the Wealth and Prosperity of this Nation really depends upon.

There is no question to be made, but every Nation round us, who are capable to make any Progress in such an Attempt, will endeavour as much as in them lies, to imitate us, in a thing so prodigiously Gainful: The Dutch do it, the Flemmings have always done it, and the French have been now above Seventy Year, making gradual steps in it.

What indefatigable, restless Industry, what Severe Application, what all possible Encouragement from their Government, what their own necessity, which is the Spring of Invention, is able to do: This is not wanting, nor has been wanting in France, during the long Reign of the most Politick and Potent Prince France ever knew, and they do all a Nation in their Circumstances can do, to come to a Perfection in the Woollen Manufactures.

But they Labour under insuperable Difficulties, and struggle with invincible Obstacles, which smother the Flame of their Industry, (viz.) the want of Wooll; this is the main Case, and as Nature has it not, the Soil, the Clime does not produce it, they, by consequence, cannot have it, but by the supply from us; nor are they wanting in their Application to get the Wooll from us, in Ireland, in Scotland, and in England, they Rummage, every Creek, and every Corner, run all Risques, Buy, Bribe, Fetch and Carry, do all that desperate Dilligence can do to get our Wooll, and too much Success they have in their endeavour.

But when all is done that can be done, the Wooll they get cannot be a quantity suitable to the Demand, or sufficient to carry on a National Manufacture; and also it must be dearer by much than our Manufacturers have it at Home; the Expence, the Hazard, the Hands employ'd, the Freights, the Losses, all go into the Price of that which arives, and is made use of; then the Carriage when Landed, for Conveying it to Remote Places; this all adds to the Price, and is a damp upon the Manufactures, which it is not possible to avoid, and which must necessarily give the great Advantage to our People, who have the Wooll at their own Doors.

I cannot doubt, but our Government, may in time find out some better Method, than is yet put in practice, for the restraining this Export of Wooll, and for the putting a check upon the French Manufactures the most sensible way; for nothing is more evedent, than that if the English Wooll were effectually kept at Home, the French could never go on with their Manufacturing to any considerable degree, and the Government cannot but think it for the publick Service to have all possible assistance to that purpose.

It is not the Business of this Tract, to enquire, what are the especial Grievances of this Article, and why a Nation, to whose Interest it is so essential to prevent the Exportation of their Wooll, should at the same time have the Laws for that purpose so ill Executed, as that in almost every part of the Kingdom the Wooll is carried Abroad, not with allowance, we cannot say that, but with an open Violence, and even sometimes by Force and Blood, several Murthers, Fightings, and Breakings of the Peace, having hapned upon this Occasion in many Parts: As if the French were come to that pass, either of Insolence in Dealing with us, or necessity of their own Side, that they were resolved to fetch away our Wooll by Force; to this end they make little Descents and Invasions upon us, such I may rightly call them, for the carrying off our Wooll, Arm'd either with Money to draw, or Weapons to drive those, who, in Discharge of their Duty and Office, appear to oppose them. This is so well known, that I need not enter into Particulars, or enquire, where, when, and in what manner it is done.

It is sufficient to say by way of Complaint, That the Exportation of Wooll from Her Majesty's Dominions is now so great, that unless some speedy method be taken to redress this Grievance, and to put a stop to it, we may soon shake hands with our Foreign Trade, and see our Neighbours rivalling our Manufactures in a manner, which otherwise they could not hope to do.

There are four Vents by which our Wooll is now Unhappily carried out of the Country, (viz.) 1. Rumney-Marsh, &c. on the Coast of Kent and Sussex, which has been the Place made famous for many Years for that Wicked Trade, and where it was carried on, even during all the late War, with a Correspondence, like that of a Neutrality, as if the Inhabitants of Normandy and Kent had made a Cessation, or were two Neutral Nations, not concern'd in the War on either side; and as in the time of War, that corrupt Commerce was carried on, tho' not to so great a Degree as formerly, so much more now the Peace is made, is it renewed to a Degree equal to whatever it was before the War.

Next to this, is the Coast of Lincolnshire, where the Dutch, as in the other parts, the French, practice the same thing, and have done so for a long time, tho' never with so Open and Bare-fac'd a Confederacy as they do now, and where the French Boats have found the way to share with the Dutch, as a Coast, altho' farther off from their own, yet where they are not in Danger of the Cruisers and Custom-House Vessels, who are employ'd on the Coast of Sussex, on purpose to seize them at Sea.

But here, as soon as the said Wooll is on Board, they are Safe, and bending their Course directly over for Holland, they keep along that Shore to Flanders and France, as they see Occasion.

I may in time, enter upon a more particular Enquiry into this part of that Corrupt Trade, and how it is managed on Shore, to the Enriching a few private Men, but to the Impoverishing the Nation; and which, if it be not prevented, will, in a few Years, make a visible Alteration in the Face of our Trade.

The next Outlet for our Wooll has been in Scotland: Before the Union of the two Kingdoms, the Exportation of their Wooll was free and allowed by their Law; and albeit, their own Wooll was not so much desired in France, as being too Coarse for their Manufactures; yet they found a great Market for it in several parts of France, for their meaner sort of Goods. But this was not all, as the Border of Scotland, adjoyning to England, was extended a great way from Berwick to Calisle, for above Sixty Miles, it was not possible to keep the Passages so well guarded, but that great quantities of English Wooll were frequently, and almost daily, carried in Horse Packs, by private ways into Scotland: In this Work they were generally so well attended, that altho' it was often discovered, by the Officers, yet they could not, without more assistance seize upon it; and before such assistance could be procur'd, the Drivers of the Wooll, would get their Horses over the Border, when the Officers, altho' they stood in view, had no more Power to act; so that by this means the quantity of English Wooll Exported into Scotland, and from thence into France, was very great, nor was there any way to prevent it.

After the Union, the same Laws of Trade taking place in both Countries, the Wooll could no more be Exported from Scotland but by Stealth: But the Laws of that kind being very difficult to be Executed in Scotland, by Reason of the innumerable Number of Creeks and Coves along that Coast, the small Number of Officers, their remote Stations from one another, their small Salaries, little Encouragement, and the easyness of carrying the Wooll unsuspected to the Sea Coast; the Exportation of Wooll, is now carried on in that Country to an extravagant Degree, and it is not easy to prevent the same.

The last Article of this kind is Ireland, and here indeed, Wooll, seems to be one of the Principle Commodities of the Country. They Export it to France, not as if it was Prohibited, but rather as if it was the allowed Traffick of the Place: Whole Ships are Freighted with it, they are known when at Sea, by their being so light in their Loading; and our Sailors say to one another as they pass them at Sea, There goes an Irish OƲLER.

This is farther Demonstrable, from the strange Change that is made in the Face of the Irish Trade, (viz.) That whereas they crowded in their Wooll so fast upon us in England, that our People complain'd of the Glut of Irish Wooll, and that it sunk the Price of our own Wooll, which for want of a Trade, lay much on our Hand; now for these two Years past, the case is quite changed, and the Irish Wooll is not to be had for Money.

What can be the Reason of this? We know the quantity is not Diminshed, nor is the Trade Encreased, that Ireland can Manufacture it at Home, and so cannot spare it for Exportation, that would be good news for Ireland; but the Truth of the Case is what I am upon above, viz. That the quantity goes off another way, the Channel is turn'd, they have a Secret Vent to France, and there goes away the Wooll.

No Man need seek any farther for a Reason why, or an Account how, the French came to be Arrived at so great a Perfection in our Manufactures, and to make such great quantities as it is said they do; here is the true Reason, and till this be prevented, it will never be otherwise; whereas, if the stream of Wooll were stopt from Britain and Ireland, which are the Fountains, the French would never be in any Condition to do us any considerable Damage of that kind; for they really have not the Materials, they have not Wooll, neither can any part of the World supply them.

The next Tract of this Kind, shall enquire farther into this part of Trade, and make some Essay at a Method to prevent, at least lessen, the Exportation of our Wooll, so as that the French shall not be able to break in upon our Trade; and then if the new Treaty of Commerce does really, as its Defenders alledge, open the Door of Trade, by taking off the Impositions upon the English Woollen Manufactures in France, it may be a means to recover our Trade in France, and render all the Attempts of Manufacturing in France, A¦bortive and Ineffectual.

FINIS.

A General History OF TRADE, AND Especially Consider'd as it Respects THE British Commerce: In which an Attempt is made to State, and Moderate the present Disputes, about Settling a Commerce between Great-Britain and France.

This for the Month of SEPTEMBER

LONDON: Printed for J. Baker, at the Black-Boy in Pater-Noster-Row, 1713. Price 6d.

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A General history of trade: and especially consider'd as it respects the British commerce, as well at home, as to all parts of the world. With essays upon the improvement of our trade in particular.

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http://ota.ox.ac.uk/id/3543

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1106005422

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9781106005427

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CW3305435960

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— A General history of trade: and especially consider'd as it respects the British commerce, as well at home, as to all parts of the world. With essays upon the improvement of our trade in particular., Defoe, Daniel, attributed name. 1661?-1731,. 4 v. : ; 8⁰. Monthly [This for the month of June. 1713]-This for the month of September. [1713]. London [England] :: printed for J. Baker, at the Black-Boy in Pater-Noster-Row,. 1713.. [Anonymous. Attributed to Daniel Defoe.] [Title repeated as caption on first page of text.] [Imprint includes year of publicaiton.] [Note below title: "To be continued monthly".] [Price below imprint.] [Issues paginated and signed separately.] [Reproduction of original from the Bodleian Library (Oxford).] [Reproduction of original from the British Library.] [Hanson, 1799] [Moore, 260] [NCBEL, II:1294] [Times handlist, p. 37] [Crane & Kaye, 263] [Goldsmith's lib. cat., 37441] [McLeod, W. and V. Graphical directory of serials, p. 17] [Furbank, P. and Owens, W. Bibliography of Daniel Defoe, 154] [Sabin, 26884] [English Short Title Catalog, ESTCP208.] [All issues lack numerical designation.] [First issue lacks chronological designation; dated from imprint.] [No more published.] [Electronic data. Farmington Hills, Mich. : Thomson Gale, 2003. Page image (PNG). Digitized image of the microfilm version produced in Woodbridge, CT by Research Publications, 1982-2002 (later known as Primary Source Microfilm, an imprint of the Gale Group).]

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